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COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 
AND    MEDIAEVAL    DOCUMENTS 


COMMENTARY  TO  THE 

GERMANIC  LAWS  AND 
MEDIAEVAL  DOCUMENTS 


By  LEO  WIENER 

PROFESSOR  OP  SLAVIC  LANGUAGES  AND  LITERATURES 
AT  HARVARD  UNIVERSITY 


CAMBRIDGE 

HARVARD  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 

LONDON:   HUMPHREY   MILFORD 

OXFORD    UNIVERSITY    PRESS 

1915 


COPYRIGHT,    1915,    BY   HARVARD   UNIVERSITY    PRESS 
ALL   RIGHTS   RESERVED 


CO 

CO 

04 

->,  TO 

§  ABBOTT  LAWRENCE  LOWELL 

PRESIDENT   OF   HARVARD    UNIVERSITY 

WHO   HAS  ENCOURAGED  ME   IN 
MY  LABOR  OF  RESEARCH 

THIS   VOLUME    IS   GRATEFULLY 
DEDICATED 


CQ 


O 
O 


PEEFACE 

Several  years  ago  the  study  of  the  private  and  public 
documents  of  the  Middle  Ages,  which  I  consulted  for  the 
etymology  of  difficult  words,  revealed  to  me  a  strange  fact : 
the  vast  majority  of  words  treated  by  the  Germanic,  Ro- 
mance, and  Slavic  philologists  had  been  studied  with  an 
utter  disregard  of  documentary  evidence.  At  every  turn  the 
facts  belied  the  scientific  deductions.  Neither  chronology 
nor  phonetics  were  approximately  correct  in  any  given  case. 
The  starred  forms  never  corresponded  to  the  real  variants  in 
the  earliest  recorded  documents.  The  semantic  history  of 
the  words  was  not  even  attempted,  or,  if  it  was,  it  rarely  hit 
upon  the  attested  evolution  of  the  meaning. 

Puzzled  by  this  obvious  discrepancy,  I  passed  more  than 
five  years  in  analyzing  and  excerpting  all  the  accessible  docu- 
ments, to  the  number  of  250,000  or  more,  from  the  earliest 
times  of  the  Roman  Empire  to  the  year  1300.  When  I  finally 
arranged  my  material,  and,  in  the  light  of  the  facts  thus  dis- 
covered studied  the  Germanic  laws  and  everything  that  had 
been  written  on  the  subject,  I  was  shocked  to  find  that  hardly 
a  historical  fact,  hardly  a  law,  had  been  ascertained  in  con- 
nection with  the  morphological  and  semantic  development  of 
intrinsic  words.  If  the  historian  had  to  deal  with  a  difficult 
word,  he  consulted  the  etymological  dictionaries,  and  if  the 
etymologist  needed  a  historic  fact  in  order  to  explain  the 
meaning  of  a  word,  he  consulted  a  historian.  Thus  there  was 
created  a  vicious  circle  which  produced  Germanic,  Romance, 
and  Slavic  philology. 

It  was  clear  that  the  whole  science  of  modern  philology 
needed  revision.  I  published  a  few  of  my  discoveries  in  the 


viii  PREFACE 

Zeitschriftfiir  romanische  Philologie,  but  I  held  back  an  enor- 
mous number  of  far  more  important  results,  because  I  was 
at  every  turn  non-plussed  by  the  fact  that  words  which  from 
the  study  of  the  documents  could  not  possibly  have  existed 
before  the  sixth  or  seventh  century,  invariably  turned  up 
in  the  Gothic  vocabulary.  I  was  chagrined,  because  the  facts 
were  obviously  contradictory.  It  never  occurred  to  me  that 
the  Gibraltar  of  Germanic  philology,  the  Gothic  language, 
stood  on  a  foundation  of  sand. 

After  writing  and  rewriting  some  of  my  articles  half  a 
dozen  times,  in  order  to  harmonise  the  contradictions,  I 
finally  turned  in  despair  to  a  microscopic  study  of  the  Gothic 
language.  To  my  great  surprise  I  found  that  there  was  not 
a  single  fact  which  could  be  construed  as  a  proof  that  the 
Gothic  documents,  as  we  possess  them,  were  written  in  the 
fourth  century  by  Ulfilas.  It  soon  turned  out  that  the  pa- 
laeographic  proof  was  flimsy  and  that  the  subject  matter 
of  the  Skeireins  could  not  have  been  composed  before  the 
ninth  century.  What  had  been  assumed  to  be  an  Arian  tract 
was  nothing  more  than  an  anti-Adoptionist  pamphlet,  identi- 
cal in  every  particular,  in  some  cases  even  with  the  very 
phrasing,  of  Alcuin's  writings. 

With  this  difficulty  removed,  my  studies  assumed  an  en- 
tirely new  aspect.  Every  evidence,  every  document,  every 
law  had  to  be  subjected  to  a  new  investigation.  In  the  present 
volume  I  give  but  a  very  small  part  of  my  material.  The 
second  volume  will  discuss  the  more  than  two  hundred  words 
of  Arabic  origin  in  the  Gothic  Bible  and  in  all  the  Germanic 
languages.  I  will  also  show  that  the  Naples  and  Arezzo 
Gothic  documents  are  late  eighth  century  forgeries,  that  Jor- 
danes  has  come  down  to  us  in  manuscripts  interpolated  about 
the  same  time,  that  Germanic  mythology  is  of  a  literary 
Gothic  origin,  based  on  Arabic  sources,  and  that  no  literary 
documents  in  Anglo-Saxon,  Norse,  and  Old  High  German 


PREFACE  ix 

exist  which  do  not  show  the  influence  of  the  Arabicised 
Gothic  language. 

Before  closing,  I  must  publicly  give  my  thanks  to  all  those 
in  the  Harvard  Library  who  have  for  years  patiently  aided 
me  in  getting  and  collating  books,  a  task  which  was  particu- 
larly irksome  on  account  of  the  dispersion  of  the  books  in 
various  buildings.  The  work  which  I  have  done  would  have 
been  an  utter  impossibility  in  any  other  library  in  the  world. 
The  enormous  mass  of  books  consulted,  sometimes  in  one 
day,  could  not  have  been  brought  together  elsewhere  in 
years.  It  would  have  taken  the  lifetime  of  more  than  one 
man  merely  to  discover  the  books  which  the  access  to  the 
marvelously  arranged  shelves  in  the  Harvard  Library  has 
disclosed  to  me  day  after  day.  My  deepest  thanks  are  due 
to  my  colleague,  Professor  A.  C.  Coolidge,  who  as  director 
of  the  Library  has  assisted  my  labors  in  a  most  substantial 
manner.  I  needed  only  to  complain  of  the  absence  of  a  cer- 
tain category  of  books,  and  they  were  procured  through  his 
more  than  official  interest.  Complete  sets  of  Statuti,  Fueros, 
Coutumiers,  the  Codex  Diplomaticus  Hungariae,  and  other 
extremely  rare  and  expensive  works  were  supplied  to  me  as 
if  by  magic.  My  thanks  are  also  due  to  Dr.  F.  W.  C.  Lieder, 
who  has  patiently  read  the  proof,  and  to  Mr.  Phillips 
Barry,  who  has  worked  out  the  Index  to  this  volume. 


SOURCES  OF  DOCUMENTARY 
EVIDENCE  QUOTED 

Achery,  Luc  d'  Spicilegium   sive   collectio  veterum   aliquot   scrip- 

toram,  3  vols.,  Paris  1723. 
Acta  Sanctorum  quotquot  toto  orbe  coluntur,  Antverpiae  1643-1910. 
Alcimi  Ecdicii  Aviti  Epistulae,  in  Migne,  vol.  lix. 
Alianelli,  N.  Delle  antiche  consuetudini  e  leggi  maritime  delle 

provincie  napolitane,  Napoli  1871. 
Archiv  fur  Urkundenforschung,  edited  by  K.  Brandi,  etc.,  Leipzig  1907- 
Archives  de  Bretagne,  Nantes  1883- 
Archives  historiques  du  Poiton,  Poitiers  1872- 
Archivio  della  r.  Societa  romana  di  storia  patria,  Roma  1878- 
Archivio  storico  italiano,  Roma,  1842- 
Arnold,  W.  Ansiedlungen  und  Wanderungen  deutscher  Stamme, 

Marburg  1875. 
Atti  del  Reale  istituto  veneto,  Venezia  1865- 


Balari  y  Jovany,  J. 
Baluze,  E. 
Basilica. 
Baudouin,  E. 
Berganza,  F.  de. 
Berger,  A. 

Bernard,  A. 
Bernard,  A.,  and  Bruel, 
Bibliotheque  de  l'Ecole 
Blume,  Lachmann  and 

Rudorff. 
Booking,  E. 
Bonaini,  F. 

Bonazzi,  G. 

Bouquet,  M. 

Bourrienne,  V. 

Brisson,  B. 


Origenes  historicas  de  Catalufia,  Barcelona  1899.     • 

Miscellanea,  7  vols.,  Paris  1678-1715. 

See  Heimbach. 

Les  grands  domaines  dans  l'empire  romain,  Paris  1 899. 

Antiguedades  de  Espafia,  2  vols.,  Madrid  1719-21. 

Die  Strafklauseln  in  den  Papyrusurkunden,  Leipzig 
und  Berlin  1911. 

Cartulaire  de  l'abbaye  de  Savigny,  Paris  1853. 
A.  Recueil  des  chartes  de  l'abbaye deCluny,  Paris  1876- 
des  chartes,  1839- 

Die  Schriften  der  romischen  Feldmesser,  Berlin  1852. 

Notitia  dignitatum,  Bonnae  1839-1853. 

Statuti  inediti  della  citta  di   Pisa  dal   xu  al  xiv 

secolo,  3  vols.,  Firenze  1854-70. 
II  Condaghe  di  San  Pietro  di  Silki,  testo  logudorese 

inedito  dei  secoli  xi-xiii,  Sassari-Cagliari  1900. 
Recueil  des  historiens  des  Gaules  et  de  la  France, 

1869-80. 
Antiquus  cartularius  ecclesiae  Baiocensis,  2  vols., 

Rouen,  Paris  1902-3. 
De   formulis   et   solennibus  populi     romani   verbis 

libri  via,  Halae  et  Lipsiae  1731. 
De  verborum  quae  ad    jus  pertinent  significatione 

libre  xix,  Lipsiae  1721. 


xii        SOURCES   OF   DOCUMENTARY   EVIDENCE 

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1806-33. 
Bruns,  K.  G.  Fontes  iuris  romani  antiqui,  7th  ed.,  2  vols.,  Tubin- 

gae  1909. 
Brutails,  J.  A.  Etude  sur  la  condition  des  populations  rurales  du 

Roussilon  au  moyen  age,  Paris  1891. 
Bry,  M.  J.  Essai  sur  la  vente  dans  le  papyrus  greco-egyptiens, 

Paris  1909. 
Budmani,  P.  Rjecnik  hrvatskoga  jezika,  Zagrab  1880-1910. 

Bullettino  dell'  istituto  storico  italiano,  Roma  1S86- 

Camera,  M.  Memorie  storico-diplornatiche  dell'  antica  citta  e 

ducato  d'Amalfi,  2  vols.,  Salerno  1876-81. 
Capasso,  B.  Monumenta  ad  neapolitani  ducatus  historiam  per- 

tinentia,  2  vols.,  Napoli  1881-92. 
Capmany  y  de  Mont-        Memorias   historicas  sobre  la  marina,  comercio  y 
palau,  A.  de  artes  de  la  antigua  ciudad  de  Barcelona,  4  vols., 

Madrid  1779-92. 
Cassiodorus.  Variae,  see  MGH.,  Auctores  antiquiores. 

Cazauran,  J.  M.  Cartulaire  de  Berdoues,  La  Haye  1905. 

Ceruti,  A.  Statuta  communitatis    Novariae  anno   1277    lata, 

Novariae  1879. 
Chambure,  E.  de.  Glossaire  du  Morvan,  Paris,  Autun  1878. 

Chartes  de  l'eglise  de  Valpuesta,  in  Revue  hispanique,  vol.  vn. 
Chevalier,  C.  U.  J.  Cartulaire  de  l'abbaye   de   Saint-Andr6-le-Bas   de 

Vienne,  Lyon  1869. 
Chartularium  Ecclesiae  Petri  de  Burgo  Valentiae, 

1869. 
Chevin.  Dictionnaire  latin-francais  des  noms  propres  des 

lieux,  Paris  1897. 
Cipolla,  C.  Monumenta  novaliciensia  vetustiora,  2  vols.,  Roma 

1898-1901. 
Clergeac,  L'abbe.  Cartulaire  de  l'abbaye  de  Gimont,  Paris,  Auch  1905. 

Close  Rolls,  Henry  III,  vol.  3. 

Codex  diplomaticus  cavensis,  ed.  by  M.  Morcaldi  etc.,  8  vols.,  Neapoli  1873-93. 
Codex  diplomaticus  Cremonae,  in  HPM. 
Codex  diplomaticus  Majoris  Poloniae,  Poznaniae,  1877-1908. 
Codex  diplomaticus  Sardiniae,  in  HPM. 
Codex  Justinianus. 
Codex  Theodosianus  cum  perpetuis  commentariis  Jacobi  Gothofredi,  ed.  J. 

D.  Ritter,  6  vols.,  Lipsiae  1736-45. 
Codice  diplomatico  barese,  8  vols.,  Bari  1897- 
Codice  diplomatico  padovano  dal  secolo  sesto  a  tutto  l'undecimo,  ed.  by  A. 

Gloria,  Venezia  1877. 
Collecci6n  de  documentos  para  el  estudio  de  la  historia  de  Aragon,  Zaragoza 

1904- 
Constitutiones  Regni  Siciliae,  ed.  by  Todaro  della  Galia,  Palermo  1887. 
Corpus  glossariorum  latinorum,  ed.  by  G.  Goetz,  Lipsiae  1888- 
Cortes  de  los  antiguos  reinos  de  Aragon  y  de  Valencia,  Madrid  1896. 


SOURCES   OF   DOCUMENTARY    EVIDENCE        xiii 


Cortes  de  los  antiguos  reinos  de  Leon  y  de  Castilla,  Madrid  1861- 

Crum,  W.  E.  Catalogue  of  Coptic  Manuscripts  in  the  Collection 

of  the  John  Rylands  Library,  Manchester  1909. 
Cusa,  S.  I  diplomi  greci  ed  arabi  di  Sicilia,  Palermo  1868-81. 


Dahn,  F. 

Daremberg,  Ch.  and 

Saglio,  E. 
Dareste,  Haussoulier, 

Reinach. 
Davidsohn,  R. 

Deloche,  M. 
Desimoni,  C. 

Devic,  C,  and  Vais- 

sete,  J. 
Digby,  K.  E. 

Douais,  C. 
Ducange. 


Earle,  J. 

Engelbrecht,  A. 
Erman,  H. 

Ernault,  E. 
Escalona,  R. 
Espafia  eagrada. 


Die    Konige  der    Germanen,    12   vols.,    Munchen 

1861-1909. 
Dictionnaire  des  antiquites   grecques  et  romaines, 

Paris  1873- 
Recueil  des  inscriptions  juridiques  grecques,  Paris 

1895. 
Forschungen  zur  alteren  Geschichte  von  Florenz, 

Berlin  1896. 
Cartulaire  de  l'abbaye  de  Beaulieu,  Paris  1859. 
Statuto  dei  padri  del  comune  della  repubblica  geno- 

vese,  Genova  1885. 
Histoire    generate  de    Languedoc,   vols,   n  and  v, 

Toulouse  1872-1893. 
Introduction  to  the  History  of  Real  Property,  Ox- 
ford 1884. 
Cartulairede  l'abbaye  Saint-Sernin  de  Toulouse  1887. 
Glossarium  ad  scriptores  mediae  et  infimae  grae- 

citatis,  2  vols.,  Lugduni  1688. 
Glossarium  mediae  et  infimae  latinitatis,  ed.  Leopold 

Favre,  Niort  1883-87. 

A  Handbook  to  the  Land-charters  and  other  Saxonic 
Documents,  Oxford  1888. 

Claudiani  Mamerti  Opera,  Vindobonae  1885. 

Conceptio  formularum  in  factum,  in  Zeitschrift  fur 
Savignystiftung,  Romanistische  Abth.,  vol.  xix. 

Glossaire  moyen-breton,  Paris  1895. 

Historia del  real  monasterio  de  Sahagun,  Madrid  1782. 

Theatro  geographico-historico  de  la  iglesia  de  Es- 
pana, ed.  by  H.  Florez,  etc.,  51  vols.,  Madrid  1747- 
1879. 


Fantuzzi,  M.  Monumenti  ravennati  de'  secoli  di  mezzo,  6  vols., 

Venezia  1801-04. 
F6rotin,  M.  Recueil  des  chartes  de  l'abbaye  de  Silos,  Paris  1897. 

Ficker,  J.  Urkunden  zur  Reichs-  und  Rechtsgeschichte  Italiens, 

Innsbruck  1874. 
Forstemann,  E.  Altdeutsches  Namenbuch,  2nd  ed.,  2  vols.,  Bonn 

1900. 
Frati,  L.  Statuti  di  Bologna  dall'  anno  1245-1267,  3  vols., 

Bologna  1869-77. 
Friedlander,  L.  Darstellungen  aus  der  Sittengeschichte  Roms,  8th 

ed.,  Leipzig  1910. 
Fueros  y  observancias  del  Reyno  de  Aragon,  Zaragoza  1667. 


xiv       SOURCES   OF   DOCUMENTARY   EVIDENCE 

Gallia  Christiana  in  provincias  ecclesiasticas  distributa,  ed.  by  Denis  de  Sainte 

Marthe,  etc. 
Gattola,  E.  Historia  abbatiae  cassinensis  per  saeculorum  seriem 

distributa,  2  vols.,  Venetiis  1733. 
Girard,  H.  Textes  de  droit  romain,  4.  ed.,  Paris  1913. 

Giry,  A.  Les  6tablissements  de  Rouen,  Paris  1885. 

Giulini,  G.  Memorie  spettanti  al  governo  ed  alia  descrizione 

della  citta  e  campagna  di  Milano  ne'  secoli  bassi, 

vol.  vn,  Milano  1854-57. 
Godefroy.  Dictionnaire  de  l'ancienne  langue  francaise,  Paris 

1881-1902. 
Graff,  E.  G.  Althochdeutscher    Sprachschatz,    6    vols.,    Berlin 

1834-42. 
Gregorius  I.  Registri,  in  MGH.,  Epistolae. 

Gregorius  Turonensis.        Historia  Francorum,  in  MGH.,  Scrip,  rer.  merov. 
Gromatici  veteres,  see  Lachmann. 

Guerard,  B.  Cartulaire  de  l'abbaye  de  Saint- Victor  de   Mar- 

seille, 2  vols.,  Paris  1857. 
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age,  Paris  1902. 


Haign6r6,  D. 
Haillant,  H. 

Hanel,  J.  J. 

Heimbach,  K.  W.  E. 
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Kern,  H. 
Horn,  P. 

HPM. 


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1893. 
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vols,  i  and  vi,  Chartae,  1836-53. 
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Benito,  Madrid  1874. 


SOURCES   OF   DOCUMENTARY    EVIDENCE         xv 


Jal,  A. 
Jokl,  N. 


Jones,  W.,  and  Ma- 
cray,  D. 


Kenyon,  F.  G. 
Krammer,  M. 


Lachmann,  C,  and 

Rudorff. 
Lalore,  CH. 

Lami,  G. 


Lasteyrie,  R.  de. 
Lauer,  Ph.,  and  Sa- 

maran,  Ch. 
Laurent,  J. 

Lecrivain,  C. 

Leicht,  P.  S. 

Lelong,  E. 

Les  Olim  ou  registres 

Levy,  E. 

Lex  .... 

Lex  salica. 
Liebermann,  F. 
Lupi,  C. 

Lupi,  M. 

Luschin  von  Eben 
greuth. 


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bildung,  in  Sitzb.  d.  k.  Akad.  d.  Wiss.  in  Wien, 

1911. 
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of  the  Cathedral,  City,  and  Diocese  of  Salisbury, 

London  1891. 

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Mansi,  G.  D. 
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Mariano,  Arigita  y 

Lasa. 
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Coleccion  de  documentos  ineditos  para  la  historia 

de  Navarra,  Pamplona  1900. 
I  papiri  diplomatici,  Roma  1805. 
Veterum  scriptorum  et  monumentorum  collectio,  9 

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xvi       SOURCES   OF   DOCUMENTARY   EVIDENCE 


Thesaurus  novus  anecdotorum,  Lutetiae  Parisiorum 

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Metais,  Ch. 
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Histoire  analytique  et  chronologique  des  actes  et 

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Migliore,  F.  L.  del. 
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Moisy,  H. 
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SOURCES   OF  DOCUMENTARY   EVIDENCE      xvii 


Morice,  P.  H. 

Miiller,  G. 

Munoz  y  Romero,  T. 

Muratori,  L.  A. 

Musset,  G. 

Odorici,  F. 
Osio,  L. 

Pansa,  E. 
Pardessus,  J.  M. 
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Giorgi  and  U.  Balzini,  3  vols.,  Roma  1879-88. 
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Coleccion  de  fueros  municipales  y  cartas  de  las 

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Storie  bresciane  dai  primi  tempi  sino  all'  eta  nos- 
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xviii     SOURCES   OF   DOCUMENTARY   EVIDENCE 


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Sacy,  S.  de. 
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I  diplomi  di  Berengario  I,  Roma  1903. 

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I  diplomi  di  Lodovico  III  e  di  Rodolfo  II,  Roma  1910. 
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Statuta  Lucensis  civitatis  1539. 
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Statuti  del  comune  di  Vicenza,  mcclxiv,  Venezia  1886. 
Steinmeyer  and  Althochdeutsche  Glossen. 

Sievers. 


Urkunden  zur  altera  Handels-  und  Staatsgeschichte 
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Coutumiers  de  Normandie,  Rouen,  Paris  1896. 

Monuments  historiques,  2  vols.,  Paris  1866. 

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Layettes  du  Tresor  des  chartes,  5  vols.,  Paris  1863- 
1909. 


Tafel,  G.  L.  F.  and 

Thomas,  G.  M. 
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Vendome  1892. 
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dam 1900. 


SOURCES   OF  DOCUMENTARY   EVIDENCE 


XIX 


Valsecchi,  A. 
Van  Drival,  E. 

Vari,  R. 

Vignati,  C. 
Villanueva,  J. 


Waitz,  G. 
Warnkoenig  L.  A. 

(Gheldolf). 
Wartmann,  H. 

Wilcken,  U. 

Winnefeld,  H. 
Wright,  Th. 

Yepes,  A.  de. 


Zdekauer,  L. 
Zeumer,  K. 


Gli  statuti  di  Albenga,  Albenga  1885. 

Cartulaire  de  l'abbaye  de  Saint-Vaast  d' Arras,  Arras 

1875. 
Incerti  scriptoris    byzantini  saeculi  x  liber  de  re 

militari,  Lipsiae  1901. 
Codice  diplomatico  laudense,  Milano  1879. 
Viage  literario  a  las  iglesias  de  Espafia,  22  vols., 

Madrid  1806-52,  1902. 

Deutsche  Verfassungsgeschichte,  2nd  ed. 
Histoire  de  la  Flandre,  Paris  1S35-64. 

Urkundenbuch  der  Abtei  Sanct  Gallen,   5  vols., 

Zurich  1863-1913. 
Griechische    Ostraka  aus  Aegypten  und    Nubien, 

Leipzig,  Berlin  1899. 
Sortes  sangallenses,  Bonnae  1889. 
Anglo-Saxon  and  Old  English  Vocabularies. 

Coronica  general  de  la  orden  de  San  Benito,  Pa- 
triarca  de  Religiosos,  1609-1621. 

Statutum  potestatis  comunis    Pistorii,    Mediolani 
m  1888. 

Uber  zwei  neuentdeckte  westgothische  Gesetze,  in 
Neues  Archiv,  vol.  xxm. 


CONTENTS 


INTRODUCTION     I.  INDIAN   PARALLELS  ...         xxiii 

II.  THE   GOTHIC   BIBLE       ....    xxxiii 

SOCIO  FISCO 1 

DUCENARIUS 21 

SCULCA 40 

HOMOLOGUS 52 

EX  SQUALIDO  AND  VASTA 77 

ARBUSTUM   VITATUM 109 

FREDUM,   FAIDA 142 

TESTIBUS   IDONEIS 165 

QUOVIS  GENIO 173 

FEUDUM 182 

ALLEGATUM 191 

WORD    INDEX 199 

SUBJECT   INDEX 214 


INTRODUCTION 
I 

INDIAN  PARALLELS 

Probably  no  fallacy  has  done  more  harm  to  historical  and 
linguistical  science  than  the  assumption  that  biological  evolu- 
tion is  physically  operative  in  the  field  of  human  actions, 
that  mental  processes  and  moral  changes  are  subject  to  grad- 
ual and  imperceptible  transformations,  that  no  amount  of 
external  influence  can  more  than  bend  the  original  type  of  a 
civilisation,  and  so  forth.  Without  denying  the  interaction 
of  physical  laws  in  the  realm  of  reason,  every  student  of  his- 
tory must  realise  that  human  society  has  frequently  pro- 
gressed by  sudden  and  utterly  unforeseeable  jumps.  The 
Hungarians  passed  from  a  Nomadic  to  an  agricultural  life, 
with  a  stable  and  permanent  government,  in  an  incredibly 
short  time.  The  Mandingo  and  Woloff  Negroes  have  in 
Anglo-Saxon  countries  become  thoroughly  Anglo-Saxon 
linguistically,  with  hardly  a  trace  of  their  native  dialects, 
still  spoken  by  the  slaves  a  century  or  two  ago.  The  amal- 
gamation of  heterogeneous  peoples  in  the  United  States  is 
not  only  complete  intellectually,  but  late  investigations  go  to 
show  that  even  the  cranial  structure  of  the  second  generation 
is  in  America  violently  changed  in  the  direction  of  an  Ameri- 
can type. 

Regardless  of  such  obvious  phenomena,  the  number  of 
which  may  be  indefinitely  increased,  Germanic  scholars  have 
proceeded  from  the  theory  that  the  sudden  appearance  of  the 
Teutons  on  the  political  scene  in  the  fifth  century,  their 
activity  in  establishing  law  and  order,  which  followed  their 


xxiv  INTRODUCTION 

settlement  in  the  conquered  territories,  their  agricultural 
habits,  which  they  evinced  from  the  start,  were  all  indicative 
of  a  long,  fairly  uniform  civil  existence  of  those  nations  which 
Caesar  and  Tacitus  knew  only  as  German  barbarians.  On 
this  theory  a  proto-Germanic  civilisation  has  been  postulated, 
and  its  continuance  has  been  proved  from  documents  fol- 
lowing the  migration  of  the  nations  down  to  Carolingian 
times  and  even  later,  although  all  these  documents  are  com- 
piled in  the  Latin  language  and  betray  the  Roman  notarial 
attitude  towards  legal  and  social  institutions. 

In  the  following  pages  I  shall  study  these  documents  in  the 
light  of  the  Roman  law,  here  I  will  analyse  only  the  analo- 
gous case  of  the  American  Indians,  where  deductions  from 
documents  and  conditions  are  controllable  by  contemporary 
evidence  from  other  sources,  in  order  to  test  the  reliability  of 
the  method  pursued  by  scholars  in  the  case  of  the  early  his- 
tory of  the  Germanic  nations. 

The  description  which  Caesar  and  Tacitus  give  of  the 
semi-nomadic  Germans  almost  fits  that  which  one  might 
have  given  of  the  Indians  of  North  America,  when  the  White 
settlers  first  set  foot  there.  Like  the  Germans,  they  lived  on 
the  produce  of  the  chase,  occasionally  cultivating  corn  fields 
with  no  determined  boundaries,  knew  no  landed  property, 
were  constantly  engaged  in  warfare,  carrying  their  families 
with  them  in  their  raiding  expeditions,  lived  in  flimsy  struc- 
tures, covered  their  bodies  with  animal  skins.  Some  of  the 
Indians,  the  Five  Nations,  had  formed  an  alliance  similar  to 
the  Ingvaeonian  union  of  the  northern  Germans,  and,  as  the 
bravery,  simplicity,  hospitality  of  the  Germans  has  been 
praised  by  Tacitus,  so  the  Indians  have  had  their  panegyr- 
ists. Like  the  comitatus  of  the  Teutonic  princeps  were  the 
companies  of  the  Indian  braves  about  their  chiefs,  with  whom 
they  took  counsel ;  and,  though  possessing  no  definite  organ- 
isations, the  various  tribes  of  the  Indians  had  their  separate 


INTRODUCTION  xxv 

"spheres  of  influence"  in  their  hunting  grounds,  not  unlike 
the  territorial  divisions  ascribed  to  the  early  Germans.  But 
it  is  the  Cherokees,  relatives  of  the  Iroquois  Nations,  and 
the  Chickasaws  and  Choctaws,  of  the  Muskohegan  family, 
that  bear  the  most  striking  resemblance  to  the  Teutons  of 
the  period  of  accomplished  migrations.  I  shall  confine  my- 
self chiefly  to  the  history  of  the  Cherokees. 

When  the  White  man  set  foot  in  North  America,  the  Chero- 
kees dwelt  in  the  region  of  the  Blue  Ridge,  but  at  an  earlier 
time  they  are  supposed  to  have  lived  as  Mound  Builders  in 
the  Ohio  Valley.  "His  blood  of  his  ancestors,  as  well  as  his 
enemies,  could  be  trailed  from  the  Hiwassee  to  the  Ohio. 
The  trophies  of  his  skill  and  valor  adorned  the  sides  of  his 
wigwam  and  furnished  the  theme  for  his  boastful  oratory  and 
song  around  the  council  fire  and  at  the  dance.  His  wants 
were  few  and  purely  of  a  physical  nature.  His  life  was  de- 
voted to  the  work  of  securing  a  sufficiency  of  food  and  the 
punishment  of  his  enemies.  His  reputation  among  his  fellow 
men  was  proportioned  to  the  skill  with  which  he  could  draw 
his  bow,  his  cleverness  and  agility  in  their  simple  athletic 
sports,  or  the  keen  and  tireless  manner  that  characterized 
his  pursuit  of  an  enemy's  trail.  His  life  was  simple,  his  wants 
were  easily  supplied  and,  in  consequence,  the  largest  meas- 
ure of  his  existence  was  spent  in  indolence  and  frivolous 
amusements.  Such  proportion  of  the  family  food  as  the  chase 
did  not  supply  was  found  in  the  cultivation  of  Indian  corn."  * 

At  the  period  of  the  English  settlement  of  the  Carolinas, 
the  Cherokees  occupied  parts  of  these  regions  and  also  of 
what  now  are  West  Virginia  and  Kentucky.  From  1721  on, 
there  were  frequently  made  between  them  and  the  English 
government  treaties,  by  which  their  boundaries  were  shifted 
and  generally  contracted.  Similar  treaties  were  made  with 

1  Chas.  C.  Royce,  The  Cherokee  Nation  of  Indians,  in  Annual  Report  of  Bu- 
reau of  American  Ethnology,  1883-4,  p.  371  /. 


xxvi  INTRODUCTION 

the  government  of  the  United  States,  resulting  in  similar 
diminutions  of  their  territory.  In  1816  it  was  proposed  to 
make  a  tender  of  their  whole  territory  to  the  United  States 
in  exchange  for  lands  on  the  Arkansas  River,  whither  a  por- 
tion of  the  Cherokees  moved  in  1818.  In  1825  a  report  was 
submitted  to  the  War  Department  of  the  United  States, 
showing  that  "  numberless  herds  of  cattle  grazed  upon  their 
extensive  plains;  horses  were  numerous;  many  and  extensive 
flocks  of  sheep,  goats,  and  swine  covered  the  hills  and  the 
valleys  .  .  .  the  soil  of  the  valleys  and  plains  was  rich,  and 
was  utilized  in  the  production  of  corn,  tobacco,  cotton, 
wheat,  oats,  indigo,  and  potatoes;  considerable  trade  was 
carried  on  with  the  neighboring  States,  much  cotton  being 
exported  in  boats  of  their  own  to  New  Orleans;  apple  and 
peach  orchards  were  quite  common,  much  attention  was 
paid  to  the  cultivation  of  gardens;  butter  and  cheese  of  their 
own  manufacture  were  seen  upon  many  of  their  tables;  pub- 
lic roads  were  numerous  in  the  Nation  and  supplied  at  con- 
venient distances  with  houses  of  entertainment  kept  by  the 
Nation;  many  and  flourishing  villages  dotted  the  country; 
cotton  and  woolen  cloths  were  manufactured  by  the  women 
and  home-made  blankets  were  very  common;  almost  every 
family  grew  sufficient  cotton  for  its  own  consumption ;  indus- 
try and  commercial  enterprise  were  extending  themselves 
throughout  the  Nation,  nearly  all  the  merchants  were  na- 
tive Cherokees."  2  By  the  treaty  of  1828  their  territory  on 
the  Arkansas  River  was  determined  to  be  seven  million  acres 
in  extent,  various  grants  of  money  were  given  them,  one  of 
$500  to  George  Guess,  the  discoverer  of  the  Cherokee  alpha- 
bet, and  the  "United  States  agreed  to  furnish  the  Cherokees, 
when  they  desired  it,  a  system  of  plain  laws  and  to  survey 
their  lands  for  individual  allotment."  2 

1  Chas.  C.  Royce,  The  Cherokee  Nation  of  Indians,  in  Annual  Report  of  Bu- 
reau of  American  Ethnology,  18S3-4,  p.  240.  2  Ibid.,  p.  230. 


INTRODUCTION  xxvii 

The  Cherokees  had  as  early  as  1810  abolished  clans  and 
"in  1820  the  Nation  was  reorganized,  and  by  a  resolve  of  its 
National  Council,  divided  into  eight  districts,  each  of  which 
had  the  privilege  of  sending  four  members  to  the  legislature. 
The  pay  of  the  members  was  established  at  one  dollar  per 
day,  that  of  the  speaker  being  fixed  at  one  and  a  half  dollars, 
and  the  principal  chiefs  were  to  receive  $150  a  year.  Some 
of  their  principal  laws  and  regulations  were :  a  prohibition  of 
spirituous  liquor  being  brought  into  the  nation  by  white  men. 
If  a  white  man  took  a  Cherokee  wife,  he  must  marry  her 
according  to  their  laws;  but  her  property  was  not  affected 
by  such  union.  No  man  was  allowed  but  one  wife.  A  judge, 
marshal,  sheriff  and  deputy,  and  two  constables  were  com- 
missioned in  each  district.  Embezzlement,  intercepting  and 
opening  sealed  letters  was  punished  by  a  fine  of  $100  and 
100  lashes  on  the  bare  back.  No  business  was  allowed  on 
Sunday;  and  the  fences  were  regulated  by  statute.  They 
also  had  a  statute  of  limitations,  which,  however,  did  not 
affect  notes  or  settled  accounts.  A  will  was  valid,  if  found  on 
the  decease  of  its  maker  to  have  been  written  by  him,  and 
witnessed  by  two  creditable  persons.  A  man  leaving  no  will, 
all  his  children  shared  equal,  and  his  wife  as  one  of  them;  if 
he  left  no  children,  then  the  widow  to  have  a  fourth  part  of 
all  the  property;  the  other  three  fourths  to  go  to  his  nearest 
relatives.  And  so  if  the  wife  died,  leaving  property.  Before 
the  division  of  the  nation  into  districts,  and  the  appointment 
of  the  above-named  civil  officers,  there  was  an  organized 
company  of  light-horse,  which  executed  the  orders  of  the 
chiefs,  searched  out  offenders,  and  brought  them  to  justice. 
It  was  a  fundamental  law,  that  no  land  should  be  sold  to  the 
white  people  without  the  authority  of  a  majority  of  the  na- 
tion. Transgressors  of  this  law  were  punished  with  death."  x 

It  is  obvious  that  the  ideas  expressed  by  the  words  "mar- 

1  G.  E.  Foster,  Literature  of  the  Cherokees,  Ithaca,  N.Y.,  1889,  p.  36/. 


xxviii  INTRODUCTION 

shal,  sheriff,  deputy,  constable,  letters,  pecuniary  fine,  Sun- 
day, fences,  statute,  limitation,  will,  light-horse"  were  first 
obtained  from  the  White  man  and  that  all  these  laws  were 
fashioned  after  those  of  their  civilised  neighbors,  but  some  of 
them  are  so  transformed  as  to  appear  at  first  sight  to  repre- 
sent an  Indian  tradition.  Thus  the  formation  of  an  organised 
company  of  horse  to  execute  the  orders  of  the  chiefs,  which 
is  amazingly  like  the  organisation  of  the  Burgundian  wit- 
tiscalci,  the  Salic  trustis  dominica,  is  in  reality  nothing  more 
than  an  attempt  at  carrying  out  the  laws  of  the  Whites 
among  lawless  Indians.  In  fact,  it  can  be  shown  that  the 
organisation  of  this  light-horse  emanated  from  the  govern- 
ment of  the  United  States,  for  in  a  treaty  between  the  Choc- 
taws  and  the  United  States  of  1820  we  read,  "To  enable  the 
Mingoes,  Chiefs,  and  head  men,  of  the  Choctaw  Nation,  to 
raise  and  organize  a  corps  of  light  horse,  consisting  of  ten  in 
each  district,  so  that  good  order  may  be  maintained,  and 
that  all  men,  both  White  and  Red,  may  be  compelled  to  pay 
their  debts,  it  is  stipulated  and  agreed,  that  the  sum  of  two 
hundred  dollars  shall  be  appropriated  by  the  United  States, 
for  each  district,  annually,  and  placed  in  the  hands  of  the 
agent,  to  pay  the  expenses  incurred  in  raising  and  establish- 
ing said  corps;  which  is  to  act  as  executive  officers,  in  main- 
taining good  order,  and  compelling  bad  men  to  remove  from 
the  Nation,  who  are  not  authorized  to  live  in  it  by  a  regular 
permit  from  the  agent."  1 

As  soon  as  proper  officers  were  substituted,  the  institution 
fell  into  desuetude,  and  there  is  no  further  mention  of  this 
in  the  laws.  The  establishment  of  the  principal  chief,  which 
at  first  thought  would  appear  as  a  continuation  or  develop- 
ment of  the  Indian  sachem  and  might  lead  to  a  comparison 
with  the  evolution  of  royalty  from  the  German  chiefs,  a  fact 

1  H.  B.  Cushman,  History  of  the  Choctaw,  Chickasaw  and  Natchez  Indians, 
Greenville,  Texas,  1889,  p.  117. 


INTRODUCTION  xxix 

which  is  actually  assumed  by  German  scholars,  has  nothing 
whatsoever  to  do  with  the  Indian  dignity  but  the  name.  In 
the  Chickasaw  laws1  the  chief  magistrate  is  styled  "the 
Governor  of  the  Chickasaw  Nation,"  and  the  yearly  salary 
paid  to  the  Cherokee  Principal  Chief  and  his  tenure  of  office 
by  popular  election  show  conclusively  that  we  are  dealing 
here  with  an  institution  of  the  Whites.  So,  too,  the  name 
of  Principal  Chief  is  due  to  the  conceit  of  the  White  Amer- 
icans, who  have  as  lavishly  conferred  this  appellation  on 
the  Red  man's  leaders,  as  Tacitus  has  that  of  princeps  on  the 
more  prominent  Germans. 

In  the  Constitution  of  the  Cherokee  Nation2  passed  in 
1839  there  are  still  more  startling  resemblances  to  "proto- 
Germanic"  conditions.  "The  lands  of  the  Cherokee  Nation 
shall  remain  common  property,  but  the  improvements  made 
thereon,  and  in  the  possession  of  the  citizens  of  the  Nation, 
are  the  exclusive  and  indefeasible  property  of  the  citizens 
respectively  who  made,  or  may  rightfully  be  in  possession  of 
them:  Provided,  that  the  citizens  of  the  Nation  possessing 
exclusive  and  indefeasible  right  to  their  improvements,  as 
expressed  in  this  article,  shall  possess  no  right  or  power  to 
dispose  of  their  improvements,  in  any  manner  whatever,  to 
the  United  States,  individual  States,  or  to  individual  citizens 
thereof."  3  This  is  precisely  like  the  Burgundian  law  accord- 
ing to  which  no  property  could  be  sold  to  a  foreigner.4  In 
either  case  the  weakly  developed  sense  of  individual  owner- 
ship and  the  strong  desire  to  preserve  nationality  intact  led 

1  Constitution,  Treaties  and  Laws  of  the  Chickasaw  Nation,  Atoka,  I.T.,  1890, 
p.  11. 

2  Constitution  and  Laws  of  the  Cherokee  Nation,  St.  Louis,  1875. 

3  Ibid.,  p.  9. 

_  4  "Hoc  etiam  interdictum,  ut  quisque,  habens  alibi  terram,  vendendi  neces- 
sitatem  habet,  in  comparandum,  quod  Burgundio  venale  habet,  nullus  ex- 
traneus  Romano  hospiti  praeponatur,  nee  extraneo  per  quodlibet  argumen- 
tum  terram  liceat  comparare,"  Monumenta  Germaniae  historica,  Leg.  sec.  I, 
vol.  ii  \  p.  107. 


xxx  INTRODUCTION 

to  the  enactment  of  laws  of  self-preservation,  which  in  a  very 
few  generations  became  inoperative  through  adaptation  to 
surroundings.  In  neither  case  can  we  predicate  a  continu- 
ance of  a  communistic  system  previous  to  a  contact  with  a 
new  civilisation.  The  Indians  and  the  proto-Germans  had 
no  conception  of  and  no  need  for  "common  property,"  for 
the  reason  that  land  did  not  present  to  them  the  idea  of  pos- 
session, but  merely  acted  as  a  background  on  which  to  exert 
their  activities.  We  have  no  evidence  that  they  actually 
worked  the  land  in  common,  in  some  such  way  as  did  the 
Peruvians.  We  only  know  that  they  had  no  idea  of  distinct 
divisions  of  land,  even  as  Tacitus  spoke  of  such  absence  of 
boundaries  among  the  Germans.  The  attempt  occasionally 
made  by  scholars  to  accuse  Tacitus  of  a  mistake  of  judgment 
in  this  and  to  postulate  a  communistic  state  seems  futile  in  con- 
nection with  what  we  actually  know  of  the  Indians  previous 
to  their  enactment  of  the  above  apparently  communistic  law. 
"In  all  elections  by  the  people,  the  electors  shall  vote  viva 
voce.  All  free  male  citizens,  who  shall  have  attained  to  the 
age  of  eighteen  years,  shall  be  equally  entitled  to  vote  at  all 
public  elections." x  The  same  law  holds  among  the  Chicka- 
saws,2  except  that  majority  is  reached  at  nineteen  years. 
The  Indian,  like  all  primitive  races,  considers  the  young  man 
to  be  mature  at  an  earlier  age  than  among  civilised  people, 
and  a  viva  voce  election  is  imperative  among  a  tribe  consist- 
ing chiefly  of  illiterates.  Neither  fact  entitles  one  to  the  con- 
clusion that  it  is  based  on  a  popular  method  of  election,  for 
the  reason  that  no  elections  existed  among  the  Indians,  even 
though  they  possessed  a  National  Council  and  deliberated 
matters  in  common.  The  viva  voce  vote  is  of  the  same  kind 
as  the  verbal  wills  which,  by  an  act  of  1876  of  the  Chickasaw 
Nation,  were  valid,  if  made  in  presence  of  two  witnesses.3 
The  late  date  alone  of  this  enactment  shows  that  we  have 

,    x  Cherokee  Constitution,  p.  12.     2  Chickasaw  Constitution,  p.  6.     3  Ibid,  p.  57. 


INTRODUCTION  xxxi 

here  no  continuance  of  an  old  custom  of  Indians,  who  had  no 
use  for  wills. 

It  is  also  interesting  to  note  that,  like  the  Germans,  the 
Cherokees  and  Chickasaws  passed  stringent  laws  against  the 
cutting  down  of  fruit-bearing  trees.  "Every  person  who  shall 
wilfully  cut  down,  kill  or  destroy  any  pecan,  walnut,  hickory 
or  other  fruit  or  nut-bearing  tree,  standing  and  growing  upon 
the  public  domain  of  the  Cherokee  Nation,  or  shall  cut  down 
for  the  nuts  or  fruit  thereof,  shall  be  deemed  guilty  of  a  mis- 
demeanor." *  Here,  again,  there  is  no  reference  to  an  Indian 
custom,  but  merely  the  result  of  a  new  source  of  income  from 
the  abundant  nut-bearing  trees  of  the  lately  acquired  do- 
main. This  law  was  incorporated  in  1874  in  the  Cherokee 
New  Code  of  Laws  and  only  two  years  later  passed  as  an 
Act  of  the  Chickasaw  Nation.  This  Act  is  as  modern  and  as 
unrelated  to  the  past  as  another  Act  of  the  Chickasaws  of  the 
same  year  establishing  a  Female  Seminary  into  which  no 
students  shall  enter  "  until  they  can  read  well  in  McGuffey's 
Fifth  Reader," 2  a  statement  which  a  millennium  hence  will 
give  the  historian  food  for  reflection  and  theorising. 

I  have  carefully  selected  all  the  laws  which  distinctly 
differ  from  those  of  the  United  States  and  which  to  the  unin- 
itiated would  seem  as  an  inheritance  from  the  Indian  past, 
and  have  shown  that  in  no  way  do  they  permit  of  such  inter- 
pretation. There  is  but  one  single  statement  in  the  Chicka- 
saw laws  which  seems  to  give  an  indication  of  a  previous  cus- 
tom, and  that  is  the  one  which  refers  to  polygamy.  "Neither 
polygamy  nor  concubinage  shall  be  tolerated  in  this  Nation, 
from  and  after  the  adoption  of  this  Constitution,"  3  but  as 
this  Act  of  1867  is  repeated  in  1876  as  an  Act  to  prohibit 
polygamy  "from  and  after  the  passage  of  this  Act,"  there 
arises  a  doubt  as  to  whether  we  really  have  here  an  Indian 

1  Cherokee  Constitution,  p.  143;  Chickasaw  Constitution,  p.  91. 

2  Chickasaw  Constitution,  p.  99.  3  Ibid.,  p.  6. 


xxxii  INTRODUCTION 

survival.  It  is  more  likely  that  the  reference  is  merely  to  a 
looseness  of  manners,  common  in  any  new  society,  and  this 
is  made  certain  by  the  Act  of  1876,  which  shows  that  chiefly 
the  Whites,  and  not  the  Reds,  are  meant  by  it,  for  we  are 
told  that  "no  right  of  citizenship  whatever  shall  be  acquired 
by  such  unlawful  marriages,"  that  is,  that  White  men,  who 
by  their  marriage  to  Chickasaw  women  could  be  adopted 
into  the  Nation,  were  to  be  deprived  of  this  advantage,  if  they 
lived  in  polygamy,  whether  by  not  being  divorced  from  their 
White  wives,  or  otherwise. 

Thus  it  appears  that,  while  in  character  and  daily  habits 
Cherokees  and  Chickasaws  may  have  preserved  many  an- 
cient traits,  they  have,  since  the  establishment  of  the  United 
States  and  until  their  complete  amalgamation  with  the 
Whites  in  1906,  when  they  were  made  citizens  of  the  new 
state  of  Oklahoma,  changed  from  the  hunting  to  the  agri- 
cultural and  industrial  state,  have  acquired  the  Anglo-Saxon 
ideas  of  property,  individualism,  education,  politics,  and 
have  become  as  thoroughly  American  as  the  Franks  of  Caro- 
lingian  times  were  Roman.  Previous  to  1906  a  stranger  resi- 
dent among  the  Indians  could  live  by  the  laws  of  the  United 
States,  even  as  in  the  Frankish  Empire  one  could  live  by 
Roman  or  Salic  or  Lombard  law.  The  Indians  constantly 
opposed  their  far  more  simple  and  less  intricate  laws  to  those 
of  the  White  man,  utterly  unconscious  of  the  fact  that  these 
simple  laws  were  one  and  all  deduced  from  those  of  their 
neighbors,  nay,  that  the  United  States,  through  its  agents, 
really  had  framed  the  laws  for  them,  either  directly  or  by  ad- 
vising the  Indian  legislators.  Even  so  the  Franks  were  ut- 
terly unaware  of  the  fact  that  their  simple  Salic  and  Ribua- 
rian  laws  were  derived  from  the  Roman  laws  just  as  much, 
though  not  so  directly,  as  were  the  Burgundian  and  Visi- 
gothic  laws,  and  were  based  on  the  Theodosian  Code  and 
local  Roman  enactments. 


INTRODUCTION  xxxiii 

II 

THE  GOTHIC  BIBLE 

There  does  not  exist  the  slightest  proof  that  the  frag- 
ments of  the  Gothic  Bible,  as  we  now  possess  it,  were  part  of 
a  translation  made  by  Ulfilas  in  the  fourth  century.  The 
tradition  which  has  grown  up  in  regard  to  the  whole  Gothic 
question  is  based  on  a  vicious  circle  of  which  the  authorship 
of  the  Bible  is  the  initial  step.  Upon  close  inspection  the 
whole  structure  of  Germanic  philology,  in  so  far  as  it  rests 
upon  the  assumption  of  a  fourth  century  Gothic  literature, 
collapses  from  its  own  weight,  and  a  new  building  has  to  be 
reared  after  the  debris  have  been  cleared  away. 

All  that  we  know  of  the  relation  of  Ulfilas  to  the  Gothic 
Bible  is  based  on  the  statements  made  by  Auxentius,  Philo- 
storgius,  Socrates,  Sozomenus,  Jordanes,  Isidor  of  Seville, 
and  Walafrid  Strabo.1  Auxentius  had  been  a  pupil  and  close 
friend  of  the  Gothic  bishop  Ulfilas,  yet  all  he  had  to  say  about 
his  teacher's  Gothic  activity  was  that  he  had  preached  in 
Gothic  and  had  left  behind  many  tracts  and  interpretations 
in  Greek,  Latin,  and  Gothic.2  No  amount  of  theorising  can 
explain  Auxentius'  silence  in  regard  to  a  translation  of  the 
Bible,  if  it  existed.  The  only  inference  we  can  draw  from 
this  statement  is  this  that  the  Goths  may  have  possessed  in 
Ulfilas'  time  brief  extracts  or  discussions  on  the  Bible,  such  as 
were  later  known  under  the  name  of  catena  or  speculum  and  as 
may  readily  be  summed  up  as  ''tracts  and  interpretations. " 

1  W.  Streitberg,  Die  gotische  Bibel,  Heidelberg,  1908,  p.  xiii  ff. 

2  "Haec  et  his  similia  exsequente  quadraginta  annis  in  episcopatu  gloriose 
florens  apostolica  gratia  grecam  et  latinam  et  goticam  liuguam  sine  intermis- 
sione  in  una  et  sola  ecclesia  Cristi  predicauit  .  .  .  et  haec  omnia  de  diuinis 
scribturis  eum  dixisse  et  nos  describsisse,  qui  legit,  intelligat;  qui  et  ipsis  tribus 
Unguis  plures  tractatus  et  multas  interpretations  uolentibus  ad  utilitatem  et 
aedificationem  sibi  ad  aeternam  memoriam  et  mercedem  post  Be  dereliquid," 
ibid.,  p.  xvi. 


xxxiv  INTRODUCTION 

Philostorgius,  who  died  after  425  and  therefore  wrote  fifty 
or  more  years  after  the  probable  translation  by  Ulfilas,  in- 
forms us  that  Ulfilas  was  the  inventor  of  the  Gothic  alphabet 
and  that  he  translated  all  the  Holy  Writ  into  his  native 
tongue,  with  the  exception  of  the  Books  of  the  Kings,  which 
he  left  out  because  the  Goths  were  warlike  and  needed  a 
check  rather  than  encouragement  in  their  martial  spirit.1 
But  Ulfilas  did  not  invent  a  Gothic  alphabet,  having  at  best 
added  a  few  additional  signs  to  the  Greek  letters  then  in  use, 
and  the  reference  to  the  omission  of  the  Book  of  Kings  is 
apocryphal,  totally  devoid  of  probability.2  We  have,  there- 
fore, no  reason  to  assume  that  the  statement  regarding  the 
translation  of  the  Bible  is  more  correct.  Apparently  the  un- 
usual activity  of  the  Gothic  bishop  had  led  to  exaggerated 
accounts  of  his  literary  accomplishments  among  his  warlike 
countrymen,  and  this  legendary  lore  was  seized  upon  by  all 
the  later  writers.  Sozomenus  quoted  Philostorgius  almost 
verbatim  3  and  Socrates  merely  paraphrased  him.4  The 
most  amazing  thing  is  the  ignorance  of  the  Gothic  writers  in 
the  sixth  and  seventh  centuries  of  any  extant  translation  of 
the  Bible,  although  it  is  assumed  by  all  modern  authors  that 
the  surviving  fragments  were  written  in  the  sixth  century. 

Jordanes,  from  whom  we  get  the  fullest  account  of  the 
Goths  in  the  sixth  century,  has  nothing  to  tell  us  beyond  the 

1  "  Tpa/xfiaTOiv  atTots  olk€lu)v  ruper^s  /caTacrras,  p.er£<ppao~€V  eis  rr)v  clvtiov 
cfxovrjv  Ta?  ypa<£a.s  a.7racra9,  ttXtjv  ye  or)  twv  /JacnAetwv,  are  t£)V  fxkv  iroXcpuov 
Iwroplav  i^ovawv,  tov  Se  fflvov?  oVtos  <pt\oTro\4fiov,  kol  Seop.i'vov  paAAoi' 
XaAivoi)  t^s  tVt  Tas  /Aa^as  opp/^s,  dAA'  ou^i  tov  777309  tolvto.  irapo£vvovTO<;," 
ibid.,  p.  xx. 

2  "Ea  Philostorgii  sententia  a  viris  doctis  tamquam  ridicula  improbata 
atque  explosa  est,"  H.  C.  de  Gabelentz  et  J.  Loebe,  Ulfilas,  Lipsiae  1843,  vol.  1, 
P-  x. 

8  u  IIpwTos  §€  ypapp.aVtov  evpETrjs  avTois  eyeveTO  Kat  eis  tt)v  oiKeiav  (pwvrjv 
/x€T€0pao-£  Tas  Upas  /8i/3Aous,"  Streitberg,  I.  c. 

4  "  Tore  Se  kol  OuA<£iAas  6  t£)v  YotOwv  £7rtcr/co7ros  ypdppaTa  icpevpe  YotOlko.- 
kcu  Tas  #eias  ypa<£as  €6S  Tr]v  YorOmv  p.eTa/jaAwi',  to  us  (3apj3dpovs  fxavOdvuv 
Ta  6ela  Adyia  7rapao"K€vao-ev,"  ibid.,  p.  xxi. 


INTRODUCTION  xxxv 

fact  that  Ulfilas  gave  the  Minor  Goths  an  alphabet,  and  that 
these  were  in  his  day  reduced  to  poverty  in  Moesia.1  It  does 
not  occur  to  him  in  any  way  to  connect  these  Minor  Goths 
with  the  Ostrogoths  or  Visigoths,  but  if,  as  is  assumed,  the 
Bible  was  written  out  in  the  sixth  century  in  Italy,  the 
Ostrogoths  at  least  must  have  possessed  Ulfilas'  Bible.  Jor- 
danes'  silence  on  this  matter  is  ominous.  The  same  uncon- 
nectedness  of  Ulfilas'  Gothic  with  that  of  the  Visigoths  of 
Spain  is  assumed  by  Isidor  of  Seville,2  who  certainly  would 
not  have  missed  referring  to  it,  if  he  had  suspected  it.  More 
curious  still  are  the  remarks  of  Walafrid  Strabo  in  the  ninth 
century,  who  asserted  that  Gothic  was  a  Germanic  language 
and  that  learned  Goths  had  translated  the  Bible  of  which 
monuments  were  still  extant.  At  first  it  would  seem  that  he 
was  aware  of  the  existence  of  the  Gothic  Bible  in  his  time,  but 
that  is  at  once  negatived  by  his  quoting  merely  from  book  ac- 
counts (ut  historiae  testantur)  and  immediately  adding  that 
he  had  it  from  the  tales  of  monks  that  in  Scythia,  among  the 
Thomitani,  services  were  still  held  in  that  language.3  It  may 
be  possible  that  his  reference  to  extant  monuments  of  the 
Bible  is  to  be  taken  as  different  from  those  found  among  the 
Thomitani,  but  then  it  becomes  significant  that  he  does  not 
speak  of  a  translation  by  Ulfilas,  but  by  several  learned  men. 
If  we  accept  his  statement  as  correct  in  so  far  as  it  speaks  of 
monuments  still  in  use  in  the  ninth  century,  we  cannot  reject 

1  "Erant  si  quidem  et  alii  Gothi,  qui  dicuntur  minores,  populus  immensus, 
cum  suo  pontifice  ipsoque  primate  Vulfila,  qui  eis  dicitur  et  litteras  instituisse. 
hodieque  sunt  in  Moesia  regionem  incolentes  Nicopolitanam  ad  pedes  Emi- 
monti  gens  multa,  sed  paupera  et  inbellis,"  ibid.,  p.  xxiv. 

2  "Tunc  Gulfilas  eorum  episcopus  Gothicas  litteras  condidit  et  scripturas 
novi  et  veteris  testament!  in  eandem  linguam  convertit,"  ibid.,  p.  xxiv. 

3  "In  Grecorum  provinciis  commorantes  nostrum  i.e.  theotiscum  sermonem 
postmodum  studiosi  illius  gentis  divinos  libros  in  suae  locutionis  proprietatem 
transtulerint  quorum  adhunc  monimenta  apud  nonullos  habentur;  et  fidelium 
fratrum  relatione  didicimus  apud  quasdam  Scytharum  gentes,  maxime  Thomi- 
tanos,  eadem  locutione  divina  hactenus  celebrari  officia,"  MGH.,  Capitularia, 
vol.  ii,  p.  481. 


xxxvi  INTRODUCTION 

his  assertion  that  the  translation  was  made  by  several  men, 
and  thus  the  ascription  of  the  Gothic  Bible  to  Ulfilas  is  once 
more  made  impossible. 

With  rare  exceptions  all  the  modern  writers  who,  since  the 
seventeenth  century,  have  written  on  the  Gothic  Bible  have 
accepted  the  dictum  of  those  older  authorities  as  final  and 
have  proceeded  on  the  assumption  that  we  have  before  us 
genuine  documents  of  the  time  of  Ulfilas  or,  at  best,  of  re- 
dactions not  more  recent  than  the  middle  of  the  sixth  cen- 
tury. But  a  number  of  important  facts  have  been  over- 
looked by  them  or  have  been  so  interpreted  as  to  fit  in  with 
the  a  priori  assumption.  It,  therefore,  becomes  necessary  to 
reinvestigate  all  the  Gothic  manuscripts,  both  textually  and 
palaeographically,  before  any  theory  independent  of  the 
statement  by  Philostorgius  and  the  other  ancient  writers  may 
be  propounded. 

In  a  Salzburg- Vienna  MS.  of  an  Alcuin  text,  obviously  of 
the  ninth  or  tenth  century,  two  Gothic  alphabets  and  a  few 
Gothic  sentences  with  transliteration  and  phonetic  commen- 
tary are  recorded.1  The  alphabets,  given  approximately  in 
the  Latin  order,  do  not  materially  differ  from  those  of  the 
codices  and  the  Neapolitan  documents  respectively,  al- 
though a  few  peculiarities  occur.  Grimm  2  sees  in  the  at- 
tached names  of  the  letters  Anglo-Saxon  forms,  but  the  re- 
semblance is  only  remote,  and  such  names  as  pertra,  quertra 
for  AS.  peord,  cweorn  makes  an  Anglo-Saxon  influence  un- 
tenable. Whatever  the  case  may  be,  the  writer  of  the  al- 
phabet either  knew  or  copied  an  alphabet,  the  pronunciation 
of  whose  letters  was  still  known  in  the  ninth  or  tenth  century. 
This  becomes  even  more  certain  from  the  appended  passage: 

1  Jahrbucher  der  Literatur,  vol.  xliii  (Wien,  1828),  pp.  1-41;  F.  Dietrich, 
Ueber  die  Aussprache  des  Gothischen,  Marburg,  1862,  p.  23  jf.;  Streitberg,  Go- 
tisches  Elementarbuch,  Heidelberg,  1910,  p.  36,  Die  gotische  Bibel,  pp.  xxx  and 
475  Jf.;  H.  F.  Masemann,  Gotthica  minora,  in  Haupt's  Zeitschrift,  vol.  i,  p.  296  jf. 

2  Jahrbucher,  I.  c. 


INTRODUCTION  xxxvii 

1.  uuortun  otan  auar 

2.  wauitunuJ>J?an.    afar 

3.  euang-eliu.  ther  Lucan 

4.  aiwaggeljo  fairh  Lokan 

5.  uuorthun  auar  thuo 

6.  wauitun  afar  }>o 

7.  ia  chuedant  ia  chuatun 

8.  jah  qe)>un. 

9.  ubi  dicit  /.  genuit.  j.  ponitur 

10.  ubi  gabriel  .g.  ponunt  &  alia  sim. 

11.  ubi  aspiratione.  ut  dicitur 

12.  gah  libeda.  jah  libaida 

13.  diptongon  .ai.  pro  e  longa 

14.  pro  ch  .q.  ponunt. 

The  writer  comments  upon  the  phonetic  values  of  the 
letters  in  the  present  tense  (dicit,  dicitur,  ponitur,  ponunt) 
and  compares  them  with  the  current  Old  High  German 
sounds.  It  is  obvious  from  this  comparison  that  no  period 
previous  to  the  eighth  century  can  possibly  be  assigned  to 
these  comments.  Indeed,  Grienberger  1  has  shown  conclu- 
sively that  the  writing  gaar  for  jer  in  the  alphabet  points  to 
the  composition  of  the  whole  passage  in  Burgundy  by  a 
Frankish  German  familiar  with  the  Gothic  of  southern 
France,  and  that  the  information  or,  at  least,  the  writing  of 
this  information  cannot  be  placed  before  910,  while  Mass- 
mann  had  long  ago  assumed  that  Gothic  was  still  understood 
in  the  ninth  century.2  In  Spain  the  Gothic  language  existed 
as  late  as  the  year  1091,  for  it  was  in  that  year  prohibited  by 
a  decree  of  the  Synod  of  Leon.3 

1  Die  germanischen  Runennamen,  in  Paul  and  Braune's  Beitrdge,  vol.  xxi, 
p.  199. 

2  "Wir  entnehmen,  dass  im  neunten  jahrhunderte  wohl  noch  handschriften 
der  gothischen  bibel  vorhanden,  wie  noch  ziemlich  verstanden  waren,"  Haupt's 
Zeitschrift,  vol.  i,  p.  306. 

3  "Et  interfuit  etiam  Renerius  legatus,  et  Romanae  ecclesiae  Cardinalis, 


xxxviii  INTRODUCTION 

In  the  sixteenth  century  the  fragments  of  the  Bible,  later 
known  as  Codex  Argenteus,  had  been  described  by  several 
men  who  had  seen  it  in  the  monastery  at  Werden,1  and  in 
1665  they  were  published  in  full  by  Francis  Junius  at  Dor- 
trecht.  The  best  description  of  the  external  appearance  of  the 
Codex  was  given  by  Ihre  and  Zahn.2  It  was  executed  in 
silver  letters,  the  first  lines  sometimes  in  gold.  The  script  is 
uncial  neatly  written  between  two  guiding  lines  on  polished 
purple  vellum,  but  the  color  of  the  vellum  varies  to  violet. 
The  text  is  included  in  a  rectangle  containing  twenty  lines. 
At  the  inner  edge  of  the  page  the  number  of  the  chapter  is 
given  according  to  the  Eusebian  canon,  and  occasionally 
notes  are  added,  such  as  parallel  passages  from  the  Old  Testa- 
ment. The  words  in  the  text  to  which  the  notes  or  variants 
refer  have  a  line  with  hooks  at  the  end  over  them,  as  have 
also  the  nomina  sacra.  Zahn  thinks 3  that  the  MS.  closely  re- 
sembles the  Codex  Brixianus,  hence,  that  it  cannot  be  a  copy 
of  Ulfilas'  time,  but  must  have  been  written  at  a  later  time 
in  Italy.  Gabelentz  and  Loebe  4  say  that  it  was  written  at 
the  end  of  the  fifth  century,  or  in  the  beginning  of  the  sixth, 
when  the  Goths  lived  in  Italy.  "The  Codex  Argenteus," 
says  Bosworth,5  "is  supposed  to  be  the  work  of  Italians  in 
their  own  country  at  the  close  of  the  fifth  century,  or  the 
beginning  of  the  sixth.  The  only  MS.  in  exactly  the  same 
style  of  writing,  is  the  celebrated  Gallican  Psalter  now  in  the 

ibidemque  celebrato  concilio  cum  Bernardo  Toletano  primate,  multa  de  offi- 
cijs  ecclesiae  statuerunt,  et  etiam  de  caetero  omnes  scriptores  omissa  liters 
Toletana,  quam  Gulfilas  Gothorum  Episcopus  adinuenit,  Gallicis  Uteris  vteren- 
tur,"  Roderici  Toletani  (Rodrigo  Ximenes)  Chronicon,  lib.  vi,  cap.  xxx.  See 
Hefele,  Conciliengeschichte,  2nd  ed.,  vol.  v,  p.  201.  The  assertion  made  some- 
where that  the  reference  is  to  a  calligraphy  and  not  to  the  Gothic  language  ia 
without  any  foundation,  for  the  Gothic  alphabet  was  never  used  for  anything 
but  Gothic. 

1  Streitberg,  Elementarbuch,  p.  24. 

2  See  Zahn,  Ulfilas,  Weissenfels  1805,  p.  46  ff. 

3  Op.  cit.,  p.  50.  4  Op.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  xxxi. 
6  The  Gothic  and  Anglo-Saxon  Gospels,  London  1874,  p.  vii. 


INTRODUCTION  xxxix 

Abbey  of  St.  Germain-de-Pres.  It  is  of  the  sixth  century  and 
is  said  to  have  belonged  to  St.  Germain,  Bishop  of  Paris,  who 
died  May  28,  576.  The  vellum  is  stained  of  a  purple-violet 
colour,  and  the  writing  is  in  silver  letters,  and  a  few  partic- 
ular words  in  gold.  This  description  would  serve  for  the 
Codex  Argenteus,  the  vellum  of  which,  however,  is  purple,  of 
a  reddish  rather  than  a  violet  tint."  Streitberg,  too,  knows  1 
that  the  MS.  resembles  the  Codex  Brixianus  and  was  written 
in  the  5./6.  century. 

The  date  of  the  writing  of  the  Codex  Argenteus  has  been 
established  by  false  presumptions  and  insufficient  informa- 
tion. The  fact  that  some  fragments  were  found  at  Bobbio 
does  not  in  the  least  entitle  us  to  draw  the  conclusion  that 
all  Gothic  documents  originated  in  Italy.  The  ninth  or  tenth 
century  sentences  in  the  Alcuin  text  were  written  in  France ; 
there  are  other  fragments,  which  were  found  in  Egj^pt  and 
whose  origin  in  Italy  is  highly  improbable;  and  the  Codex 
Argenteus,  so  far  as  we  can  trace  it,  has  never  been  con- 
nected with  Bobbio  or  Brescia.  Then,  the  date  and  proveni- 
ence is  based  on  the  resemblance  of  the  Gothic  MS.  to  the 
Codex  Brixianus.  But  that  is  a  gratuitous  assumption. 
There  is  absolutely  nothing  in  the  Gothic  text  or  script  that 
gives  the  slightest  clue  to  its  palaeographic  dating.  The  only 
thing  we  see  is  that  the  letters  are  made  with  extraordinary 
precision  and  are  solid  in  body,  not  as  was  the  writing  in  the 
fifth  century  in  the  Codex  Brixianus,  but  of  precisely  the 
same  quality  as  in  the  imitative  art  of  the  Carolingians,  who 
reproduced  the  fifth  century  writing  in  all  its  details.2  It  is 
true  that  the  Codex  Brixianus  had  gold  and  silver  letters  on 
purple  vellum,  but  Berger  knows  of  a  very  large  number  of 

1  Die  golische  Bibel,  p.  xxv. 

2  "Die  karolingischen  Abschriften,  die  so  oft  das  an  tike  Vorbild  auch  in 
alien  Aeusserlichkeiten  festhalten,"  L.  Traube,  Paloeographische  Forschungen, 
Miinchen  1904,  p.  20  (Abh.  d.  k.  Bayer.  Akad.  d.  Wiss.  in  KL,  vol.  xxiv, 
part  i). 


xl  INTRODUCTION 

MSS.  of  the  chrysographic  art  in  Carolingian  times,1  and  the 
Bible  of  Theodulphus,  the  Visigoth,  of  the  ninth  century, 
bears  as  striking  a  resemblance  to  the  Codex  Argenteus,  for 
it,  too,  has  gold  and  silver  letters  on  purple  vellum,  and  the 
exquisite  regularity  of  the  script  is  the  same.2  Indeed,  it  was 
through  the  efforts  of  the  Visigoth  Theodulphus  that  such 
calligraphy  was  practiced  at  Fleury.3  Hence  the  identifica- 
tion of  the  calligraphy  of  the  Gothic  Bible  with  that  of  the 
Codex  Brixianus  is  without  any  foundation  whatsoever.  But 
we  have  a  more  positive  proof  that  the  Gothic  Bible  could 
not  have  been  written  before  the  eighth  century. 

The  Eusebian  canon  is  marked  on  the  inside  of  the  page, 
the  number  of  each  verse  being  enclosed  in  a  calligraphic  con- 

c 

ventional  ornamentation  of  this  type  .    At  the  foot  of 

T 
each  page  the  parallel  passages  of  the  Eusebian  canon  are 

given  within  four  Roman  arches.  Now,  the  very  use  of  the 
Eusebian  canon  precludes  the  writing  of  the  Bible  in  Ulfilas' 
time,  because  it  was  adopted  after  his  death.  The  Roman 
arches,  in  which  the  canon  is  included,  are  recorded  for  the 

1  S.  Berger,  Histoire  de  la  Vulgate,  Paris  1893,  p.  259  ff. 

2  "On  citerait  difficilement  un  plus  magnifique  monument  de  la  calligraphie 
du  temps  de  Charlemagne.  Nulle  part  ailleurs  je  n'ai  vu  de  plus  remarquables 
exemples  de  regularity  et  de  finesse  d'ecriture.  II  n'y  a  point,  a  proprement 
parler,  de  peintures;  mais  l'emploi  qu'on  y  a  fait  de  l'or  et  de  l'argent  sur  des 
fonds  pourpres,  l'elegance  des  inscriptions  en  grandes  lettres  enclaves,  la 
purete  et  la  variete  des  encadrements  de  plusieurs  pages  et  des  medaillons 
reserves  aux  souscriptions  finales,  suffisent  pour  constituer  une  tres  belle  deco- 
ration et  pour  augmenter  encore  la  valeur  de  la  bible,  qui  forme  le  plus  pre- 
cieux  joyaudu  tresor  de  la  cathedrale  de  Puy,"  L.  Delisle,  Les  Bibles  de  The- 
odidphe,  in  Bibliotheque  de  VEcole  des  chartes,  vol.  XL,  p.  8. 

3  "On  voit  que  les  artistes  employes  par  Theodulphe  ont  modifie  les  formes 
raides  des  miniaturistes  primitifs,  et,  en  employant  l'or  et  l'argent,  ils  don- 
nerent  plus  de  richesses  et  de  reliefs  a  leurs  lettres,  qu'entouraient  d'abord  de 
simples  traits  rouges.  Est-il  etonnant  que  de  tels  maitres  aient  laisse  des  pr6- 
ceptes,  et  que  les  moines  de  Fleury,  qui  ont  execute  de  semblables  beaut£s, 
aient  voulu  enseigner  aux  generations  futures  le  secret  de  leur  art?"  Ch.  Cuis- 
sard,  Theodulphe,  eveque  d'Orleans,  in  Memoires  de  la  Societe  archeologique  et 
historique  de  VOrleanais,  vol.  xxiv,  p.  179. 


INTRODUCTION  xli 

first  time  in  late  sixth  century  Syriac  and  Greek  Gospels.1  In 
the  occidental  Gospels  the  first  recorded  use  is  of  the  year 
716,  while  in  Carolingian  times 2  these  arches  are  of  exceed- 
ingly common  occurrence.  While  a  Syriac  or  Greek  influ- 
ence upon  the  ornamentation  of  the  Gothic  Bible  is  not  ex- 
cluded, it  is,  in  this  particular  case,  impossible.  If  the  Bible 
was  written  in  Italy,  we  have  not  a  single  link  to  connect  the 
two,  and  the  conventionalised  use  of  the  arches  unmistakeably 
points  to  a  late  time.  In  all  the  extant  calligraphic  MSS.  the 
four  arches  are  surmounted  by  a  larger  arch,  all  of  them 
elaborately  decorated,  containing  the  complete  canon.  In 
the  Gothic  Bible  each  page  has  its  own  part  of  the  parallel 
passages,  in  four  separate  conventionalised  arches.  The 
calligraphic  precision  of  these  arches  is  the  same  as  that  of 

c 

the  ornamentation   "==  ,  and  this  latter  is  one  of  the  com- 

T 
monest  conventional  designs  in  Carolingian  Gospels.3  The 
coincidence  of  calligraphy,  the  silver  and  gold  lettering,  the 
employment  of  the  Eusebian  canon,  the  conventional  orna- 
ment, the  tinting  of  the  vellum  make  the  dating  of  the 
Gothic  Bible  in  Carolingian  times  a  certainty,  even  if  we  did 
not  have  overwhelming  proofs  from  the  vocabulary  of  the 
Gothic  text. 

Heretofore  the  dating  of  the  Gothic  Bible  has  been  deter- 
mined by  a  vicious  circle.  They  reasoned  as  follows :  Several 
fragments  of  Gospels  have  been  found  at  Bobbio  and  Milan, 
ergo  they  were  written  in  Italy.  If  they  were  written  in  Italy, 
they  must  have  been  written  before  the  year  552,  when  the 
Goths  were  driven  out  of  the  countiy.  Now,  the  Codex 
Argenteus  has  external  resemblances  with  the  Codex  Brixi- 
anus,  hence  it,  too,  must  have  been  written  in  Italy  before 

1  Die  Trierer  Ada-Handschrift,  Leipzig  1889,  p.  69  /. 

2  See  the  illustrations  in  the  Trierer  Ada-Handschrift. 

a  See,  for  example,  plate  11  in  Trierer  Ada-Handschrift,  also  plates  6, 7, 9,  etc. 


xlii  INTRODUCTION 

the  yeax  552.  Hence  all  Gothic  documents  were  written  in 
Italy,  and  all  Gothic  literary  activity  originated  among  the 
Ostrogoths.  By  such  reasoning  one  could  prove  that  all  the 
Carolingian  illuminated  MSS.  were  written  in  Germany,  or 
Italy,  or  elsewhere  in  the  sixth  century.  But  the  Codex 
Argenteus  was  not  found  in  Italy;  of  the  learned  Ostrogoth 
activity  we  know  absolutely  nothing,  while  Ulfilas  was  a 
Visigoth;  we  know  positively  that  Gothic  was  understood  in 
southern  France  in  Carolingian  times,  and  the  Gothic  cal- 
ligraphy bears  far  more  striking  resemblances  to  that  of  the 
school  of  Tours.  I  have  not  yet  a  right  to  claim  that  I  have 
proved  the  latter,  but  the  theory  of  the  Gothic  scholars  is 
irrevocably  exploded,  for  it  rests  on  the  flimsiest  of  assump- 
tions. 

From  Weissenburg  comes  the  Codex  Carolinus.  It  con- 
tains on  four  sheets  the  Epistle  to  the  Romans  in  Gothic  and 
Latin.  Both  are  written  ari^So^,  i.e.,  in  lines  representing 
clauses,  without  a  separation  between  the  words.  The  text  is 
superscribed  by  passages  from  Isidor  of  Seville's  Liber  ety- 
mologiarum.  Fortunately  we  possess  a  reproduction  of  one 
page. l  The  editor  says  that  it  seems  to  have  been  written  in 
Spain.  Schone  and  Niebuhr  2  had  assumed,  without  good 
reason,  that  the  Codex  Carolinus  was  in  Bobbio  calligraphy. 
However  it  may  be,  the  dating  of  the  Gothic  text  is  gratui- 
tous. It  is  quite  true  that,  at  first  glance,  one  would  iden- 
tify the  Latin  column  as  of  the  fifth  century,  but  one  must 
again  remember  Traube's  own  statement  that  the  Carolin- 
gian writers  imitated  fifth  century  books  down  to  minute 
details.  The  o-rt^Sov  writing  was  by  tradition  used  for  the 
Epistles  of  St.  Paul  and  did  not  die  until  the  ninth  century, 
and  the  writing  of  artxn^ov  in  a  bilingual  text  is  attested  for 

1  O.  von  Heinemann,  Die  Handschriften  der  herzoglichen  Bibliothek  zu  Wolfen- 
buttel,  Zweite  Abth.  v,  p.  296. 

2  Sitzungsberichte  der  Berliner  Akademie  der  Wissenschaften  1902,  p.  446  /. 


INTRODUCTION  xliii 

the  seventh  century  in  the  Codex  Laudianus.  Hence  we 
must  have  another  criterion  for  the  establishment  of  the  date 
of  our  MS.  Fortunately  the  page  reproduced  tells  its  own 
story.  The  palimpsest  contains  a  text  from  Isidor  of  Seville, 
hence  it  cannot  be  of  a  date  earlier  than  the  seventh  century, 
and  the  use  of  thymologiae  for  "  etymologiae "  in  the  colon 
shows  that  it  belongs  to  a  much  later  date.  Heinemann  thinks 
that  the  writing  is  Visigothic  of  the  eighth  century,  but  there 
is  no  reason  why  it  may  not  be  of  the  ninth.  The  writing  is 
cursive,  but  the  title  of  a  chapter  " deyurpureis"  is  in  pre- 
cisely the  same  handwriting  as  the  underlying  Latin  text. 
If  one  compares  the  rounded  d,  s,  and  e,  the  open  p  and  r  with 
the  original  writing,  the  identity  is  immediately  obvious. 
There  is  but  one  possible  conclusion  from  this  striking  re- 
semblance, —  the  underlying  text  is  not  much  older  than 
that  of  the  palimpsest,  nay,  it  may  have  been  written  by  the 
same  hand,  and,  as  the  superscribed  text  is  not  earlier  than 
of  the  eighth  century,  the  Gothic  is  not  older  than  of  the 
same  period. 

We  have  a  number  of  Ambrosian  Fragments  of  the  Bible 
with  Latin  writing  over  them.  One  set  of  such  fragments  is 
contained  in  a  quarto  Codex  of  214  pages,  having  for  its 
superscription  some  homilies  of  Gregory  the  Great  on  Eze- 
kiel  which  Castiglione  estimated  as  of  the  eighth  century.1 
Another  Codex,  of  156  pages,  contains  as  a  superscription 
St.  Jerome's  commentary  on  Isaiah,  of  the  eighth  or  ninth 
century.2  Here,  again,  there  is  nothing  in  the  Gothic  text 
to  warrant  any  dating,  hence  it  may  be  as  late  as  of  the  ninth 
century.  The  remaining  five  pages  of  the  Ambrosian  frag- 
ments are  apparently  of  the  same  date. 

I  have  not  touched  upon  the  critical  apparatus  in  all  these 

1  Ulphilae  partium  ineditarum  in  ambrosianis  palimpsestis  ab  Angelo  Maio 
repertarum  specimen  coniunctis  curis  eiusdem  Maii  et  Caroli  Octavi  Castil- 
Iionaei  editum,  Mediolani  1819,  p.  xv.  2  Ibid.,  p.  xvi. 


xliv  INTRODUCTION 

fragments,  because  the  fact  that  the  Gothic  is  said  to  be 
based  chiefly  on  early  Greek  sources,  instead  of  the  Vulgate, 
would  equally  apply  to  Carolingian  times,  when  Joannes 
Scottus  preferably  quoted  from  the  older  Greek  fathers,1 
and  the  Visigoth  Theodulphus,  whose  Bibles  bear  a  striking 
resemblance  to  the  Codex  Toletanus,2  corrected  the  text  in 
conformity  with  Hebrew,  Greek,  and  Latin  sources.3  When 
Ximenes  in  the  eleventh  century  introduced  the  Mozarabic 
Liturgy,  he  apparently  carried  out  the  decree  of  the  Synod 
of  Leon,  by  abandoning  an  older,  freer  Gothic  tradition  for 
one  more  in  conformity  with  the  Gallican  custom,  but  that 
freer  Gothic  tradition  was  a  survival  of  an  older  past  which 
ultimately  may  go  back  to  Ulfilas,  but  in  the  form  in  which 
it  is  preserved  to  us  can  represent  only  the  influence  of  the 
Gothic  writings,  and  for  these  we  have  not  been  able  as  yet 
to  find  a  date  previous  to  Carolingian  times. 

We  now  turn  to  the  Skeireins,  which  will  definitely  settle 
the  period  of  the  Gothic  writings.4  It  is  assumed  that  the 
Skeireins,  a  polemical  commentary  on  St.  John,  is  based  on 
that  of  Cyril  of  Alexandria  (about  400)  and  that  it  was, 
therefore,  written  not  earlier  than  in  the  middle  of  the  fifth 
century,5  while  Dietrich  insists  that  the  Skeireins  may  have 
quoted  from  the  same  source  as  did  Cyril,  that,  therefore,  it 
may  still  be  the  work  of  Ulfilas.6  Were  we  to  apply  this  rea- 

1  "Sicut  in  Graeco  legitur,"  Migne,  vol.  cxxn,  col.  298;  "nam  quod  in 
Graeco  scriptum  est,"  299;  "sed  si  quis  intentus  Graecum  sermonem  inspex- 
erit,"  ibid.',  "quod  enim  in  Graeco  scriptum  est,"  ibid.;  "vel  ut  in  Graeco 
scribitur,"  302;  "in  quibusdam  codicibus  Graecorum  singulariter  sinus  patris 
dicitur,  in  quibusdam  pluraliter,"  ibid.)  "ut  in  Graeco  significantius  scribitur," 
309;  "in  codicibus  Graecorum  avw0ev  legitur,"  315;  "sed  in  Graeco  non  est 
ambiguum,"  319;  and  similarly  cols.  283,  285,  287,  292,  295. 

2  Cuissard,  op.  cit.,  p.  194/. 

3  "Quidquid  ab  haebreo  stylus  atticus  atque  latinus 
Sumpsit,  in  hoc  totum  codice,  lector,  habes,"  Carmina  n.  1. 

4  For  the  history  of  the  text  see  Streitberg,  Elementarbuch,  p.  33/. 

5  E.  Bernhardt,  Vulfila  oder  die  gotische  Bibel,  Halle  1875,  p.  617. 

6  Streitberg,  Die  gotische  Bibel,  p.  xxx. 


INTRODUCTION  xlv 

soning  to  the  Carolingian  commentaries  on  St.  John,  we 
could  prove,  either  that  they  appeared  in  the  fifth  century, 
or  that  they  were  composed  by  Ulfilas,  for  Cyril  of  Alex- 
andria is  one  of  the  most  frequently  and  most  earnestly 
quoted  authors  in  the  ninth  century.  Alcuin  quotes  long 
passages  from  him;  1  Agobard  refers  to  him  as  to  a  good 
Catholic; 2  Hincmar  cites  him.3  Much  is  made  of  the  fact  by 
Bohmer 4  that,  since  the  Skeireins  is  a  polemic  against  Sabel- 
lius,  who  died  in  260,  and  Marcellus  of  Ancyra,  who  died  in 
373,  it  must  represent  "an  older  stadium  of  the  Arian  con- 
troversy" than  offered  by  these  Bobbio  fragments.  We  have 
already  seen  that  Cyril  was  considered  a  good  Catholic  and 
that,  therefore,  his  being  quoted  in  the  Skeireins  precludes 
its  being  an  Arian  polemic.  But  let  us  waive  this  argument 
for  a  while,  and  let  us  see  at  what  conclusions  we  shall  arrive 
if  the  fact  that  Sabellius  is  quoted  represents  an  older  stad- 
ium of  the  Arian  controversy.  Alcuin  quotes  him  by  the  side 
of  Arius  as  a  bad  heretic ; 5  Hincmar  couples  him  with  Arius 
as  one  of  the  two  extreme  heretics; 6  Joannes  Scottus  refers 

1  "Videamus  quid  beatus  Cyrillus  Alexandrinus  episcopus  .  .  .  de  hac  in- 
quisitione  senserit,"  Migne,  vol.  ci,  col.  92  /.;  "item  beatus  Cyrillus  ...  sic 
ait,"  123;  "item  Cyrillus  .  .  .  inquit,"  175;  "tamen  S.  Cyrillus  dicit  in  illo 
libello  quern  contra  Theodoretum  scripsit,"  208/.;  "quidquid  beatus  Cyrillus 
Alexandrinae  Ecclesiae  pontifex  synodali  autoritate  respondit  Nestorio,  vobis 
responsum  esse  absque  dubio  sciatis,"  289. 

2  "Inter  Nestorium  haereticum  et  Cyrillum  catholicum,"  ibid.,  vol.  civ, 
col.  36;  "ad  quod  beatus  Cyrillus  ita  respondit,"  40;  "ait  namque  praecipuus 
ille  expugnator  Nestorianae  impietatis  doctissimus  et  beatissimus  Cyrillus," 
43,  et  passim. 

3  Ibid.,  vol.  cxxv,  cols.  493,  588. 

4  Streitberg,  Elementarbuch,  p.  35. 

5  "Conticescat  Sabellius  audiens:  'Ego  et  Pater,'  qui  unam  personam 
Patris  et  Filii  prava doctrina  disseruit;  nam  'ego  et  Pater,'  duae  sunt  personae. 
Item  erubescat  Arius  audiens  'Unum  sumus,'  qui  duas  naturas  in  Patre  et 
Filio  astruit,  dum  'unum'  unam  naturam  significat,  sicut  'sumus,'  duas  per- 
sonas,"  Comment,  in  Joan.  x.  29,  in  Migne,  vol.  c,  col.  894,  also  col.  883. 

8  "Quam  multi  de  Trinitate  contra  Sabellium?  quam  multi  de  unitate 
Trinitatis  adversus  Arianos,  Eunomianos,  Macedonianos?"  ibid.,  vol.  cxxv, 
col.  482;  "inter  insidias  borum  latronum,  Arianorum  scilicet  et  Sabellianorum," 
520;  "ut  beatus  Augustinus  in  supradicto  eermone  de  fide  contra  Sabellianos 


xlvi  INTRODUCTION 

to  the  Sabellian  error  of  confounding  the  natures  of  the 
Trinity.1  If  all  that  refers  to  an  older  stadium  of  the  Arian 
controversy,  then  Alcuin,  Hincmar,  and  Joannes  Scottus 
were  Arians,  and  their  works  must  have  appeared  in  the 
fifth  century.  It  is  obvious  that  the  method  pursued  by  those 
who  made  out  the  Skeireins  to  be  an  Arian  controversy  and 
placed  it  in  the  fifth  century  must  be  abandoned  by  a  reductio 
ad  absurdum. 

It  can  be  shown  that  the  palaeographic  proof  of  the  an- 
tiquity of  the  text  is  based  on  no  firmer  foundation.  The 
MSS.  of  the  Skeireins  fragments  were  found  in  Rome  and 
in  Milan  and,  like  all  the  other  fragments  of  the  Ambrosian 
Library  at  Milan,  came  from  the  monastery  of  Bobbio,  which 
was  founded  about  614.  Much  weight  is  put  on  the  fact,  to 
prove  the  Italian  origin  of  the  Gothic  MSS.,  but  the  assump- 
tion is  at  once  negatived  from  the  fact  that  Bobbio  and  Milan 
possessed  a  large  number  of  Spanish  MSS.  from  Septimania, 
that  is,  Gothia,  of  the  tenth  century.2  We  are,  therefore, 
prepared  to  find  at  Bobbio  palaeographic  documents  of  the 
Carolingian  type,  written  by  Visigoths.  It  can  easily  be 
shown  that  at  least  the  parts  of  the  Skeireins  contained  in 
the  Vatican  Codex  5750  were  erased  by  a  Visigoth  to  make 
place  for  a  Latin  text  in  the  ninth  century,3  that,  conse- 

et  Arianos,"  551;  "sicuti  somnitant  Sabelliani  .  .  .  ceu  latrant  Ariani,"  589; 
"sicut  impius  Sabellius  asseruit,"  594;  also  cols.  567  and  598. 

1  "Sabelliani  quasi  multivocum  dicebant  patrem  et  filium  et  spiritum 
sanctum.  .  .  .  Hie  videtur  quasi  tenebras  incurrere  et  labi  in  errorem  Sabel- 
lianorum,"  E.  K.  Rand,  Johannes  Scottus,  Munchen  1906,  p.  39. 

2  "Or  nous  avons  quelque  lieu  de  penser  qu'il  y  a  eu,  d'autre  part,  entre  la 
province  eccl6siastique  de  Milan  et  la  cote  orientale  de  l'Espagne,  quelque 
^change  de  textes  bibliques.  Des  textes  qui  paraissent  espagnols  par  leur 
origines  ont  6te  en  usage,  non  seulement  dans  la  Septimanie,  mais  dans  la  val- 
16e  du  Rhone  jusqu'  a  Vienne,  et  cela  jusqu'  au  Xe  siecle:  il  est  fort  possible  que 
ces  textes  aient,eux  aussi,  f ranchi  les  Alpes  et  se  soient  meles  a  ceux  qui,  depuis 
les  temps  anciens,  6taient  en  possession  de  l'autorite1  religieuse  dans  ce  grand 
et  riche  pays,"  S.  Berger,  Histoire  de  la  Vulgate,  p.  410. 

3  Thus  determined  by  Massmann  (Skeireins  aiwaggeljons  pairh  Johannen, 
Munchen  1834,  p.  55).    Reifferscheid  (Die  romischen  Bibliotheken,  in  Sit- 


INTRODUCTION  xlvii 

quently,  these  parts  of  the  Skeireins  are  not  necessarily  older 
than  of  the  ninth  century. 

We  fortunately  possess  an  excellent  reproduction  of  the 
whole  Codex  Vaticanus  5750, l  which  enables  us  accurately 
to  locate  the  superscribed  text.  The  Gothic  text  is  contained 
on  pp.  57-62,  but  it  is  necessary  to  discuss  the  condition  of 
the  whole  Codex  before  ascertaining  the  age  of  the  Gothic 
script.  There  are  three  distinct  groups  of  handwritings  to  be 
discerned  in  the  superscribed  text,  which  in  the  Milan  re- 
production are  given  respectively  as  I,  II,  III.2  I,  a  semi- 
uncial  of  the  seventh  or  eighth  century,3  runs  pp.  1-4,  13-56, 
79-190,  211-274.  Ill,  a  semi-cursive,  of  possibly  the  same 
date,  runs  from  p.  5  to  the  middle  of  p.  11.  II  occupies  half 
of  p.  12,  pp.  57-77,  191-210,  275-286.  Here  majuscule  and 
minuscule  letters  are  mixed.  The  open  a  is  occasionally 
found  (p.  77),  but  far  more  generally  it  is  closed;  both  the 
straight  and  round  d  are  used;  e  is  round,  with  a  horizon- 
tal line  across;  g  has  both  arches  open;  i  does  not  run 
under  the  line,  but  i-longa  is  common;  m  is  rounded,  oc- 
casionally turning  the  last  stroke  inwardly;  n  is  sometimes 
rounded,  but  far  more  commonly  the  majuscule  n  is  used, 
always  in  the  ligature  nt;  both  the  long  and  the  rounded  s 
are  used;  t  sometimes  turns  the  vertical  stroke  to  the  right, 
but  far  more  commonly  it  has  the  characteristic  Carolingian 
abruptness ;  of  ligatures  we  get  nt,  st,  li;  f  and  I  are  precisely 
of  the  form  found  in  Spanish  texts.  The  palaeographer  can- 

zungsberichte  der  Wiener  Akad.  d.  Wiss.,  vol.  lxiii,  p.  618),  without  entering 
into  a  discussion  of  the  problem,  proclaimed  it  to  be  of  the  seventh  or  eighth 
century. 

1  M .  Cornelii  Frontonis  aliorumque  reliquiae  quae  codice  Valicano  5750  re- 
scripto  continentur,  Mediolani  1906. 

2  The  editor  of  the  reproduction  (p.  19/.)  makes  two  important  mistakes  in 
crediting  p.  12  to  III,  though  it  is  distinctly  in  the  handwriting  of  II,  and  in 
crediting  77-195  to  I,  although  77, 191-195  are  distinctly  of  the  hand  II,  while 
78  is  not  superscribed. 

1  Thus  determined  by  the  editor  (p.  21).  As  I  am  not  studying  this  text,  I 
do  not  vouch  for  the  date. 


xlviii  INTRODUCTION 

not  help  but  recognise  at  a  glance  that  the  writing  is  of  the 
end  of  the  eighth  century  or  of  the  ninth,  and  the  use  of  {-longa 
proves  conclusively  that  the  writing  could  not  be  older  than 
the  eighth  century *  and  is  of  the  Visigothic  or  Beneventan 
school.  In  our  text  the  following  words,  among  others,  are 
written  with  ?!-longa:  In  (p.  12),  Ipsique  (57),  Iusserat  (195), 
Interrogariy  lam  (197),  Incusatus  (198),  Iuxta  (199),  Ita 
(201).  Unless  the  work  of  Loew  can  be  overthrown,  our  text 
represents  a  Carolingian  writing  of  a  Visigothic  type. 

If  we  now  turn  to  the  underlying  writing  of  the  II  palimp- 
sest, we  get  some  startling  results.  Page  12  is  written  over  a 
fragment  of  Symmachus,  the  rest  of  Symmachus  being 
superscribed  entirely  by  hand  III.  Pages  63  and  64,  contain- 
ing a  letter  of  Gallia  Placidia  to  Pulcheria,  and  of  Valen- 
tinianus  and  Marcianus,  are  written  over  a  fragment  from 
Juvenal,  while  the  verso  of  page  78  is  not  superscribed.  Pages 
57-62  contain  various  similar  letters  over  the  Gothic  Skeireins. 
All  the  remaining  pages  of  II  are  written  over  Arian  frag- 
ments. Thus  we  find  that,  with  the  exception  of  two  and  a 
half  sheets,  all  the  writings  of  II  are  of  Gothic  origin,  the 
superscription  being  by  a  hand  trained  in  the  Carolingian 
school.  If  we  look  at  the  structure  of  the  parchment,  we  find 
that  the  Skeireins  and  the  Arian  sheets  are  of  a  decidedly  dif- 
ferent grain  from  the  rest  of  the  parchments.  They  have 
coarse  markings,  like  finger  prints,  running  through  them, 
while  the  fragments  of  Juvenal,  Persius,  and  Symmachus 
are  of  the  same  structure  as  the  rest  of  the  Codex. 

It  thus  appears  that  a  Spanish  Goth,  finding  many  pages 
of  the  Codex  missing,  rewrote  the  wanting  pages  over  sheets 
brought  with  him,  which  had  lost  the  particular  interest  they 

1  "If  we  consider  on  the  one  hand  the  utter  absence  of  i-longa  in  the  oldest 
Latin  MSS.  in  uncial  and  semi-uncial,  and  its  gradual  and  tentative  entrance 
only  into  uncial  and  semi-uncial  MSS.  of  the  recent  type,  i.e.,  of  the  8th  and  9th 
centuries,"  E.  A.  Loew,  Studia  palaeographica,  in  Sitzungsberichte  d.  k.  Bayer- 
ischen  Akad.  d.  Wiss.,  Miinchen  1910,  p.  4. 


INTRODUCTION  xlix 

may  have  had  in  Gothia  or  Spain,  for  they  contained  writ- 
ings in  which  only  Goths  could  have  been  interested.  Two 
sheets,  where  his  writing  material  gave  out,  he  supplied  by 
writing  over  fragments  of  Juvenal  and  Persius,  apparently 
of  Italian  origin,  while  he  utilised  the  unused  verso  of  hand 
III  to  fill  in  a  brief  letter.  As  many  of  the  Arian  fragments 
have  records  of  the  Council  of  Chalcedon  written  over  them, 
the  Ambrosian  Codex  E.  Sig.  E.  147,  which  contains  the  re- 
maining fragments  of  the  Skeireins,  under  the  records  of 
the  Council  of  Chalcedon,  belongs  to  the  same  text  and  was 
obviously  made  by  the  same  writer,  and  the  reproduction 
of  a  few  lines  from  this  Codex  by  Castiglione  x  shows  that 
the  writing  is  identical  with  that  of  the  Codex  Vaticanus. 
We  are  entitled  to  but  one  conclusion  as  to  the  age  of  the 
Gothic  text  of  the  Skeireins,  namely,  that  it  was  written  be- 
fore the  superscribed  Latin  and  may  be  of  as  late  a  date  as 
the  ninth  century.  We  are  palaeographically  entitled  to  no 
other  assumption. 

Massmann  2  comes  to  the  conclusion  that  the  Skeireins  is 
a  polemic  writing  of  semi-Arian  character,  because  of  the  use 
of  the  homoousian  by  the  side  of  the  homoiousian  formula, 
that  is,  because  of  the  use  of  ibns  and  galeiks  in  the  same  pas- 
sage. Krafft 3  is  equally  sure  that  the  Skeireins  is  pure  Arian 
in  doctrine.  But  it  is  not  difficult  to  show  that  the  use  of  the 
two  terms  has  nothing  whatsoever  to  do  with  the  homoou- 
sian and  homoiousian  formulae,  and  that  these  terms  refer 
to  the  honor  due  Christ,  in  the  sense  in  which  they  were 
taken  by  the  Carolingian  writers  in  the  attack  upon  the 
Adoptionist  heresy  of  the  Goths,  in  order  to  establish  an 
Orthodox,  and  not  an  Arian,  doctrine. 

The  passage  in  question  (page  v),  according  to  Dietrich's 

1  Op.  tit.,  p.  36.  -  Op.  cit.,  p.  75/. 

3  Die  Anfdnge  der  christlichen  Kirche  bei  den  germanischen  Volkern,  Berlin 
1854,  vol.  i,  p.  357. 


1  INTRODUCTION 

translation,1  runs  as  follows:  "But  since  he  (specified)  one 
as  loving,  the  other  as  loved,  the  one  as  showing,  the  other  as 
imitating  his  work  —  he  so  specified  it,  since  he  knew  of  the 
heresy  of  these  future  men,  in  order  that  one  might  learn 
from  it  to  recognize  two  persons,  that  of  the  Father  and  of 
the  Son,  and  did  not  repeat  (what  the  others  say).  In  this 
respect  he  used  a  clear  word  and  said :  '  Even  as  the  Father 
raises  the  dead  and  brings  them  to  life,'  in  order  that  He, 
who  by  His  own  will  and  His  own  power  imitating  the  One 
who  before  had  commanded  to  raise  the  dead,  should  con- 
demn and  overthrow  the  disputation  of  the  unbelievers  (with 
these  words):  'The  Father  in  no  way  judges,  but  has  given 
all  the  judgment  over  to  His  Son.'  If  he  were  one  and  the 
same  according  to  the  teaching  of  Sabellius,  (only  desig- 
nated by  different  names),  how  could  He  both  judge  and  not 
judge?  Does  not  the  mere  change  of  the  names  indicate  the 
difference  of  the  two  persons,  especially  the  action  of  one 
who  does  not  judge  a  single  man,  but  transfers  the  judgment 
to  the  Son?  And  Jesus,  who  receives  the  honor  from  His 
Father  and  executes  all  judgment  according  to  God's  will, 
said  :  'That  all  may  honor  the  Son  as  they  honor  the  Father.' 
Hence,  in  the  presence  of  so  clear  a  statement,  we  must 
honor  the  unborn  God,  and  recognize  that  the  one-born  Son 
is  God,  so  that  we  may  honor  each  according  to  His  worth; 
for  the  statement,  'That  all  may  honor  the  Son  as  they 
honor  the  Father,'  teaches  us  to  give,  not  equal,  but  similar 
honor.  The  Saviour  Himself  interceded  for  His  disciples 
before  His  Father  'That  Thou  mayest  love  them  as  Thou 
lovest  me.'  Not  equal,  but  similar,  love  He  designated  in 
this  way." 

Charlemagne  called  Alcuin  to  France  to  fight  the  Adop- 
tionist  heresy  among  the  Spanish  Goths  in  his  possessions. 
The  Orthodox  Alcuin  felt  that,  in  fighting  Elipandus  and 

1  Die  Skeireins  Bruchstucke,  Strassburg  1900,  p.  11. 


INTRODUCTION  li 

Felix  of  Urgel,  and  in  attacking  their  dogma  that  Christ 
was  an  adopted  son,  he  ran  great  danger  of  falling  into  the 
other  extreme  of  the  Eutychian  heresy.  Hence  he  tried  to 
steer  a  middle  course  and  dwelt  upon  the  fact  that  Christ 
was  in  substance  both  the  same  and  not  the  same  with  God, 
hence  should  have  equal  glory  with  him.  The  ecclesiastic 
writers  of  the  ninth  century  had  great  trouble  in  drawing 
a  distinction  between  the  terms  "similar"  and  "equal." 
Joannes  Scottus,  commenting  on  Boethius'  De  Trinitate, 
points  out  that  equality  exists  where  there  are  two  per- 
sons, and  that  their  relation  is  similar.1  The  difficulty  with 
the  Adoptionists  was  that  they  maintained  that  Christ's  na- 
ture was  dissimilar  to  that  of  God,  while  the  Orthodox  Ago- 
bard  insisted  that  it  was  similar,2  even  as  Hincmar  distin- 
guished between  the  two  persons  whose  glory,  however,  was 
equal.3  Similarly  Alcuin  pointed  out  to  the  Adoptionists 
that  the  Son  was  equal  to  God.4 

We  see  from  these  passages  that  "similar"  and  "equal"  in- 
terchange, and  refer,  now  to  the  person  of  Christ,  now  to  his 
glory.  In  the  passage  in  the  Skeireins  the  duality  of  the  per- 
sons is  proved  from  the  fact  that  God  is  represented  as  lov- 
ing, Christ  as  beloved.  This  is  taken  from  Alcuin  who  uses 
the  Biblical  passage  "Hie  est  Filius  meus  dilectus,  in  quo 
mihi  bene  complacui"  over  and  over  again  in  his  Adoptionist 
controversy,  in  order  to  prove  that  the  two  persons  are 

1  "Aequale  ut  binarius.  Similis  est  relatio  quia  aequales  sunt,"  E.  K.  Rand, 
Johannes  Scottus,  p.  46. 

2  "  Iterum  post  aliqua  interrogando  Felix  quaerit : '  Utrum  Christus  Dominus 
in  utraque  natura  similiter  sit  Filius  Dei  an  dissimiliter,'  et  subjungit  re- 
spondendo,  'non  similiter,  sed  dissimiliter,'"  Liber  adversum  dogma  Felicis 
Urgellensis,  in  Migne,  vol.  civ,  col.  44. 

3  "Alia  est  persona  Patris,  alia  Filii,  alia  Spiritus  Sancti:  sed  in  deitate 
unitas  creditur  et  predicatur,  quia  Patris  et  Filii  et  Spiritus  Sancti  una  est  di- 
vinitas,  aequalis  gloria,  coaeternia  majestas,"  Migne,  vol.  exxv,  col.  525. 

4  "Et  multa  talia,  ubi  se  in  divina  substantia  omnino  Patri  aequalem  et 
Patris  esse  Filium  non  tacuit,"  Adversus  Felicem  Urgellilanum  libri  septem,  in 
Migne,  vol.  ci,  col.  143. 


lii  INTRODUCTION 

separate  yet  similar.1  The  words  in  the  Skeireins,  "he  so 
specified  it,  since  he  knew  of  the  heresy  of  these  future  men, 
in  order  that  one  might  learn  from  it  to  recognize  two  per- 
sons, that  of  the  Father  and  of  the  Son,  and  did  not  repeat 
(what  others  say),"  are  taken  bodily  from  Alcuin's  Commen- 
tary on  St.  John  x.  29,  of  which  they  are  an  abbreviated 
statement.2  Similarly  the  rest  of  the  Skeireins  passage  is 
based  on  Alcuin's  Commentary  on  St.  John  v.  21,  22,  23, 
where  it  says  that  God  and  Christ  do  not  judge  in  separate 
capacities,  but  as  one.  The  Father  does  not  judge,  but  Christ, 
in  His  second  nature,  in  which  He  is  consubstantial  with  the 
Mother.  Only  the  Son  is  seen  to  sit  in  judgment.  And  yet, 
the  Father  is  not  to  be  judged  as  greater,  the  Son  as  smaller, 
but  both  by  one  honor.  "Honor  the  Son  as  you  honor  the 
Father." 3  The  point  is  not  clearly  stated  by  Alcuin,  for  it 

1  Migne,  vol.  ci,  cols.  143,  144,  145,  146,  157,  162,  255,  256. 

2  "Quibus  profecto  verbis  non  praesentem  solummodo  Judaeorum  quaes- 
tionem,  qua  an  ipse  esset  Christus  interrogabant,  explicavit,  sed  etiam  haereti- 
corum  perfidiam  quam  futuram  praevidit,  quantum  sit  execranda  monstravit. 
'Conticescat  Sabellius  audiens  Ego  et  Pater,  qui  unam  personam  Patris  et 
Filii  prava  doctrina  disseruit,  nam  ego  et  Pater,  duae  sunt  personae.  Item 
erubescat  Arius  audiens:  Unum  sumus,  qui  duas  naturas  in  Patre  et  Filio 
astruit,  dum  unum  unam  naturam  significat,  sicut  sumus,  duas  personas. 
Sequamur  apostolicam  fidem,  quam  beatus  Petrus  princeps  apostolorum  con- 
fessus  est,"  Migne,  vol.  c,  col.  893/. 

3  "Sicut  enim  Pater  suscitat  mortuos  et  vivificat,  sic  et  Filius  quos  vult 
vivificat.  Non  enim  alios  Pater,  alios  Filius  vivificat;  sed  una  potestas  unam 
vivificationem  facit;  quae  etiam  potestas  uno  honore  honoranda  est  .  .  .  Pater 
enim  non  judicat  quemquam,  sed  omne  judicium  dedit  Filio,  ut  omnes  honori- 
ficent  Filium,  sicut  honorificant  Patrem.  Qui  non  honorificat  Patrem,  non 
honorificat  Filium.  Pater  non  judicat  quemquam,  quia  Patris  persona  hominem 
non  suscepit,  nee  in  judicio  videbitur:  sed  sola  Filii  persona,  in  ea  forma  quae 
judicata  est  injuste,  et  juste  judicabit  vivos  ac  mortuos.  Nee  enim  Filius 
videbitur  in  judicio  in  ea  natura  qua  consubstantialis  est  Deo  Patri,  sed  in  ea 
qua  consubstantialis  est  matri,  et  homo  factus  est.  .  .  .  Sed  ne  forte  Patrem 
quidem  honorifices  tanquam  majorem,  Filium  vero  tanquam  minorem,  ut 
dicas  mihi:  Honorifico  Patrem;  scio  enim  quod  habeat  Filium,  et  non  erro  in 
Patris  nomine,  non  enim  Patrem  intelligo  sine  Filio,  honorifico  tamen  et 
Filium  tanquam  minorem:  corrigit  te  ipse  Filius,  et  revocat  dicens:  Ut  omnes 
honorificent  Filium,  non  inferius  sed  sicud  honorificant  Patrem.  Qui  ergo  non 
honorificat  Filium,  nee  Patrem  honorificat,  qui  misit  ilium.   Ego,  inquis,  ma- 


INTRODUCTION  liii 

may  appear,  at  first  sight,  that  he  wants  Christ  to  be  honored 
exactly  as  God  (uno  honore  honoranda  est),  but  this  is  merely 
due  to  an  over-emphasis  against  the  Adoptionist  view  that 
the  honor  should  be  different.  Agobard,  in  his  controversy 
with  the  Adoptionists,  tried  to  avoid  the  difficulty  of  the 
emphasis,  which  would  have  taken  him  from  Nestorianism 
to  the  opposite  heresy  of  Eutychianism,  by  adhering  for  the 
orthodox  dogma  to  Cyril,  who  took  a  middle  course.1  Hence 
Cyril  is  one  of  the  authors  most  quoted  by  the  theologians  of 
the  ninth  century,  even  as  he  forms  the  basis  of  certain  ideas 
and  expressions  in  the  Skeireins.  But  Cyril  in  this  particular 
case  distinctly  says  that  "sicut,  Ka0w?"  shows  that  Christ  is 
to  be  honored,  not  equally,  but  similarly,  even  as  the  state- 
ment "let  the  silver  shine  like  (/caucus)  the  sun"  shows  that 

jorem  honorem  volo  dare  Patri,  minorem  Filio.  Ibi  tollis  honorem  Patri,  ubi 
minorem  das  Filio.  Quid  enim  tibi  aliud  videtur  ista  sententia,  nisi  quia  Pater 
aequalem  sibi  Filium  generare  aut  noluit  aut  non  potuit?  Si  noluit,  invidit;  si 
non  potuit,  defecit.  Non  ergo  vides,  quia  ita  est  sentiendum:  Ubi  majorem 
honorem  vis  dare  Patri,  ibi  es  contumeliosus  in  Patrem.  Proinde  sic  honorifica 
Filium,  quomodo  honorificas  Patrem,  si  vis  honorificare  et  Filium  et  Patrem," 
ibid.,  col.  810/. 

1  "  Nestorius  haereticus  sic  duas  naturas  in  unico  Filio  Dei  Domino  nostro 
Jesu  Christo  dividit  ac  separat,  ut  in  disputatione  dogmatis  sui  sic  de  uno 
quasi  de  duobus  loquatur,  quasi  alium  suspicans  Deum  Verbum,  alium  Em- 
manuel, licet  plerumque  unam  horum  fateatur  personam.  E  contrario  autem 
Eutyches  in  dogmate  suo  sic  de  unici  Filii  Dei  loquitur  singulari  persona  quasi 
de  una  substantia.  Et  quanquam  sempiternam  divinitatis  ejus  nativitatem 
connteatur,  temporalem  quoque  humanitatis  non  neget;  ita  tamen  utramque 
substantiam  permiscet  atque  confundit,  et  una  tantummodo  praedicare  in- 
telligatur.  Cum  ergo  utramque,  id  est,  Nestorium,  et  Eutychem,  veritus  fidei 
abjiciat,  quae  medium  inter  eos  tenet  locum;  beatus  Cyrillus,  ejusdem  veritatis 
defensor,  Alexandrinus  antistes,  dum  vellet  corrigere  pravitatem  Nestorii, 
propter  obscuritatem  verborum,  ut  pote  subtilissimae  rei,  offendit  beatum 
Joannem  praesulem  Antiochenae  Ecclesiae,  et  eos  qui  cum  illo  erant;  factaque 
est  divisio  inter  Antiochenam  et  Alexandrinam  Ecclesiam.  Rogatus  est  autem 
ab  Antiochenis  Theodoretus  Cyri  episcopus,  ut  ageret  adversum  beatum  Cyril- 
lum.  Et  mirum  in  modum,  dum  utrique  essent  catholici,  id  est,  et  Antiocheni, 
et  Alexandrini,  beatus  Cyrillus  dum  putatur  esse  haereticus,  quod  non  erat, 
inventus  est  a  Theodoreto  inter  Nestorium  haereticum  et  Cyrillum  catholicum 
medius  locus,  unde  idem  Theodoretus  pugnans  pro  veritate,  ageret  contra 
veritatem;  qui  dum  istis  catholicis  placeret,  illis  displiceret;  quod  tamen  Deo 
auxiliante  Joannis  et  Cyrilli  industria  correctum  est,"  Migne,  vol.  civ,  col.  35/. 


liv  INTRODUCTION 

the  silver  has  not  an  equal,  but  a  similar  splendor  to  that  of 
the  sun.1 

While  the  manner  of  the  treatment  of  the  Skeireins  pas- 
sage is  very  much  like  that  of  Alcuin's  corresponding  verses, 
the  fine  distinction  between  aequalis  and  similis,  which  is 
dogmatically  identical  with  Cyril's  ideas,  smacks  of  Johannes 
Scottus'  " similis  est  relatio  quia  aequales  sunt";  but  un- 
fortunately the  fifth  chapter  of  his  Commentary  on  St.  John 
is  not  extant,  and  so  this  identity  in  the  same  passage  can- 
not be  verified.  It  is  significant  that  the  Skeireins,  which  is 
an  anti-Adoptionist  pamphlet,  is  at  the  same  time  based  on 
the  Gospel  of  St.  John.  The  latter  was  frequently  commented 
upon  by  Carolingian  writers,  because  it  was  theologically 
well  adapted  for  the  Adoptionist  controversy,  and  Schon- 
bach 2  has  shown  that  the  great  bulk  of  Gospel  commentaries 
of  the  Middle  Ages,  especially  the  Commentary  on  St.  John, 
were  based  on  those  of  Alcuin. 

The  passage  under  discussion  has  been  used  by  Gothic 

"  Et  Sia  to  Xeyecr&ai,  <j>r}<riv  '"Iva  irdvTa  ti/xwo~l  tov  Ylbv,  KaOa  Ti/iwcri  tov 
IlaTepa  ,  vopi^cre  xprjvai  tov  Ylbv  laofxeTpois  tw  Ilarpi  KaTaOetxvvveiv  T<.p.ais, 
ayvoeiTe  Trjs  aXr]6eia<;  pa/cpdv  irov  /3aSi£ovTes.  Ou  yap  7rdvrcos  to  Va^ws' 
IcroT-qTa  TrpayfxaTwv  €«r<£epei,  KaO'  wv  dv  <f>aivoiTO  Tedev,  bjxoioicnv  Se  Tiva 
^apa/crT/pi^et  7roAAa/as,  olov,  <pr}o~tv,  6  2o)T^p  ttov  avjxfiovXevei,  Ae'ywv  Tivea6e 
otKTippoves,  KaOws  kcu  6  HaTrjp  v/xwv  6  ovpdvios  oiKrippcov  Io~tlv?  Ovkovv 
eiri  fxev  tu>v  avojxoLUiv  kclto.  ttjv  (ftvo-iv  ore  TaTT6Tai  to  '/cantos',  ov  TrdvTwS 
aTra.pa.Wa.KTOV  rjplv  elo-fpepet  ttjv  laoTrjTa,  bfxoLOTrp-a  8e  paAAov  ko!  ei/covi- 
o~[x.ov,  (d<s  Kai  avroL  7rpoXa(36vTe<;  wpoAoyryKaTe.  'E77-1  Se  twv  dAAiyAoi?  Kara 
7ravTa  7rpoo~eiKOT(ov  eiirep  opwTO  TeOev,  ko!  IcroTrjTa  tj]V  iv  irdo'i  Kal  opotdrr/ra 
StjXoi,  Kal  el  tl  tovtols  eTepov  IcroSwa/JLOvv  evpLo-Kerai.  Olov  tl  (farj/ii.  Aap7r- 
pos  pev  o  kot  ovpavov  Icttlv  rjXtos,  Aap7rp6s  81  opoiws  Kal  6  yrjOev  apyvpos, 
dXX  r)  fxkv  (pvaLS  toiv  elpr)p.ev<i)V  Sid<£opos.  No£io~0a>  8e  Tts  TV)(bv  twv  eVi 
yrjs  ttXovo-lwv,  tois  Kar'  olkov  oiKeVais,  Aa/uLTreTto,  Ae'ycov,  6  dpyvpos,  Ka#ws  koX 
o  r/Xio<;'  iv  tovto)  or]  fxdXa  Sikcuws  ovk  els  ttjv  to-qv  dvafiaivetv  XafXTrpoTrjTa  tuj 
tjXlu)  ttjv  Ik  yrjs  vXrjv  (faafxev,  dXX  els  ofioiui&iv  Tiva  Kal  e/j.(pepeLav,  Kal  el 
<f>epoiTO  kot    avTov  to    Ka6<l)S ,      Epfj.r)vela  els  to   Kara.  'Iwdvvrjv  Evayye'Aiov, 

V.  22,  in  Migne,  vol.  lxxiii,  col.  366. 

2  A.  E.  Schonbacb,  Uber  einige  Evangelienkommentare  des  Mittelalters,  in 
Sitzungsberichte  d.  k.  Akad.,  d.  Wiss.,  Wien  1903,  vol.  cxlvi,  part  iv. 


INTRODUCTION  Iv 

scholars  to  prove  its  relation  to  Ulfilas'  Arianism,  of  which 
as  we  have  seen,  not  a  distant  trace  is  to  be  found,  unless 
Alcuin,  Agobard,  and  Scot  were  Arians.  There  is  not  a 
shadow  of  homoousianism  or  homoiousianism  in  the  use  of 
the  words  ibns  and  galeiks,  because  the  Latin  equivalents 
aequalis  and  similis  have  nothing  whatsoever  to  do  with  the 
nature  of  Christ,  but  refer  only  to  the  honor  due  him.  What 
the  Skeireins  and  the  Carolingian  theologians  were  discuss- 
ing is  all  a  question  of  ofMOLOTLfxCa,  not  of  oixolovctlcl. 

There  is  another  passage  in  the  Skeireins,  on  page  i,  which 
has  been  adduced  by  Gothic  scholars  as  a  proof  that  the 
polemic  was  written  at  an  early  time.  The  dogmatic  purpose 
of  this  part  is  summarised  as  follows  by  Dietrich:1  "To 
judge  from  the  discussion  on  page  i  in  regard  to  salvation  and 
atonement,  which  are  essentially  based  on  Irenaeus,  Christ 
had  a  double  problem.  In  accordance  with  the  plan  of  salva- 
tion, as  intended  by  God  from  the  start,  Christ  was  to  be- 
come man  while  exercising  justice;  for  He  was  not  to  free 
humanity  by  force  from  death  and  from  the  power  of  the 
devil  by  means  of  His  divine  power.  He  was  to  be  as  just 
towards  the  devil  in  the  execution  of  His  work  of  salvation. 
As  the  devil  had  not  forced  anybody  to  commit  sin,  so  Christ 
in  justice  could  not  force  men  to  be  converted  to  piety,  but 
was  by  words  and  work  to  invite  humanity  that  had  turned 
away  from  God  to  follow  the  tenets  of  the  Gospel,  so  as  to 
please  God.  But  men  were  to  turn  away  from  the  devil  and 
accept  the  teachings  of  the  Saviour  by  their  own  free  will. 
But  this  did  not  conclude  His  work  of  salvation.  He  had  to 
atone  to  God,  who  was  offended  by  the  sins,  by  an  extra- 
ordinary sacrifice.  Hence  Christ  sacrificed  himself  in  place 
of  all  humanity,  destroyed  all  sin,  and  saved  the  world." 
Dietrich  confesses  that  the  resemblance  to  Irenaeus'  the- 
ology is  weak,  because  Irenaeus  considers  Christ's  death  as  a 

1  E.  Dietrich,  Die  Bruchsliicke  der  Skeireins,  Strassburg  1908,  p.  Ixxvii  /. 


lvi 


INTRODUCTION 


ransom  paid  to  the  devil  for  enslaved  humanity,1  while  Jel- 
linek,2  who  also  knows  that  the  theology  has  no  resemblance 
to  any  fourth  or  fifth  century  theology  but  that  of  Irenaeus, 
admits  that  the  particular  passage  in  Irenaeus  could  only  be 
adduced  if  the  construction  "be  understood  or  misunder- 
stood" in  the  sense  of  the  Skeireins.  What  an  amazing 
performance!  Gothic  theology,  according  to  these  authors, 
is  based,  not  on  the  theology  of  its  age,  but  on  a  misunder- 
standing in  Irenaeus!  The  idea  is  too  ridiculous  to  need  any 
refutation. 

The  idea  that  Christ  is  justice  itself  and  has  come  to  jus- 
tify men  by  His  death,  is  the  usual  theology  of  Alcuin.  I 
give  here  in  parallel  columns  Massmann's  Latin  translation 
of  the  Skeireins  and  the  passage  in  Alcuin: 


Skeireins 

Propterea  venit  communis  omnium 
salvator,  omnium  peccata  ut  ex- 
purgaret;  non  aequalis  nee  similis 
nostrae  justitiae  sed  ipse  justitia  ex- 
istens,  ut  mactans  se  pro  nobis 
victimam  et  sacrificium,  deo  mundi 
perficeret  redemptionem  .  .  .  prop- 
terea igitur  corpus  hominis  induit, 
ut  praeceptor  nobis  fieret  justitiae 
in  deo. 


Alcuin 

Ecce  agnus  Dei,  ecce  innocens  ab 
omni  peccato  immunis,  ut  pote  qui 
os  quidem  de  ossibus  Adam  et  car- 
nem  de  carne  peccatrice  traxit 
maculam  culpae.  Ecce  qui  tollit 
peccata  mundi ;  ecce  qui  Justus  inter 
peccatores,  mitis  inter  impios,  hoc 
est,  quasi  agnus  inter  lupos  ap- 
parens,  etiam  peccatores  et  impios 
justificandi  habeat  potestatem. 
Quomodo  autem  peccata  mundi 
tollat,  quo  online  justificet  impios, 
apostolus  Petrus  ostendit,  qui  ait: 
"Non  corruptilibus,  argento  vel 
auro  redempti  estis  de  vana  vestra 
conversatione  paternae  traditionis, 
sed  pretioso  sanguine,  quasi  agni 
incontaminati,  et  immaculati  Jesu 
Christi  (I  Petr.  I.  18.  19),  Comm. 
in  Joan.  I.  29,  in  Migne  vol.  c,  col. 
755/. 

1  E.  Dietrich,  Die  Bruchsliicke  der  Skeireins,  Strassburg  1908,  p.  Ixxviii 

2  Paul  and  Braune,  Beitrage,  vol.  xv,  p.  439/. 


INTRODUCTION  Ivii 

That  Christ  is  justice  and,  therefore,  he  who  escapes  sin  be- 
comes a  servant  of  justice,  is  several  times  expressed  by 
Alcuin.1  But  as  man  became  bad  only  by  imitation,2  so  he 
can  become  good  only  by  receding  of  his  own  free  will  from 
the  devil,  but  justice  demands  that  Christ  should  not  take 
men  over  from  the  devil  by  force,  but  that  the  devil  should 
be  conquered  by  the  truth  of  justice.  It  is  significant  that  this 
latter  point  is  made  by  Alcuin  in  his  controversial  writing 
against  the  Adoptionists.  If  we  now  compare  the  rest  of  the 
Skeireins  passage  with  the  corresponding  passages  in  Al- 
cuin, we  find  a  perfect  agreement  in  doctrine : 

Skeireins  Alcuin 

Quod  igitur  videns  Johannes  con-  Omnis  enim  qui  in  Deo  manet,  in 

silium,  quod  perfici  debebat  a  do-  verita  te  manet,  quia  Deus  Veritas 

mino  vero  dixit  Ecce  hie  est  agnus  est.  Si  quis  a  vero  a  Deo  recesserit, 

dei,    qui    tollit    peccatum    mundi.  mendax  erit,  dicente  Psalmographo : 

Potuisset  quidem  etiam  sine  homi-  Omnis  homo  mendax  (Psal.  cxv). 

nis  corpore,  potestate  solummodo  In  quantum  vero  homo  a  Deo  re- 

divina  libera  re  omnes  diaboli  vi;  cedit,  in  tantum  mendax  erit,  dum 

sed  sciebat,  tale  potestate  potentiae  se  a  veritate  declinaverit,  et  inde 

necessitatem declaratam fore,  neque  peccator  erit:  quia  omne  peccatum 

amplius  servatum  iustitiae  consil-  non   est  Veritas,   sed  mendacium, 

ium,  sed  necessitate  se  operaturum  quia  recedendo  a  Deo  non  habet 

fuisse    hominum    salutem.     Quum  veritatem    Diabolus    vero    bonus 

enim  diabolus  ab  initio  non  cogeret,  creatus  est,  sed  per  se  ipsum  malus 

1  "  Ille  solus  liberare  potest  de  peccato,  qui  venit  sine  peccato,  et  factus  est 
sacrificium  pro  peccato.  Qui  manet  in  peccato  servus  est  peccati,  qui  fugit 
a  peccato,  servus  est  justitiae,"  ibid.,  vni.  34,  in  Migne,  col.  869;  "prima 
libertas  est  non  permanere  in  peccato,  servire  justitiae,  dicente  Apostolo: 
Cum  servi  essetis  peccati,  liberi  eratis  justitiae  "  (Rom.  vi.  20),  ibid.,  vni.  36, 
in  Migne,  col.  869. 

2  "Quidquid  a  Deo  creatum  est,  bonum  est,  et  omnis  homo,  quantum  crea- 
tura  Dei  est,  bonus  est:  quantum  vero  se  subjicit  per  liberum  arbitrium  diabolo, 
a  patre  diabolo  est.  Bona  est  enim  hominis  natura,  sed  vitiata  erat  per  malam 
voluntatem,  et  inde  a  patre  erat  diabolo.  Quod  fecit  Deus  non  potest  esse 
malum,  si  ipse  homo  non  sit  sibi  malus.  Inde  ergo  Iudaei  dicti  sunt  filii  dia- 
boli, non  nascendo,  sed  imitando,"  Comm.  in  Joan.  vni.  43,  in  Migne,  col.  872; 
"si  veritatem  locutus  sum  vobis,  quare  non  creditis  mihi,  nisi  quia  filii  diaboli 
estis,  et  non  veritatis,  filii  diaboli  non  natura,  sed  imitatione,"  ibid.,  vni.  46, 
in  Migne,  col.  873. 


Iviii 


INTRODUCTION 


sed  deciperet  hominem"  et  per  men- 
dacium  illiceret  ut  transgrederentur 
legem,  id  fuisset  contra  convenien- 
tiam,  ut  dominus  veniens  vi  divina 
et  potestate  eum  liberaret  et  neces- 
sitate ad  probitatem  converteret. 
Nonne  enim  visus  esset  in  justitiae 
coercitione  impedire  consilium  an- 
tea  iam  initio  paratum?  Decens 
igitur  erat  potius,  qui  sua  voluntate 
obediissent  diabolo  ad  negligendam 
legem  dei,  ut  ii  iterum  sua  volun- 
tate assentirent  Salvatoris  doc- 
trinae  et  aspernarentur  pravitatem 
ejus,  qui  prius  decepisset,  veritatis 
autem  cognitio  ad  renovationem 
conversationis  in  deo  proponeretur. 


factus  est,  declinando  se  a  summo 
bono.  Ideo  ex  propriis  locutus  est 
mendacium,  quia  in  seipso  invenit 
unde  esset  mendax.  Homo  vero 
deceptus  a  diabolo,  factus  est  a  dia- 
bolo mendax.  Ideoque  films  dia- 
boli,  non  natura,  sed  imitatione. 
Recedamus  ergo  a  patre  mendacii, 
curramus  ad  Patrem  veritatis.  Am- 
plectamur  veritatem  ut  accipiamus 
veram  libertatem,  Comm.  in  Joan. 
vin.  44,  in  Migne,  col.  873. 

Ita  quippe  nil  in  eo  baptismus  quod 
ablueret,  sicut  mors  nihil  quod  pu- 
niret,  invenit,  ut  diabolus  veritate 
justitiae  vinceretur,  non  violentia 
potestatis  opprimeretur,  Adv.  Eli- 
pandum  epistola,  in  Migne,  vol.  ci, 
col.  238. 


Page  II  of  the  Skeireins  coincides  with  Alcuin  completely 
on  the  dogmatic  side,  for  both  assert  that  the  heavenly  re- 
birth follows  baptism,  and  both  agree  that  water  represents 
the  carnal,  the  Holy  Spirit  the  spiritual  regeneration: 


Skeireins 

Propterea  quoque  Salvator,  nunc 
incipiens  monstravit  viam  sursum 
ducentem  in  regnum  Dei,  dicens 
Amen,  dico  tibi,  nisi  quis  nascatur 
desuper  non  potest  videre  regnum 
dei.  Desuper  autem  dixit  sanctum 
et  coelestem  natum  alterum  per 
lavacrum  patiendum.  Quod  autem 
non  intellexit  Nicodemus,  quia  tunc 
primum  audiebat  a  praeceptore, 
quapropter  dixit:  Quomodo  potest 
homo  nasci,  adultus  existens?  num 
potest  in  uterum  matris  suae  iterum 
introire  et  nasci?  imperitus  enim 
adhuc  (existens)  neque  sciens  con- 
suetudinem  et  corporalem   (natu- 


Alcuin 

Respondit  enim  Jesus,  et  dixit  ei: 
Amen  amen  dico  vobis:  Nisi  quis 
renatus  fuerit  denuo,  non  potest 
videre  regnum  Dei.  Quae  sententia 
tanto  apertius  cunctis  fidelibus 
lucet,  quanto  constat  quia  sine 
hujus  luce  fideles  esse  nequeunt. 
Quis  etenim  sine  lavacro  regenera- 
tionis,  remissionem  peccatorum  con- 
sequi,  et  regnum  valet  introire 
coelorum?  Sed  Nicodemus,  qui 
nocte  venit  ad  Jesum,  necdum  lucis 
mysteria  capere  noverat;  nam  et 
nox,  in  qua  venit,  ipsam  ejus  qua 
premebatur  ignorantiam  designat. 
.  .  Respondit   ergo    Dominus,    et 


INTRODUCTION 


lix 


ralem)  ex  utero  existimans  ortum, 
in  dubitationem  cecidit ;  quapropter 
dixit :  Quomodo  potest  homo  adultus 
nasci?  num  potest  in  uterum  ma- 
tris  suae  rursus  introire  et  nasci? 
Salvator  autem,  futuro  ejus  judicio 
cognito,  et  in  fide  progressus  (eum) 
facturum  esse,  interpretatus  est  ei, 
ut  adhuc  imperito,  dicens:  Amen, 
amen,  dico  tibi,  nisi  quis  nascatur  ex 
aqua  et  Spiritu,  non  potest  introire 
in  regnum  dei.  Necessarium  enim 
erat  et  conveniens  naturae,  ut  con- 
silium baptismi  acciperet,  quum 
quidem  homo  (ex)  diversis  na- 
turis  compositus  si  (constet),  (ex) 
anima  scilicet  et  corpore;  etiam  al- 
teram eorum  ratione  (vestigio) 
etiam  duas  nominavit  res,  suam 
utrique  ad  baptismi  consilium,  et 
visibilem  quidem  aquam  et  ra- 
tionalem  Spiritum,  ut  nempe  hoc 
videntes. 


ait:  Quomodo  potest  homo  nasci 
cum  senex  sit?  Numquid  potest  in 
ventrem  matris  suae  iterato  introire 
et  nasci?  Quia  secundae  nativita- 
tis  adhuc  nescius  perseverabat .  . 
quaerebat,  ne  hujus  expers  reman- 
endo,  vitae  coelestis  particeps  esse 
nequiret.  .  .  Et  quia  Nicodemus 
ad  primam  Domini  responsionem 
sollicitus,  quomodo  sit  intelligenda 
diligenter  inquirit,  meretur  jam 
planius  instrui,  et  quia  secunda 
nativitas  non  carnalis  est,  sed  spi- 
ritalis,  audire?  respondit  namque 
illi  Jesus:  Amen  amen  dico  tibi,  nisi 
quis  renatus  fuerit  ex  aqua  et 
Spiritu,  non  potest  introire  in  reg- 
num Dei.  .  .  Natura  spiritus  in- 
visibilis,  carnis  est  visibilis;  atque 
ideo  carnalis  generatio  visibiliter 
administratur  visibilibus  incremen- 
tis.  .  .  Quod  ergo  natum  est  ex 
spiritu,  spiritus  est;  quia  qui  ex 
aqua  et  Spiritu  regeneratur,  invisi- 
biliter  in  novum  mutatur  hominem, 
et  de  carnali  efficitur  spiritalis, 
Comm.  in  Joan.  m.  3,  4,  5,  in 
Migne,  col.  778  f. 


It  will  be  observed  that  Alcuin,  quoting  the  Vulgate,  which 
speaks  of  a  regeneration  denuo,  anew,  none  the  less  proceeds 
to  consider  the  rebirth  as  desursum,  upwards,  into  Heaven, 
into  the  spiritual  sphere.1  Alcuin  was  bound  by  the  Vulgate 
text,  while  the  Goths,  following  an  old  Spanish  tradition, 
drew  equally  from  Latin  and  Greek  sources.  Joannes  Scottus, 
who,  like  Theodulphus,  was  not  bound  by  the  Vulgate  tradi- 
tion, is,  therefore,  in  this  passage  in  complete  agreement  with 
the  Skeireins,  for  he  points  out  that  the  Greek  text  distinctly 

1  "Nisi  quis  renatus  fuerit  denuo  .  .  .  quis  regnum  valet  introire  coelo- 
rum  ?  "  See  p.  lviii. 


lx  INTRODUCTION 

shows  that  one  regeneration  is  terrestrial,  the  other  celestial,1 
which  is  also  Alcuin's  theology.2 

The  remaining  passages  in  the  Skeireins  contain  no  dog- 
matic ideas  of  importance,  and  so  need  not  be  discussed. 
But  the  beginning  of  page  II  is  so  strikingly  like  the  cor- 
responding passage  in  Alcuin  that  a  mere  chance  resemblance 
is  excluded:  3 

Skeireins  Alcuin 

Quia  aquae  multae  erant  illic.  et  Quia  aquae  multae  erant  .  .  .  Non- 
veniebant  et  baptizabantur  nondum  dum  enim  missus  fuerat  Joannes  in 
missus  fuerat  in  carcerem  Johannes,  carcerem.  Ideo  hoc  dixit  Evange- 
Id  autem  dicens  Evangelista  osten-  lista,  ut  intelligeretur,  quae  ante 
dit,  munus  ei  datum  prope  finem  posuit,  primo  anno  doctrinae  Do- 
esse  r>er  Herodis  consilium.  mini  nostri  Jesu  Christi,  quae  in- 

cipiebat  a  baptismo  suo,  acta  esse, 
Comm.  in  Joan.  m.  23,  24,  Migne 
col.  785. 

The  writer  of  the  Skeireins  bears,  in  his  methods,  a  striking 
resemblance  to  the  author  of  the  Augiensis  MS.  in  his  treat- 
ment of  Alcuin.  Here  and  there  sentences  have  crept  in  al- 
most in  the  form  in  which  they  occur  in  the  original,  but  on 
the  whole  the  wording  is  materially  changed.  The  theology 
and  the  general  concept  have  remained  absolutely  the  same.4 

1  "Notandum,  quod  in  codicibus  Graecorum  avuOev  legitur,  ubi  in  latinis 
codicibus  denuo  reperitur,  ut  sit  sensus:  nisi  quis  natus  merit  avuiOev,  hoc  est 
desursum,  ut  desursum  dicamus  pro  denuo;  quod  et  facilius  intelligitur,  et 
duabus  nativitatibus,  terrenae  videlicet  atque  coelesti,  covenientius.  .  .  Duae 
siquidem  nativitates  sunt,  ut  ait  Augustinus;  quarum  una  de  terra,  altera  de 
caelo,  hoc  est  desursum,"  Comm.  in  Joan.,  in  Migne,  vol.  cxxn,  col.  315. 

2  "Coelestis  namque  est  ascensio  ejus  ad  vitam  sempiternam,"  Comm.  in 
Joan.  in.  12,  in  Migne,  col.  780. 

3  Note  the  very  striking  resemblance  of  "since  he  knew  the  heresy  of  these 
future  men"  to  "sed  etiam  haereticorum  perfidiam  quam  futuram  praevidit" 
in  the  identical  passage.  See  p.  1  and  p.  lii. 

4  "Fur  das  Werk  im  ganzen  und  grossen  gilt  die  Behauptung,  dass  er  auf 
Alchuins  Johanneskommentar  beruht,  und  zwar  so  ausschliesslich  darauf 
beruht,  dass  —  ohne  Ubertreibung  —  nicht  ein  Gedanke  anderswoher  entnom- 
men  ist  .  .  .  der  Bearbeiter  hat  durch  einen  grossen  Theil  seines  Werkes  zwar 


INTRODUCTION  bd 

Unfortunately  Schonbach  gives  but  a  brief  extract  from  this 
MS.,  and  it  is  not  possible  to  determine  what  relation  it  bears 
to  the  Skeireins.  But  so  much  is  certain,  —  the  Skeireins  is 
based  on  Alcuin,  hence  it  cannot  have  been  written  before 
801,  when  Alcuin's  Commentary  on  St.  John  first  appeared. 
It  is  doubtful  whether  the  Skeireinist  utilised  Joannes  Scot- 
tus,  for  the  few  possible  agreements  with  the  latter  have  only 
to  do  with  the  use  of  the  Greek  original,  which  is  not  ex- 
cluded in  the  case  of  Alcuin  or  any  other  Carolingian  theo- 
logian. It  is,  however,  likely  that  the  Skeireins  was  not 
written  before  813,  for  in  that  year  Charlemagne  demanded 
that  homilies  be  written  in  the  native  tongue,  and  that  would 
include  the  Gothic  of  Gothia  and  of  Burgundy.  As  the 
Skeireins  quotes  passages  from  the  Gothic  New  Testament 
with  fair  correctness,  it  is  to  be  supposed  that  the  Gothic 
Bible  was  written  before  that  time.  That  it  was  not  written 
before  the  end  of  the  eighth  century  will  appear  from  internal 
evidence. 

den  ganzen  Inhalt  der  Darstellung  seiner  Vorlage  entnommen,  hat  jedoch  den 
Worthalt  nicht  beibehalten,  er  hat  den  Text  Alchuins  umstilisiert,"  Schon- 
bach, op.  cit.,  p.  114. 


COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 
AND  MEDIAEVAL  DOCUMENTS 

SOCIO  FISCO 

In  the  Theodosian  Code  there  is  mention  of  certain  fines 
which  are  to  be  paid  to  the  fiscus,  and  the  formulae  in  which 
these  fines  occur  run  in  stereotyped  forms  through  the  docu- 
ments of  the  Middle  Ages.  The  expression  "Sinceritas  tua 
reiectum  quinque  libras  auri  fisco  utilitatibus  cogat  inferre,"  1 
to  which  the  Interpretatio  says  "quinque  libras  fisco  inferre 
cogatur"  2  has  given  rise  to  the  formula  cogente  fisco.  3  Since 
it  was  a  mere  phrase  without  any  very  distinct  meaning,  it 
has  been  strengthened  by  the  redundant  coactus,4  and  for 
cogente  fisco  another  equivalent  phrase  could  be  put,  such  as 
distringente,5  indiscutienti,6  egenti,7  posito  8  fisco,  which  was 
still  further  expanded  or  corrupted  into  cum  fisco,9  una  cum 

1  i.  9.  1.  Similarly  i.  11.  1,  vi.  28.  4,  vi.  30.  10,  ix.  17.  4,  ix.  21.  4,  xiv.  3.  20. 

2  Ibid.,  and  n.  23. 

3  The  ablative  absolute  is  already  to  be  found  in  Cod.  Theod.  in.  1:  "fisco 
vindicante." 

4  "Deinde  cogente  fisco  auri  libras  15.  argenti  pondera  30.  coactus  exsolvat" 
(858),  Ducange,  sub  fiscus. 

5  "Qui  hoc  agere  temptaverit,  inferat  cum  distringente  fisco  argenti  pondera 
v,  aurique  libram  unam  coactus  exsolvat"  (813),  Devic  and  Vaissete,  His- 
toire  de  Languedoc,  vol.  n,  Preuves,  col.  79. 

6  "  Indiscutieni  fisco  multa  conponat"  (764),  Urkundenbuch  der  Abtei  Sanct 
Gallen,  Zurich  18G3,  vol.  i,  p.  43,  and  very  often.  "Inferat  partibus  vestris 
.  .  .  fisco  discutiente  multa  conponat"  (794),  Bibliotlieque  de  I'Ecoledes  chartes, 
6er.  2,  vol.  hi,  p.  416. 

7  "Duplex  satisf actione  fisco  egenti  exsolvat"  (627),  Bibl.  d.  VEc.  des  chartes, 
vol.  vi,  p.  52. 

8  "Et  insuper  posito  fisco  .  .  .  coactus  exsolvat,"  MGH.,  Formulae,  p.  107. 

9  "Inferat  vobis  cum  fisco  auri  libras  duas,"  Doniol,  Cartulaire  de  Brioude, 
p.  107. 


2  COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

fisco,1  servanti  una  cum  fisco,2  una  cum  cogente  fisco.z  Ap- 
parently the  vague  idea  connected  with  such  a  formula  was 
this:  that  one  was  to  pay  by  compulsion  of  the  fiscus,  or, 
since  the  stipulatio  duplae  was  divided  up  with  the  fiscus, 
that  both  the  person  in  question  and  the  fiscus  were  to  be 
paid,  as  is  frequently  mentioned  more  specifically,4  wber- 
fore  also  the  combination  inter  tibi  et  fisco  is  met  with.5 

In  reality,  however,  all  these  combinations  have  resulted 
from  another,  socio  fisco,  which  has  been  understood  to  mean 
"in  company  with  the  fiscus."  But  socio  fisco  has  arisen  from 
the  employment  of  sociare  in  the  Theodosian  Code  in  the 
sense  of  "to  appropriate,"  6  which,  in  the  combinations 
"fisci  viribus,  fisco  sociare"  has  the  distinct  significance  of 
"to  confiscate."  7  In  the  Visigothic  laws  the  expression 
"fisco,  fisci  partibus,  fisci  viribus  sociare"  is  the  usual  tech- 
nical term  of  confiscation,8  which  is  also  used  in  the  other 

1  "Qui  hoc  egerit  aut  quicumque  tentaverit  una  cum  fisco  aim  libram  imam 
persolvat,"  ibid.,  p.  226. 

2  "Inferat  parte  statuta  servanti  una  cum  fisco"  (626),  Bibl.  d.  VEc.  des 
chartes,  vol.  LI,  p.  49. 

3  "  Una  cum  cogente  fisco  multa  conponat"  (794),  ibid.,  ser.  2,  vol.  in,  p.  418, 
"inferamus  tibi  cum  cogenti  fisco  duplum,"  MGH.,  Formulae,  pp.  89,  90. 

4  "Medietate  palacio  nostro,  et  medietate  predictae  congregationi "  (818), 
Historiae  Patriae  Monumenta,  vol.  xin,  col.  176. 

5  "Inferit  inter  tibi  et  fisco  soledus  tantus  vobis  conponat,"  MGH.,  For- 
mulae, p.  5:  "inferat  inter  tibi  et  fisco  soledus  tantus,  vobis  conponit,"  ibid.,  p.  6; 
"inferit  inter  tibi  et  fisco  .  .  .  exsolvat,"  ibid.,  p.  11;  "inferit  inter  vobis  et  fisco, 
conponere  debiat,"  ibid.,  pp.  13,  23,  etc. 

6  "Si  quis  libertum  emere  ut  servum,  vel  qualibet  manumissione  donatum 
inquietare  voluerit,  non  solum  bona  sua  largitionibus  nostris  iussimus  sociari," 
App.  xix. 

7  "Fundum  ipsum  .  .  .  fisci  viribus  sociandum"  (403),  vii.  18.  12;  "fisco 
eius  omne  patrimonium  sociari  decernimus"  (446),  ix.  26.  4;  "alioquin  patri- 
monio  suo  fisco  sociato"  (401),  ix.  42.  18;  "proprietate  privetur,  ea  videlicet 
fiscalibus  calculis  socianda"  (404),  x.  22.  5. 

8  "  Omnem  vero  substantiam  suam  heredibus  occisi  iuxta  legis  superioris 
ordinem  iubemus  addici,  aut  etiam  fisco  .  .  .  sociari,"  vi.  5.  18;  "quisquis  de 
Iudeis  sub  nomine  proprietatis  fraudulenta  suggestione  aliquid  a  precessoribus 
nostris  visus  est  promeruisse  .  .  .fisco  nostro  faciatis  sociari,"  xn.  2.  13;  "fa- 
cultas  predictorum  omnimoda  .  .  .  fisco  nostro  sociata  deserviat,"  xn.  3.  8; 
"medietatem  rerum  suarum  fisco  sociandum  amittant";  xn.  3.  12,  13,  and  17; 


SOCIO   FISCO  3 

Germanic  laws  *  and  in  Merovingian  edicts.2  From  the  for- 
mula distringente  fisco,  under  the  influence  of  sociare,  has  de- 
veloped sociante  fisco,3  which  has  led  to  socio  fisco  with  its 
many  extravagancies.4 

The  Frankish  documents  record  the  variant  satiare,  sa- 
ziare  from  the  seventh  century  on.5  In  the  ninth  century  we 
hear  of  a  formula  of  arrest  prendere  et  saziare,6  which,  how- 
ever, is  already  used  in  the  P actus  Alamannorum  in  the  form 
sisit  et  priserit7  where  sisit  may  have  been  influenced  by 
"exigere."8  That  this  saziare  was  developed  from  the  form- 

"decimam  partem  rei  sue  fisci  partibus  sociandam  amittat,"  xn.  1.  3  and  Cone. 
Tolet.  xn;  "totum  fisci  erit  viribus  sociandum,"  xii.  2.  18;  "res  eius  fisci  viribus 
sociande  sunt,"  xn.  3.  4. 

1  "Alia  medietas  propter  admissam  violentiam  fisci  viribus  societur,"  Lex 
Burgund.,  lex  romana,  vin;  "et  res  eius  in  fisco  socientur,"  Leg.  Langob.,  Lib. 
Pap.,  v  ff. 

2  "Facultates  eorum  propinquis  haeredibus  socientur"  (614),  Bouquet, 
Recueil  des  historiens  des  Gaides,  vol.  iv,  p.  119. 

3  "  Sociante  fisco  multa  conponat"  (745),  Urkb.  d.  Abtei  Sand  Gallen,  vol.  i, 
p.  13;  "una  cum  sociante  fisco  .  .  .  coactus  exsolvat"  (777),  J.  Tardif,  Monu- 
ments historiques,  Paris  1866,  p.  62;  "inferat  ad  ipsum  sanctum  locum  heredum 
meam  sociantem  fisco  auri  libras  quinquaginta "  (739),  C.  Cipolla,  Monumenta 
novaliciensia  vetusliora,  Roma  1898,  vol.  I,  p.  37. 

4  "Inferat  socio  fisco  auri  liberas  viginti"  (671),  Tardif,  op.  cit.,  p.  16;  "inter 
te  et  socium  fisco  .  .  .  conponat"  (769),  ibid.,  p.  55;  "sotio  fisco  .  .  .  coactus 
exsolvat"  (833), Gallia  Christiana,  vol.  n,  Instrumenta,  col.  165;  "una  cum  socio 
fisco  .  .  .  quoactus  exsolvat"  (691),  Tardif,  op.  cit.,  p.  25;  "inferat  tibi  una 
cum  sotio  fisco  auri  untias  tantas  esse  multando,"  MGH.,  Formulae,  p.  186; 
"  tunc  inferat  tibi  una  cum  sotio  fisco  duplum  tantum,"  ibid.;  "inferat  ei,  cui 
litem  intulerit,  ista  tota  servante,  una  cum  socio  fisco  untias  tantas  esse  mul- 
tando," ibid.,  p.  188;  "una  cum  socio  fisco  distringente  .  .  .  coactus  exsolvat" 
(766),  Tardif,  op.  cit.,  p.  49;  " una  cum  distringentibus  sociis  fisci"  (884),  Re- 
gesto  di  Farfa,  vol.  in,  p.  34. 

5  "Si  fuerit  de  facultate  latronis  .  .  .  satiatur"  Bouquet,  Recueil,  vol.  iv,  p. 
265;  "una  cum  satio  fisco"  (833),  ch.  A.  Tr6mault,  Cartulaire  de  Marmoutier, 
Paris,  Vendome  1893,  p.  276. 

6  "Ipsius  hominis  Rothberti  preserunt  et  saziaverunt  malo  ordine  et  contra 
legem,  unde  legem  subire  et  incurrere  debent"  (845),  B.  Guerard,  Cartulaire 
de  Vabbaye  de  Saint  Victor  de  Marseille,  vol.  i,  p.  33. 

7  "Si  quis  alterius  ingenuam  de  crimina  sea  stria  aut  herbaria  sisit  et  earn 
priserit,"  Frag.  n.  33,  in  MGH.,  Leg.  Alaman.,  p.  23. 

8  "Multam  iubemus  exigere,"  Leg.  Burgund,  lxxvt.  1;  "nee  pulveraticum 
prendere  nee  exigere"  (795),  Cartulaire  general  de  Paris,  vol.  i,  p.  36. 


4         COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

ula  socio  fisco  becomes  clear  from  a  document  at  Carcasson 
in  the  year  936,  where  in  sazina  is  identical  with  the  in 
fisco  of  other  documents.1  In  the  Formulae  the  usual  form 
of  this  word  is  sacire.  It  is  employed  to  express  the  seizure 
of  land  by  lawful  process,  where  the  alodial  holding  was  not 
certain.2  The  physical  seizure  of  the  land  was  necessary,  in 
order  to  make  the  title  good,3  and  in  an  immunity  to  a 
cloister  specific  mention  is  made  of  the  fact  that  it  has  the 
right  of  holding  the  land  (sacire)  against  all  persons.4 

Before  discussing  the  further  history  of  socio  fisco  I  will 
show  what  has  become  of  the  first  part  of  the  confiscation 
formula,  of  the  word  inferred  In  the  Langobard  laws  there  is 
frequent  mention  of  a  fine  ferquidum,  which  is  there  glossed 
by  "simile."  If  a  person  carries  fire  from  the  hearth,  causing 
a  conflagration,  he  pays  the  ferquidum,  "damnum  componat 

1  "In  tali  conventu,  dum  ego  Dodolinus  vixero,  teneam  et  possideam  ista 
vinea  ad  usus  fructuum  per  beneficium  nostri  Salvatoris  et  Sancti  Nazarii  cujus 
hereditas  est,  et  accipiant  in  sazina  sanctus  Salvator  per  singulos  annos  solidos 
tres,"  Devic  et  Vaissete,  op.  cit.,  vol.  v,  col.  170. 

2  "Repetebat  adversus  eum,  dum  diceret,  eo  quod  rem  suam  in  loco  nuncup- 
ante  illo,  in  pago  illo,  in  centena  ilia,  quam  de  parte  genetoris  sui  illius  legibus 
obtingebat  conscriptas,  ille  predictam  rem  superius  nominatam  male  ordine 
Buprasedebat  vel  retenebat  iniuste;  sed  ipse  ille  presens  adherat.  Interrogatum 
fuit  ipsi  illo  ab  ipsis  viris  quid  contra  haec  dicere  vellebat,  per  quern  sibi  de  iam 
dicta  re  sacibat  vel  inantea  sacire  vellebat ;  sed  ipse  de  presente  taliter  debit  ei 
in  responsis,  quod  ante  hos  annos  genitor  suos  nomine  illo  ex  alode  conscriptam 
superius  nominatam  ei  dimisisset.  Dum  taliter  agitur,  iudicatum  fuit  ipsi  illo, 
ut  apud  duodecim  homines  suos  consimiles  in  basilica  sancti  illius  hoc  con- 
iuraret  vel  predictam  rem  sacire  deberet.  Sed  veniens  predictus  ille  ad  eum 
placitum  in  noctis  institutis,  ingressus  est  in  basilica  ilia,  manu  missa  super 
sacrum  et  sanctum  altare,  coram  ipsis  missis  vel  racineburgis,  quicquid  indica- 
tum  fuit  vel  per  suum  fisticum  habuit  aframitum,  hoc  coniuravit  vel  legibus 
sacibat,"  MGH.,  Formulae,  p.  251. 

3  "Dum  pro  malorum  hominum  consilium,  quod  non  debueram,  de  terra 
vestra  in  loco  nuncupante  illo,  quem  excolere  videor,  revellare  conavi  et  ipsa 
terra  ad  proprietate  sacire  volui  et  non  potui,  quod  nee  ratio  prestetit,  et  vos 
vel  agentes  vestri  earn  ad  parte  vestra  revocastis  vel  nobis  exinde  eiecistis," 
ibid.,  p.  100. 

4  "Licentiam  habeat  .  .  .  per  annis  contra  quemcumque  saciendi,"  ibid., 
p.  66. 

6  Based  on  my  discussion  in  the  Zeitschrift  fur  romanische  Philologie,  1913, 
p.580#. 


SOCIO   FISCO  5 

ferquido,  id  est  similem."  *  Since  the  damage  done  by  an  ac- 
cidental fire  is  assessed  only  to  the  amount  of  the  property 
consumed,2  while  a  wilful  act  of  incendiarism  is  fined  at  its 
triple  value,3  this  ferquidum  must  obviously  be  a  double 
fine.  The  same  is  paid  in  case  of  a  gift  without  launigild,  of 
wilfully  killing  a  dog  or  pig,  of  maiming  a  horse.4  The  old 
glossaries  repeat  the  equation  "ferquidum  id  est  simile,''5 
without  giving  any  further  explanation,  and  the  modern  au- 
thors similarly  explain  ferquidum  to  mean  "of  equal  value."  6 
But  ferquidum  had  acquired  no  definite  meaning,  as  will  soon 
be  seen,  for  it  arose  from  a  misunderstood  and  miswritten 
clause,  and,  although  a  confusion  has  arisen  between  it  and 
simile  "of  equal  value,"  the  comparison  of  the  various  fires 
due  to  carelessness,  accidence,  or  wilfulness  shows  conclu- 
sively that  it  originally  meant  "a  double  fine." 

Since  the  Germanic  laws  have  generally  arisen  from  a 
literal  interpretation  of  legal  formulae,  we  must  investigate 
the  latter  first.  So  far  as  I  know,  the  oldest  reference  to  this 
word  in  a  document  is  of  the  year  739,  where  it  says  that  if 
the  seller  cannot  legally  defend  the  purchaser,  he  is  to  pay 
double  the  amount  of  what  the  improved  land  would  fetch 
"in  ferquide  loco."7  Ferquide  cannot  mean  "similar,"  be- 
cause it  is  sheer  nonsense  to  talk  of  a  valuation  in  a  similar 
place,  even  as  many  documents  correctly  speak  of  a  valua- 
tion in  the  same  place.8  But  since  the  puzzling  formula  made 

1  Rothar  147.  2  "Caput  tantum  conponat,"  ibid.,  148. 

3  "In  treblum  eum  restituat  sub  stimationem  rei  cum  omnia,  quae  intus 
cremata  sunt,"  ibid.,  149. 

*  Rothar  186,  330,  337,  349  (Liutp.  151). 
6  MGH.,  Leg.,  vol.  iv,  pp.  651,  653. 

6  F.  Dahn,  Die  Konige  der  Germanen,  Leipzig  1909,  vol.  xn,  p.  148. 

7  "Si  minime  defensare  non  potuero  ego  Petru,  aut  mei  heredis  tibi  qui 
supra  Aloin,  aut  tuis  reprometto  adque  spondeo  me  esse  componiturum  in  duplu 
meliorata  terrula,  de  quo  agitur  sub  stemationem  in  ferquede  loco,"  Troya,  Cod. 
dip.  Langob.,  vol.  in,  p.  650. 

8  "Omnia  et  in  omnibus  inintegro  ab  omni  homine  defensare  quod  si  de- 
fendere  minime  potu  .  .  .  tunc  sit  conponituris  ssto  gaiduald  vel  ad  eius  had. 


6         COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

no  sense  to  the  notaries,  it  was  entirely  omitted  *  or  cor- 
rupted to  ferquidus  et  similis,2  consimilis.3  It  is  not  difficult 
to  trace  the  origin  of  this  simili  loco.  In  a  document  of  the 
year  572  we  have  the  sensible  reference  to  the  double  fine  in 
case  of  breach  of  contract  and  also,  "simili  modo,"  for  any 
improvements  on  buildings  since  erected.4  Apparently  the 
Langobard  documents  had  erroneously  spoken  of  a  valua- 
tion in  a  similar  place,  where  formerly  the  reference  was  to 
a  valuation  in  a  similar  manner  in  the  same  place.  Curiously 
a  Spanish  document  of  the  year  823  shows  how  such  a  mis- 
take may  have  arisen,  for  here  simili  loco  is  used  in  the  sense 
of  "in  the  same  manner." 5 

aut  cui  gaiduald  ipsum  loc[um  reliquerit]  alium  talem  locum  qualiter  superius 
legitur  sub  extimatione  intra  ipso  loco"  (726),  Arch.  stor.  ital.,  ser.  in,  vol.  xvn, 
p.  237;  "in  dupplo  res  meliorata,  de  quod  agitor  in  eodem  loco"  (740),  Troya, 
op.  cit.,  vol.  in,  p.  696;  "in  duplo  meliorata  qualem  tunc  fuerit  in  eodem  loco" 
(761),  ibid.,  vol.  v,  p.  107;  "in  duplo  meliorata  in  ipso  loco  qualis  tunc  fuerit" 
(762),  ibid.,  p.  174;  "tunc  componat  pars  parti  .  .  .  infra  ipso  locum  ...  in 
dublo"  (771),  Cod.  dip.  Langob.,  col.  84/.;  "tunc  omnia  vobis  ...  in  dublo 
componamus  in  ipso  loco  sub  extimatione"  (785),  ibid.,  col.  114;  "conponamus, 
qualiter  fuerit  meliorata,  ego  et  mei  heredes  tibi  et  heredibus  tuis  in  suprascripto 
loco"  (792),  ibid.,  col.  125. 

1  "In  duplum  rebus  ipsius  melioratis,  sicut  pro  tempore  fuerint  sub  estima- 
tionem  restituamus"  (769),  Cod.  dip.  Langob.,  col.  73;  "promitto  me  vobis  com- 
ponere  suprascriptos  duodecentos  iuges  talis  et  alios  talis  una  quoque  inibi  a 
vobis  edificavit,  aut  melioratione  fuerit  in  duplo"  (772),  ibid.,  col.  88/.;  "ut 
in  dublum  restituat  rem  melioratam"  (776),  ibid.,  col.  106,  etc. 

2  "Fer  quidum  terra  et  simile  in  eodem  locum  bobis  conponere  debemus" 
(875),  Cod.  cav.,  vol.  i,  p.  103;  "etferquidum  et  simile  rebus  in  eodem  loco  bobis 
conponere  spondimus"  (877),  ibid.,  p.  104;  "in  duplo  et  alia  tale  casa  et  quantu 
aput  vos  meliorata  fueru  sup  iu[sta  esti]mazione  in  ferquide  et  in  consimile 
loca"  (1099),  ibid.,  p.  49. 

3  "Sub  estimatione  consimili  loco"  (753),  Cod.  dip.  Langob.,  col.  32;  "in 
consimiles  locas"  (774),  ibid.,  col.  104;  "in  consimile  loco,"  (936),  Muratori, 
Antiq.,  vol.  n,  col.  1136,  (1014),  ibid.,  vol.  i,  p.  410,  (1091),  ibid.,  p.  420;  "in 
loco  consimili"  (1175),  Camera,  Storia  .  .  .  di  Amalfi,  vol.  i,  p.  361. 

4  "Quod  .  .  .  evictum  ablatumve  quid  fuerit  tunc  quanti  ea  res  erit  quae 
evicta  fuerit  duplum  pretium  sstum  quinque  solidorum  a  sso  venditore  &  ab 
ejusque  hhbs.  &  successoribus  eidem  conparatori  ss.  ejusque  hhbus  &  succes- 
eoribu8  cogantur  inferre  sed  &  res  quoque  meliorate  instructae  aedificateque 
taxatione  habita  simili  modo  omnia  duplariae  rei  se  qs.  venditor  hhdesque  suos 
reddere  pollicetur,"  Marini,  /  papiri  diplomatici,  p.  184. 

6  "Reddat  in  quadruplum,  et  simili  loco  quantum  inquietaverit  Ovetensi 


SOCIO  FISCO  7 

This  in  ferquidum  (locum)  is  variously  recorded,  as  infer 
quidem,1  fer  quidem,2  infer  quide,z  infer  quede,4  inferquidi,5  in 
ferquede,6  in  ferquide,7  in  fer  quidem,8  in  ferquido,9  where  the 
very  spelling  makes  the  word  suspicious.  It  is  obvious  from 
the  Langobard  documents,  even  as  it  was  from  their  laws, 
that  ferquidum  originally  refers  to  double  damages,  where- 
fore it  occurs,  like  the  simile  of  the  year  572,  exclusively  in 
the  "stipulatio  duplae,"  which  guarantees  the  purchaser 
double  damages  in  case  of  difficulties  arising  through  the 
fault  of  the  seller,10  and  is  in  the  oldest  document  quoted  by 
me  correctly  coupled  with  the  "evictio,"  u  even  as  it  is  in  a 
Langobard  contract  of  the  year  725. 12 

In  the  Theodosian  Code  the  verb  inferre  is  always  employed 
to  express  the  payment  of  the  fine  to  the  fiscus,13  and  the 

Ecclesiae  et  cultoribus  ejus,  et  insuper  solvat  auri  talenta  duo,"  Espana 
sagrada,  vol.  xxxvn,  p.  322. 

1  "Conponamus  nos  ...  in  duplu  casa  et  res  in  melioratu,  unde  agitur, 
infer  quidem  locu  sum  estimationum  qualis  tunc  fuerit"  (759),  Troya,  op.  cit., 
vol.  v,  p.  56,  and  again  pp.  279,  466,  542,  551,  556,  643,  704;  vol.  iv,  p.  419 
(752)  infer  quidem  loco  cum  quid,  aut  qualis  tunc  fuerit"  (769),  Mem.  e  doc. 
.  .  .  d.  due.  d.  Lucca,  vol.  iv  \  p.  116,  and  similarly  pp.  135,  136,  138,  150,  167, 
189;  vol.  iv 2,  p.  49;  vol.  v  2,  pp.  37  (759),  44,  52,  64. 

2  Troya,  op.  cit.,  vol.  v,  p.  654;  Mem.  e  doc.  .  .  d.  Lucca,  vol.  iv  1,  pp.  19  (753), 
28;  vol.  v2,  p.  29. 

3  Troya,  op.  cit.,  vol.  v,  pp.  58  (759),  333;  Mem.  e  doc.  d.  Lucca,  vol.  rv l,  pp. 
140  (779),  183;  vol.  v2,  pp.  26  (747),  38,  54. 

4  Troya,  op.  cit.,  vol.  iv,  p.  429  (752),  vol.  v,  p.  81;  Mem.  e  doc.  .  .  d.  Lucca, 
vol.  iv  S  pp.  79  (744),  92. 

5  Troya,  op.  cit.,  vol.  v,  p.  177:  "inferquidi  loco  et  in  ipso  praedicto  casale." 

6  Ibid.,  vol.  in,  p.  650  (739). 

7  Muratori,  Antiq.,  vol.  in,  col.  1014  (783);  ibid.,  col.  1142  (1126). 

8  Ibid.,  vol.  v,  col.  412  (793);  vol.  m,  col.  1062  (964),  col.  1086  (1058). 

9  Ibid.,  vol.  v,  col.  1912  (752);  vol.  in,  col.  1108  (1109),  and  again  cols.  1152, 
1154,  1158,  1168,  1169,  1170. 

10  For  the  "stipulatio  duplae"  read  A.  Bechmann,  Geschichte  des  Kaufs  im 
romischen  Recht,  Erlangen  1876,  p.  375  ff. 

11  The  citations  in  Roman  law  referring  to  this  may  be  found  in  B.  Brisson, 
De  formulis  et  solennibus  populi  romani  verbis  libri  viii,  Halae  et  Lipsiae  1731, 
p.  483. 

12  "Et  si pulsatus aut  aevectus fuerit . .  doblus solidos  emptori  suo  restituat," 
Cod.  dip.  Langob.,  col.  16. 

13  See  notes  on  p.  1. 


8         COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

Justinian  Code  similarly  uses  inferre  fisco,  aestimationem, 
argentum,  pecuniam.1  Wherever  the  Latin  document  is  used, 
this  inferre  has  been  preserved  in  the  "stipulatio  duplae," 
but,  as  a  rule,  in  a  misunderstood  and  much  corrupted  form. 
It  will  suffice  to  make  a  brief  survey  of  the  oldest  sources. 
The  double  damages  are  mentioned  in  a  Saint  Gall  donation 
of  about  the  year  700, 2  while  in  another,  of  the  year  741,  the 
melioration  formula  appears,  exactly  as  in  the  Langobard 
documents.3  Beginning  with  751  inferre  is  used  almost  ex- 
clusively.4 The  same  has  happened  at  Cluny,  but  the  mean- 
ing of  inferre  was  so  obscure  to  the  notaries  that  they  added 
the  words  "componere,  persolvere."5  The  Formulae,  too, 
contain  the  "stipulatio  duplae,"  with  or  without  inferre,  but 
generally  very  corrupt.6 

The  fate  of  inferre  in  the  Spanish  peninsula  is  interesting. 
In  the  Visigothic  formulae  we  still  have  the  sensible  use  of 
inferre,  as  in  the  Roman  laws,7  but  in  the  later  Spanish- 
Portuguese  period  the  notaries  no  longer  knew  what  to  make 

1  B.  Brisson,  De  verborum  quae  ad  jus  pertinent  significatione  libri  xix, 
Lipsiae  1721,  p.  457. 

2  "Si  ego  ipse  aut  ullus  de  heredis  meos  aut  ulla  opposita  persona,  qui  con- 
tra hanc  donationem  istam  agerit  aut  infrangere  voluerit,  inprimis  iram  Dei 
incurrat  et  tublum  conponat,"  H.  Wartmann,  Urkundenbuch  der  Abtei  Sand 
Gallen,  vol.  i,  p.  2. 

3  "Duplum  tantum,  quanta  ipsa  res  meliorata  valuerit,  eis  coactus  exsolvat," 
ibid.,  p.  7. 

4  "Qui  contra  hanc  firmitate  ita  veniri  timtaverit,  inferat  contra  ipsus 
sanctus  auro  libra  una,"  ibid.,  p.  17;  "qui  contra  hanc  epistola  donationia 
ambolale  presumserit,  inferat  ad  ipso  loco  sancto  dubla  repeticione"  (752), 
ibid.,  p.  18;  "inferat  parte  custodiente  dobla  repeticione,"  ibid.,  pp.  22,  23, 
32,  37,  et  passim. 

6  "  Inferamus  vobis  vestrisque  eredibus,  una  cum  tercio  fisco  auri  uncia  una 
componat"  (870),  A.  Bruel,  Recueil  des  chartes  de  Vabbaye  de  Cluny,  Paris  1S76, 
vol.  i,  p.  16;  "inferat  nobis  una  cum  socio  auro  uncias  mi  componat"  (873), 
ibid.,  p.  23;  "tunc  inferamus  nos  vobis  uno  cum  tercio  fisco  auri  uncia  i  com- 
ponat" (874),  ibid.,  p.  24;  "inferamus  tibi  cum  tercia  fisco  auria  libera  per- 
solvat"  (874),  ibid.,  p.  25,  et  passim. 

6  See  notes  on  p.  3. 

7  "Et  insuper  inferat  vobis  auri  libras  tantas,"  MGH.,  Formulae,  p.  577. 


SOCIO  FISCO  9 

of  it.  While  the  Spanish  documents  generally  employ  it 
correctly,1  the  Portuguese  use  what  appears  to  be  a  totally 
inexplicable  doubling  infer  vel  inferus,2  which  in  reality  has 
arisen  out  of  two  persons  of  the  verb,  such  as  inferat  vel 
inferamus,  in  a  desire  to  agree,  as  in  the  first  quotation,  both 
with  "aliquis  homo"  and  with  "nos."  This  infera  has  been 
in  Portuguese  and  Spanish  understood  to  mean  "as  far  as," 
giving  rise  to  ferre  in  "  reach  as  far,"  3  usque  fer  in,  fer  in 
"up  to."  4 

The  Langobard  formula  infer  quidem  is  based  either  on  the 
preceding  Ostrogothic  or  on  the  borrowed  Visigothic  docu- 
ments. That  such  is  the  case  is  proved  by  the  fact  that  the 
Lucca  documents  frequently  have  the  same  repetition  as  the 

1  "Inferat  in  cauto"  (899),  Berganza,  Antigiiedades  de  Espana,  p.  372;  "con- 
ferat  tibi  quidquid  petierit  in  dupplo"  (912),  ibid.,  p.  373;  "conferat  in  cauto" 
(914),  ibid.,  p.  374. 

2  "Si  quis  tamen  quo  fieri  non  credimus  aliquis  homo  uenerit  uel  uenerimua 
contra  hac  cartula  inrumpendum  de  generis  nostri  uel  de  extraneis  que  in  con- 
cilio  post  parte  uestra  deuindicare  non  potuerimus  infer  uel  inferus  quomodo 
pariemus  uobis  ilia  ecclesia  et  ilia  hereditate  duplata  uel  triplata  quantum  ad 
uobis  fuerit  meliorata"  (940),  PMH.,  Dip.  et  chart.,  p.  31;  "tunc  infera  uel 
infera  pars  nostra  partique  vestra"  (949),  ibid.,  p.  34;  "tunc  infera  uel  ininfera 
pars  nostra  partique  uestre  "  (952) ,  ibid.,  p.  38;  "  infera  uel  infera  parie  uobis  " 
(964),  ibid.,  p.  54;  "infera  uel  infra  pars  nostra"  (964),  ibid.,  pp.  56,  57;  "in- 
feram  uel  inferam  pars  nostra"  (971);  ibid.,  p.  65;  "infera  uel  infera  pariemus 
uobis"  (984),  ibid.,  p.  89;  "inferat  uel  infera  pars  mea"  (985),  ibid.,  p.  94; 
"  infra  uel  infra  pars  nostra"  (1044),  ibid.,  p.  203. 

3  "Ad  ilium  portum  de  Porrarium,  et  feret  in  ilium  riuolum  de  Homanum 
.  .  .  et  conclude  per  ilium  riuolum,  descendit  cum  ille  per  Vaor,  et  idem  per 
ripas  et  pergit  per  terminos  de  Populeros  et  feret  in  riuolum  chane  .  .  .  usque 
feret,  et  item  per  ilium  portum  de  Ferraria  .  .  .  et  feret  in  ilia  semita  antiqua  ad 
illas  veredas  de  Mamonela,  et  pergit  per  ilia  vereda  antiqua"  (791),  Fray 
Antonio  de  Yepes,  Coronica  general  de  la  orden  de  San  Benito,  Patriarca  de 
Religiosos,  1609-1621,  vol.  iv,  p.  448b  "et  pergit  usque  ad  montem  etferit  in 
ilia  mamola"  (957),  PMH.,  Dip.  et  chart.,  p.  42. 

4  "Fer  in  ilia  fonte"  (873),  PMH.,  Dip.  et  chart.,  p.  1 ;  "et  inde  ad  ille  sumio 
usque  fer  ad  ilia  uia  trauessa  .  .  .  et  per  ilia  fonte  usque  fer  in  illo  ribolum  .  .  . 
et  fer  in  illo  molino  .  .  et  per  illos  collos  ad  ilia  petragosa  usque  fer  in  illo 
forno"  (907),  ibid.,  p.  10;  "et  fere  in  suari"  (960),  ibid.,  p.  50;  "per  riuulo 
homine  et  fere  in  suari  .  .  .  usque  fere  in  homine  .  .  .  et  inde  ad  fonte  coua  et 
fere  in  illo  vallo"  (960),  ibid.,  p.  51;  "usque  fere  in  comaro  .  .  .  et  fere  super 
canale"  (961),  ibid.,  p.  52. 


10       COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

Spanish  ones,1  which  is  unprecedented  outside  of  the  older 
Gothic  countries.  It  is,  therefore,  necessary  to  assume  that 
infer  quidem  loco,  which  is  the  most  common  formula,  must 
stand  for  "infer  quid  in  eo  loco  (simili  modo  sub  extimatione 
quale  tunc  fueret  unde  agitur),"  or  a  similar  phrase. 

I  will  now  show  that  socio  fisco  has  given  rise  to  the  Gothic 
sagio,  saio  and  a  number  of  similar  important  derivations. 
Mommsen,  who  has  so  often  pointed  out  in  general  outlines 
the  Roman  origin  of  Ostrogothic  institutions,  has  shown  that 
the  saio  is  the  Gothic  equivalent  for  the  Roman  agens  in 
rebus,  that  is,  that  he  is  the  executive  officer  carrying  out  the 
decrees  of  his  superior  among  the  Goths  as  well  as  among  the 
Romans.2  Cassiodorus  once  couples  a  saio,  who  is  always  a 

1  "Ispondimus  vobis  componere  ipsa  suprascripta  sala,  vel  res,  quos  tibi 
dedi  in  duplum  ferquidem,  et  infer  quidem  loco  sub  extimationem  quale  tunc 
fueret  unde  agitur"  (773),  Mem.  e  doc.  .  .  d.  Lucca,  vol.  rv1,  p.  131;  "ipsa  re 
dupla,  fer  quidem,  infer  quide  loco,  sub  extimatione  cum  quo,  aut  qualis  tunc 
fuerint"  (774),  ibid.,  p.  132;  "in  tripum,  fer  quide,  et  in  ferquide  loco"  (782), 
ibid.,  p.  143;  "in  duplum,  fer  quidem,  et  infer  quidem"  (779),  ibid.,  vol.  v2, 
pp.  100,  101. 

2  "Theoderich  hat  aber  den  romischen  agens  in  rebus  nicht  bloss  sich  an- 
geeignet,  sondern  die  Institution  auch  auf  die  Gothen  erstreckt.  Der  co- 
mitiacus  seiner  Erlasse  zwar  ist  immer  ein  Romer,  aber  zuweilen  daneben  und 
dann  an  erster  Stelle,  haufiger  allein  tritt  ein  anderer  Subalternbeamter  auf, 
gothisch  bezeichnet  als  saio  und  ohne  Ausnahme  gothischer  Nationalitat. 
Welche  germanische  Institution  dabei  zu  Grunde  liegt,  muss  dahingestellt 
bleiben;  wie  uns  dieser  Saio  entgegentritt,  ist  er  einfach  der  agens  in  rebus  ge- 
genuber  den  Unterthanen  gothischen  Rechts.  Wie  die  Soldateneigenschaft  bei  dem 
agens  in  rebus  schon  durch  die  Nationalitat  ausgeschlossen  wird,  so  kommt 
sie  auch  dem  Saio  nicht  zu ;  aber  der  Sache  nach  tritt  der  agens  wesentlich 
als  Soldat  auf  und  dasselbe  gilt  ebenso  sehr,  wenn  nicht  noch  in  hoherem  Grade 
von  dem  Saio.  Auch  seine  Thatigkeit  besteht  in  der  Uebermittelung  der 
koniglichen  Befehle  jeglichen  Inhalts  an  den  oder  die  davon  betroffenen  Per- 
sonen  und  der  Ueberwachung  ihrer  Ausfuhrung;  bezeichnend  fur  seine  Stellung 
ist  es,  dass  er  da  verwendet  wird,  wo  die  Execution  der  Lokalbehorden  nicht 
ausreicht  und  dass  bei  Ladungen  vor  Gericht  ihm  der  doppelte  Betrag  dessen 
zukommt,  was  nach  der  von  Theoderich  aufgestellten  Taxe  dem  Executor  der 
Provinzialbehorde  an  Sporteln  zu  zahlen  ist.  Mit  dem  Nebeneinanderstehen 
des  agens  in  rebus  und  des  saio  wird  zusammenhangen,  dass  allgemeine  juris- 
dictionelle  Anzeigen  und  Anordnungen,  zum  Beispiel  die  Anzeige  der  Ueber- 
nahme  einer  Person  in  die  spezielle  konigliche  Tuition  und  die  Anweisung  zur 
Ergreifung  fluchtiger  Verbrecher  regelmiissig  an  die  die  romischen  Behorden 


SOCIO  FISCO  11 

Goth,  with  a  Roman  apparitor  1  and  a  Roman  comitiacus,2 
and  Mommsen  has  shown  that  a  comitiacus,  comitianus, 
ducicus,  or  ducianus  was  an  apparitor,  hence  officially  identi- 
cal with  the  saio.3  Cassiodorus  correctly  says  of  a  saio  that 
he  is  the  executor  of  the  royal  will,4  but  the  word  executor  is 
also  applied  to  a  Roman,5  who  is  a  comes, 6  but,  to  judge  from 
his  title,  devotio  tua,  and  the  mission  on  which  he  is  sent, 
filled  the  duty  generally  exacted  from  a  saio.  Devotio  tua  is 
applied  only  to  an  apparitor,  exsecutor,  or  saio,7  while  vir 
devotus  is  equally  said  of  a  comitiacus  or  comitianus.*  It  is, 
therefore,  clear  that  devotio  tua  was  the  usual  honorific  title 
of  an  executive  officer.  It  was  already  in  use  in  the  fourth 
century  in  regard  to  a  prefect9  and  some  other  officer,10  and 
devotus  was  in  the  Theodosian  Code  frequently  employed  to 
designate  a  soldier  who  paid  his  taxes  promptly,  so  that  it 
nearly  corresponded  to  the  term  fidelis,  with  which  we  shall 
meet  later  on.  It  is,  then,  obvious  that  the  saio  was  consid- 
ered as  the  trusted  servant  of  the  king  or  judge,11  whose  chief 
duty  consists  in  " taking  away,  confiscating"  in  the  name  of 
the  judicial  authority,  as  is  specifically  mentioned  in  the 

gerichtet  wurden.  Fur  die  Gesammtauffassung  der  germanischen  Reichsverweser- 
schaft  ist  das  Institut  dieser  saiones  in  hohem  Grade  belehrend.  Wer  sich  dem 
Augenschein  nicht  verschliesst,  muss  erkennen,  dass  so,  wie  Theoderich  es 
gestaltet  hat,  es  ebenso  der  praktische  Ausdruck  der  personellen  Omnipotenz 
des  Herrschers  ist  wie  das  der  agentes  in  rebus  und  also  das  Regiment  Theo- 
derichs  iiber  die  Gothen  eben  dasselbe  war,  welches  der  Kaiser  des  Westreichs 
iiber  die  in  seinem  Dienst  stehenden  Auslander  iibte  oder  doch  iiben  so  lite," 
Ostgothische  Studien,  in  Neues  Archiv,  vol.  xiv,  p.  472  ff. 

1  "Triwilae  saioni  et  Ferrocincto  apparitori,"  in.  20. 

2  "Dumerit  saioni  et  Florentiano  uiro  devoto  comitiano,"  vin.  27. 

3  Variae,  p.  470. 

4  "Iussionis  nostrae,  cuius  executor  esse  debuit,"  vii.  42;  "in  executore  illud 
est  pessimum,  si  iudicis  relinquat  arbitrium,"  xn.  3. 

5  i.  8.  6  iv.  5. 

7  ii.  21,  i.  8,  iv.  47,  v.  10,  v.  27,  xn.  3.  8  n.  10,  vin.  27. 

9  Cod.  Theod.,  vn.  20.  1  (318). 

10  Ibid.,  vn.  22.  2  (326). 

11  "Non  sayonis  de  rege  ingressio"  (955),  T.  Mufioz  y  Romero,  Coleccion  de 
fueros  municipals,  p.  31. 


12       COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

ancient  Gaudenzian  fragment  of  the  Visigothic  laws.  *  Hence 
the  extended  formula  "socio  fisco  coactus  exsolvat,"  which 
we  have  so  frequently  met,  was  distinctly  understood  to 
mean,  "let  him  pay,  having  been  compelled  by  the  socio 
fisci,"  that  is,  this  socio  produced  the  Gothic  sagio,  saio, 
"confiscator." 

From  this  sagio,  saio,  whose  original  form  was  sacio,  as 
preserved  in  Merovingian  sacibaro,  is  derived  the  Spanish 
sacar  "to  take  away  by  force,  confiscate,"  2  hence,  "to  take 
away  from  the  country,  export."3  Similar  meanings  have 
developed  for  the  word  in  Portugal,  where  it  means  "to  take 
away,  confiscate,"  4  hence,  "to  collect  the  fine,"  wherefore 

1  "Qui  ad  iudicium  iudicatum  non  reddiderit  debitum  et  contempserit  in 
duobus  mensibus,  interpellet  creditor  regem  et  iudicem,  qui  transmittat 
sagionem  cum  ipso,  et  tollat  sagio  ille  de  substantia  eius,  quod  ipsum  debitum 
possit  valere,  quantum  creditori  suo  restituere  iussus  fuerat,  et  reddat  credi- 
tori,"  MGH.,  Lex  Visig.,  p.  470. 

2  "  Villano  pro  pignos  sacare  per  forcia"  (955),  Munoz  y  Romero,  Coleccion 
de  fueros,  p.  31;  "uilla  de  Tauroni  medietatem,  quomodo  ilia  saccauimus  pro 
judicato  de  filios  de  Froila  Osorizi"  (988),  Espana  sagrada,  vol.  xl,  p.  406;  "et 
post  ea  uenit  domino  agenare  deosane  et  uoluit  ilia  forgare  de  tota  omnia  sua 
ereditate  promentira  .  .  .  etnonpotuit  ilia  ereditate  sakare"  (1044),  Coleccion 
de  documentos  para  el  estudio  de  la  historic,  de  Aragon,  Zaragoza  [1904],  vol.  i,  p. 
58;  "si  tale  homine  exierit  de  ilia  gente  de  ista  domina  que  ad  regi  uoleant 
sakare  de  ista  binea  quod  istos  fidiatores  iam  dictos  ponant  ad  regi  in  alio  loco" 
(1061),  ibid.,  p.  170;  "abuerunt  contemtione  vicinos  de  votaia  cum  abbate 
domno  blasco,  dicentes  quod  partem  aberent  in  supradicto  monte  et  per  lege 
et  iudicio  de  rege  domno  ranimiro  et  de  suos  barones  sakavit  eos  exinde  abbate 
domno  blasco,"  ibid.,  p.  193;  "quod  nullus  homo  non  sacet  vos  inde  de  illas 
hereditates"  (1147),  Espana  sagrada,  vol.  xxxv,  p.  416;  "et  fuit  ipso  barrio 
sakato  a  parte  regalengo"  (1071),  Indice  de  los  documentos  del  monasterio  de 
Sahagun,  de  la  Orden  de  San  Benito,  Madrid  1874,  p.  17;  "et  saco  nobis  de  istas 
hereditates"  (1131),  ibid.,  p.  26;  "et  saquo  inde  saion  et  merinus  et  homicido 
et  roxum"  (1137),  ibid.,  p.  28. 

3  "Estes  ommes  sobre  dichos  que  son  puestos  en  estos  puertos  cuenten  todas 
las  mercadurias  que  quisieren  por  y  sacar.  .  .  Sy  algund  mercadero  o  otro  omme 
fuere  fallado  en  todos  mios  rreynos  sacando  ninguno  auer  por  mar  nin  por  tierra 
delos  que  yo  defiendo,  por  ninguna  parte  fuera  delos  rreynos"  (1268),  Cortes 
de  los  antiguos  reinos  de  Leon  y  de  Castilla,  Madrid  1861,  vol.  i,  p.  75. 

4  "Et  damus  uobis  illos  in  oferzionem  pro  que  nobis  sacastis  linpio  de  con- 
zelio  et  sano  pro  parte  de  illo  iudizio  que  noscum  abuit  aderedo"  (991),  PMH., 
Dip.  el  chart.,  p.  99;  "et  si  homo  intrauerit  in  casa  aliena  per  forcia  quantum 
inde  saccauerit  duplet  et  si  nullam  causam  saccauerit  quinque  solidos  ad  pala- 


SOCIO  FISCO  13 

sacator  is  the  " collector  of  fines,"  that  is,  almost  identical 
with  saio.1  In  modern  Spanish  and  Portuguese  la  saca  is 
"export." 

A  passage  in  Ebn  Khaldun  shows  that  the  custom  of  sur- 
rounding the  sovereign  with  a  bodyguard  of  saiones  was 
imitated  from  the  Spaniards,  for  it  was  first  practiced  by  the 
Mowahhids  of  Spain,  and  the  very  name  applied  to  such  a 
bodyguard,  sdqah,  shows  its  derivation  from  sagio,  sacare.2 
In  the  tenth  century  Arab,  sdqah  had  the  meaning  of  "rear 
guard."  That  it  meant  "a  rear  guard  acting  as  a  protection" 
is  evident  from  Greek  cra/ca,  which  was  in  that  century  bor- 
rowed from  the  Arabs.3  This  cra/ca  was  charged  with  the  care 
of  the  sick  and  the  feeble  and  their  belongings,4  wherefore 
it  naturally  carried  off  all  the  plunder,  as  is  shown  from  the 
quotations  in  the  Romance  languages  and  from  the  use 
of   saccomannus  "plunderer,"  saccomannum  "plunder"   in 

cium"  (11.  cent.),  ibid.,  Leg.  et  consuet.,  vol.  i,  p.  346;  "qvi  boues  eiecerit  de  ero 
ubi  ararent  aut  saccauerit  la  clauila  aut  desturbauerit  quod  non  aren"  (12. 
cent.),  ibid.,  p.  192. 

1  "Et  quicumque  contra  decretum  uel  decreta  mea  que  ibi  sunt  scripta 
uendiderit  uel  momparauerit  .  .  .  pectet  duplatum  illud  quod  magis  uendiderit 
quam  positum  est  in  decreto.  Et  ad  istos  incautos  saquandos  mitto  hominem 
meum  Martinum  Pelagii  quod  saquet  eos  ut  dictum  est  per  se  uel  per  alios 
sacatores  cum  meis  scribanis  de  uillis  quos  ipse  ponere  uoluerit,"  ibid.,  p.  753. 

2  "  (Les  Mowahhids  et  les  souverains  de  la  famille  de  Zenata)  restreignirent 
l'usage  des  drapeaux  et  des  tymbales  au  sultan,  et  les  interdirent  a  tous  ses 
lieutenants:  ils  en  firent  le  cortege  sp6cial  qui  devoit  accompagner  le  sultan 
quand  il  marchoit,  et  qu'  on  designoit  sous  le  nom  de  saka.  Le  nombre  en  fut 
plus  ou  moins  grand,  suivant  les  usages  particuliers  adoptes  par  chaque  dynas- 
tie:  les  uns  se  bornoient  a  sept,  comme  a  un  nombre  qui  porte  bonheur;  tel 
etoit  l'usage  des  Mowahhids,  et  de  la  famille  des  Benou'  lahmar,  en  Espagne," 
S.  de  Sacy,  Chrestomathie  arabe,  Paris  1826,  vol.  n,  p.  266. 

3 "  'O  Se  apxyiv  TUiV  ireptav  ef  twv  6tti<t8lu)V,  twv  ko.1  cra/ca  KaXovfxivuiv 
aVSpas  Kal  auros  dc/>opicras  eKarov  /u.e#'  rjyep.6vo<;  tivos  ifATieipov,  €aYu>  axo 
oiacrr7/xaT09  7rept7raT€tv  e«  tu>v  oTricrOev  Iva  ko.1  clvtol  KaTacrKOTrwcri  tov  [xri 
Kara  vwtov  tovtoi<;  dSoK^rws  iirtXOeiv  tous  TroXefJiiovs,"  Tlepl  KaTacrracrccos 
aTrXrjKTov,  in  R.  Vari,  Incerti  scriptoris  byzantini  saeculi  X,  Liber  de  re  militari, 
Lipsiae  1901,  in  Index  sub  craKa. 

4  "  T-^v  Se  Xoltttjv  SiSdvai  rots  tov  crd/ca,  07ra)S  eKetvot  tovs  TrX-qyarovs  tous 
oe  Ta  eauTwv  aTroXuiXeKOTas  aXoya  ko.1  p.})  Swapcevovs  Tre^evaaL  eKetvous  tc 
atrous  8l  olvtG)V  /SacrTd^wcrt  Kal  tov  cpopTOV  avTwv"  ibid. 


14       COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

Italian  documents.1  From  the  formula  "ponere  ad  sacco- 
manum"  has  arisen  the  Spanish  phrase  "dar  saeo  mano" 
"to  plunder,"  while  Italian  saccardo,  saccheggiare,  French  sac- 
eager,  have  developed  from  the  shorter  saccum  "plunder." 
But  this  saccomannus,  which  in  the  form  saccomanno  is  com- 
mon in  Lombardy,  is  unquestionably  of  Langobard  origin, 
even  as  it  occurs  as  sagibaro  in  the  Salic  laws,  and  as  sagibaro 
and  sagemannus  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  laws.  It  does  not  appear 
clearly  from  the  Salic  law  what  the  sagibaro  was,  but  he  is 
called  a  "puer  regius,"  that  is,  "servant  or  soldier  of  the 
king,"2  hence  he  belongs  in  the  same  category  as  the  an- 
trustio.3  One  law,  which  is  very  obscure  in  language,  says 
that  there  cannot  be  more  than  three  of  them  at  one  mal- 
loberg,  and  that  they  are  in  some  way  connected  with  the 
collection  of  money,4  hence  it  is  obvious  that  they  are  in  the 
same  category  with  the  thungini.  This  is  proved  conclu- 
sively from  the  Anglo-Saxon  law  where  a  sagibaro  is  con- 
sidered as  of  equal  rank  with  an  alderman  and  is  in  Anglo- 
Saxon  called  "gethungen,"  5  which  is  in  complete  agreement 
with  the  Pithoean  gloss  "sacebarone:  dicuntur  quasi  sena- 
tores."  I  shall  show  further  on  that  certain  cases  at  law  could 

1  "Volebant  et  iam  incoeperant  saccomanare  civitatem,"  Muratori,  Scrip- 
tares,  vol.  xii,  col.  481;  "una  nocte  pernoctaverunt,  multas  pulchras  domos  et 
palatia  cum  aedificiis  saccomannando  et  comburendo,"  ibid.,  vol.  xvr,  col.  328; 
"nee  de  saccomanno,  tamquam  nobilissimus  stirpe,  curabat,"  ibid.,  col.  348; 
"et  ipsam  Placentiam  vi  acceperunt  post  obsidionem  32.  dierum,  et  ut  asseritur 
ipsam  ad  saccomannum  posuerunt,"  ibid.,  vol.  xi,  col.  279;  "deinde  iverunt 
versus  Pisaurum  et  quatuor  castra  posuerunt  ad  depraedationem  seu  ad  sac- 
comanum,"  ibid.,  vol.  xrx,  col.  894;  "item,  quia  domum  praefati  dom.  Car- 
dinalis  postea  pergentes,  Sanctitatis  vestrae  ultra  omnem  modestiam,  posita 
fuit  ad  saccamannum  in  Luca,"  Martene  &  Durand,  Thesaurus  novus  anecdo- 
torum,  vol.  n,  col.  1396. 

2  "Si  quis  sacebarone  qui  puer  regius  fuit  occiderit,"  Lrv.  2. 

3  "Qui  antrusionem  quo  puer  regius  est  occiserit,"  Recap.  B.  32. 

4  ' '  Sacibaronis  vero  in  singulis  mallibergis  plus  quam  tres  non  debent  esse, 
et  si  de  causas  de  quod  aliquid  eis  solvuntur,  factum  dixerint,  hoc  ad  grafionem 
non  requiratur  unde  ille  securitatem  fecerit,"  liv,  4. 

5  "Si  quis  in  domo  aldermanni  uel  alterius sagibaronis  pugnet,  gif  hwa  on 
ealdormonnes  huse  gefeohte  oSe  on  oSres  getJungenes  witan,"  Ine  6.  2. 


SOCIO  FISCO  15 

not  be  introduced  by  the  plaintiff  in  person,  but  only  through 
the  thunginus  or  sacibaro,  hence  sacibaro,  sacimannus  came 
to  mean,  not  only  "  collector  of  money,  confiscator,"  but  also 
"spokesman,  accuser,"  *  and  hence  the  Germanic  languages, 
with  the  exception  of  the  Gothic,  have  developed  from  this 
sagi-  the  root  sag-  " speak."  That  it  originally  meant  "to 
speak  for  the  plaintiff,  accuse"  is  proved  by  the  Slavic  lan- 
guages where  sok  is  "accuser,"  while  in  Russian  it  means 
"accuser,  spy,  denunciator"  and  the  verb  socit'  means  "to 
find  out,  hunt  up,  chase,"  even  as  Lithuanian  sakiti  "to 
hunt,"  Finnish  sakka  "speech,  announcement,"  Olrish  saig- 
"tendere,  petere,  adire"  are  derived  from  this  Germanic  sag- 
"to  prosecute  at  court." 

On  Romance  territory  sag-  has  stopped  at  the  original 
meaning  "to  confiscate."  From  the  eleventh  century  on  the 
sources  are  abundant  as  to  the  fact  that  after  a  piece  of  prop- 
erty was  adjudicated  to  the  plaintiff,  he  had  to  "seize"  the 
property  by  force,  and  that  such  seizure  was  by  no  means  a 
mild  affair  is  seen  from  the  equation  of  saisia  and  invasio.2 
In  Normandy  private  seizure  was  counted  among  the  heavy 
crimes,3  but  it  was  prescribed  by  law  if  the  courts  had  prop- 
erly adjudicated  the  property,  and  even  the  king  could  not 
seize  church  property  without  due  process  of  law.4  Here  we 

1  "In  causis  ubi  iudex fiscalis  aliquem  inplacitet  de  socna  sua  sine  alio  ac- 
cusatore,  sine  sagemanno,  sine  inuestitura,"  Leg.  Henrici  63.  1;  "non  attraho 
mihi  hoc  N  pro  amicitia  uel  inimicitia  uel  pro  iniusto  lucro,  nee  uerius  inde 
ecio,  quam  mihi  sagemannus  meus  dixit,"  Oath  formula  4. 

2  "Invasionem,  vulgari  vocabulo  saisiam  dictam,  propria  manu  facere," 
H.  Morice,  Memoires  pour  servir  de  preuves  a  Vhistoire  ecclesiastique  et  civile 
de  Bretagne,  Paris  1742,  vol.  i,  col.  591. 

3  "Si  clericus  raptum  fecerit  vel  furtum,  vel  aliquem  percusserit  .  .  .  aut 
assultum  fecerit,  aut  aliquid  saisierit"  (1080),  Teulet,  Layettes  du  Tresor  des 
chartes,  vol.  i,  p.  27. 

4  "Si  episcopi  aliquid  quod  hie  non  sit  scriptum  in  regis  curia  monstrare 
possunt  se  habuisse  tempore  Roberti  comitis  vel  Willelmi  regis,  ejus  conces- 
sione,  rex  eis  non  tollit  quin  bene  habeant;  tantummodo  illud  nullatenus 
seisiscant,  donee  in  curia  ejus  monstrarent  quod  habere  debeant.  Similiter  et 
laicis  propter  hoc  scriptum  rex  nil  tollit  quod  in  curia  regis  monstrare  possint 


16       COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

have  not  only  seisiscere  "to  take  possession,"  but  also  disai- 
siscere  "to  dispossess."  Similar  meanings  are  given  to  sai- 
sire  and  dissaisire  in  Norman  England,1  where  on  account 
of  the  forcible  occupation  of  the  land  no  other  title  than  the 
one  by  seisin  was  valid.2 

An  older  form  for  this  dissaisire  has  had  a  checkered  career 
in  the  Italian  formula  of  dispossession  in  Carolingian  docu- 
ments. In  the  Frankish  werpicio  the  customary  expression  is 
"se  exitum  dicere,  facere,"  3  also  "se  exutum  facere."  4  The 
whole  formula,  even  as  the  werpicio  itself,  has  arisen  from  the 
late  Roman  traditio,  wherefore  we  find  in  the  Ostrogothic 
documents  "se  exisse  excessisse  discessisseque  dicere."5  As 
the  tendency  was  to  substitute  foris  for  ex,6  we  get  the  ex- 

episcopos  non  debere  habere ;  tantummodo  episcopos  inde  non  disaisscant,  donee 
in  curia  sit  monstratum  quod  episcopi  inde  habere  non  debeant,"  ibid.,  p.  28. 

1  "Si  quis  pnminem  habeat  qui  ei  nolit  esse  ad  rectum,  si  quid  de  eo  tenet, 
post  legittimam  submonicionem  saisiri  faciat,"  Leg.  Henrici  61.  18c;  "post- 
quam  aliquis  dissaisitus  legem  uel  rectum  domino  suo  uadiauerit  et  plegios,  si 
opus  est,  addiderit,  saisitus  esse  debet,"  ibid.,  53.  6. 

2  K.  E.  Digby,  An  Introduction  to  the  History  of  Real  Property,  Oxford  1884, 

3  ' '  Per  durpilum  et  f  estucam  sibi  f oras  exitum,  alienum  vel  spohatum  in  omni- 
bus esse  dixit,  et  omnia  werpivit,"  MGH.,  Formulae,  p.  492,  and  similarly  pp. 
188,  190,  200,  210,  492,  547;  "per  mea  fistuca  de  jamdicta  rem  ilia  exitum  feci" 
(870),  Bibl.  de  I'Ec.  des  chartes,  vol.  lxex,  p.  661;  "se  in  omnibus  dixit  exitum," 
ibid.;  "se  in  omnebus  de  ipso  monasthyriolo  .  .  .  dixit  esse  exitum"  (703), 
Tardif,  op.  cit.,  p.  35;  "sibi  exinde  dixit  esse  exitum"  (750),  ibid.,  p.  44;  "unde 
et  ipse  Gerardus  ex  praedictos  teloneos  se  exitum  dixit  coram  eis"  (759), 
Cartulaire  general  de  Paris,  vol.  I,  p.  29;  "se  exinde  in  presenti  dixit  esse  exi- 
tum" (703),  Lauer  and  Samaran,  Les  dipWmes  originaux  des  Merovingiens, 
Paris  1908,  p.  21;  "ut  de  ipsas  villas  se  exigere  fecisset"  (782),  Devic  and  Vais- 
sete,  op.  cit.,  vol.  n,  Preuves,  col.  50. 

*  "Supradictas  rebus  se  exutum  fecit"  (870),  Bibl.  de  VEc.  des  chartes,  vol. 
lex,  p.  261. 

6  "Inque  bacuam  possessionem  rei  ss.  supra  venditor  eundem  emptori  ac- 
toresque  ejus  in  rem  ire  mittere  ingredi  possidereque  permisit  hac  (ac)  suos 
omnes  inde  ex  eadem  rem  exisse  excessisse  dissesseque  dixit"  (540),  Marini, 
/  pap.  dipl.,  p.  175;  "omnes  solidos  (suous)  inde  exisse  excessisse  dixique  dixit" 
(540),  ibid.,  p.  180;  "se  suosque  omnes  inde  exsisse  excessisse  descessisseque 
dicxerunt"  (539  or  546),  ibid.,  p.  173;  "suos  omnes  inde  exisse  et  excessisse 
discessique  dixit"  (572),  ibid.,  p.  184;  "se  suosque  omnes  exinde  exisse  exces- 
sisse discessisseque  dixit"  (end  of  6.  cent.),  ibid.,  p.  185. 

6  " Dico me meosque omnes  exinde  a  presenti dieforas exissent"(7Q9),  HPM., 
vol.  xin,  col.  71. 


SOCIO  FISCO  17 

pression  forisfacere,  which  originally  had  the  meaning  "to 
commit  a  misdemeanor,"  but  now  acquired  the  additional 
meaning  "to  forfeit."  *  But  far  more  popular  was  absacire 
for  "to  give  up  possession,"  and  this  word  not  being  clearly 
understood  it  has  assumed  a  large  number  of  extravagant 
forms.2  Sacire  never  became  very  popular  in  Italy.  Although 
sasire,  sagire,  saxire,  xasire  are  recorded  since  the  twelfth 
century  3  and  dissagire,  resagire  were  used  in  the  south,4  these 
forms  give  way  to  the  much  more  frequent  staggire,  which, 
however,  has  arisen  in  an  entirely  different  manner. 

In  361  the  Romans  promulgated  a  law  of  hospitale  ius,5 

1  "De  qua  suprascripta  et  predesignata  proprietate  terre  et  case  cooperte  et 
discoperte  ex  toto  per  omnia  et  in  omnibus,  et  etiam  desuper  omnia  me  foris 
facio  et  ipsam  in  tua  potestate  relinquo  et  refuto"  (1218),  F.  Cornelius,  Ec- 
clesiae  Venetae,  Venetiis  1749,  vol.  ix,  p.  388.  The  notary  of  this  document  has 
raised  the  notarial  style  to  an  art  by  quoting  every  known  formula  of  antiquity. 
The  whole  document  is  unique. 

2  Absacito  (814),  HPM.,  vol.  i,  col.  40;  absasito  (890),  ibid.,  vol.  xjii,  cols. 
576,  910,  912,  1033;  1078,  1079,  vol.  i,  cols.  165,  169,  183,  189;  absasila  (991), 
ibid.,  vol.  i,  cols.  288,  306,  610;  absascito  (990),  ibid.,  vol.  xm,  col.  1502;  abasa- 
silo  (903),  ibid.,  col.  1332;  absito  (976),  ibid.,  col.  1357;  absasisito  (973),  ibid., 
col.  1306;  absaxito  (928),  ibid.,  col.  895,  vol.  i,  cols.  302,  505;  absarcito  (986), 
Ughelli,  Italia  sacra,  vol.  iv,  col.  843;  absarsito  (966),  HPM.,  vol.  I,  col.  209; 
apsasire  (980),  ibid.,  col.  258;  absititum  (995),  Ughelli,  op  cit.,  vol.  in,  col.  39; 
adsasito  (999),  HPM.,  vol.  xm,  cols.  1758, 1761;  assassito  (999),  ibid.,  col.  1763, 
vol.  i,  col.  592;  ausasito  (967),  ibid.,  col.  1222;  autsasito  (966),  ibid.,  col.  1213; 
hautsasito  (936),  ibid.,  vol.  i,  col.  140;  absesi  (979),  U.  Pasqui,  Documenti  per  la 
storia  della  citta,  di  Arezzo,  Firenze  1899,  p.  109;  asentam  (963),  HPM.,  vol.  xm, 
col.  1157;  asentem,  ibid.,  vol.  i,  cols.  614,  669;  absentes,  ibid.,  cols.  551,  566,  585, 
600;  apsente,  ibid.,  cols.  558,  637. 

3  L.  Frati,  Statuti  di  Bologna,  vol.  in,  in  the  Vocabulary.  "Iura  et  bona  ad 
prefatum  monasterium  pertinentia  sepissime  occupavimus,  seysivimus,  per- 
turbavimus  per  bannum  et  per  alias  oppressiones  innumeras  .  .  .  omnem  vim 
cuiuscumque  oppressionis,  occupationis,  seysicionis  inferende  in  homines" 
(1212),  Bullettino  dell'  istituto  storico  italiano,  vol.  xviii,  p.  113. 

4  "Iniuste  et  sine  ratione  inextitit  dissagitus"  (1185),  Camera,  Storia  .  .  . 
di  Amalfi,  vol.  i,  p.  368;  "Goffridus  iniuste  et  sine  iudicio  sola  auctoritate  sua 
dissagivit  ecclesiam  sancti  Nicolai  de  quibusdam  terris  suis  de  ecclesia  sancti 
Petri  de  scavezulis  .  .  .  eandem  ecclesiam  resagiri  facias  de  ipsis  terris  sicut  inde 
prius  sagita  fuerat"  (1180),  Cod.  dip.  barese,  vol.  v,  p.  250;  "Goffridus  Gentile 
dissagivit  ecclesiam  beati  Nicolai  auctoritate  et  vi  sua  de  quibusdam  terris  .  .  . 
Goffridus  Gentile  resagivit  predictam  ecclesiam"  (1196),  ibid.,  vol.  vi,  p.  5. 

6  Cod.  Theod.  vn.  8.  1. 


18       COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

according  to  which  soldiers  and  servants  of  the  state  were  to 
be  billeted  in  private  houses.  This  was  merely  an  extension 
of  a  previous  usage,  for  in  333  teachers  were  exempted  from 
the  burden  of  keeping  hospites,1  and  ten  years  later  the  clergy 
were  included  in  this  immunity.2  With  these  exceptions  no 
one  could  be  freed  from  the  obligation,3  by  which  a  third  of 
the  house  was  turned  over  to  the  metatores  or  mensores,  as 
the  billeting  officers  were  called.  The  Germans,  as  is  well 
known,  appropriated  to  themselves  a  third  of  the  Roman 
possessions,  where  they  considered  themselves  to  be  the 
hospites,  or  two  thirds,  where  they  looked  upon  the  Romans 
as  in  their  service.  To  this  I  shall  return  later.  Here  I  shall 
only  mention  that  the  right  of  quartering,  hospitaticum, 
hospitalitas,  hospitium,  is  asserted  throughout  the  Middle 
Ages,  when  it  was  frequently  attended  by  violence.4  The 
Germans  correctly  translated  hospitium  by  heriberga  "  sol- 
diers' quarters,"  5  which  has  produced  English  harbour  "pro- 
tection," harbinger  "metator,  billeting  officer."  In  Anglo- 
Saxon  the  word  is  lacking,  and  Norse  heriberga  is  obviously 
borrowed  from  the  German. 

As  hospes  was  a  person  who  was  quartered  upon  another, 
it  naturally  lent  itself  as  a  synonoym  for  "surety,  warrantee, 

1  xin.  3.  3.  2  xvi.  2.  8. 

3  "Ab  hospitalitatis  munere  domum  privatorum  nullus  excuset,"  vii.  8.  3. 

4  "Quando  etiam  Episcopos,  Abbates,  vel  Comites,  seu  fidelium  nostrorum 
quempiam  in  propria  villa  morari  contigerit,  cum  suis  in  suis  maneant  domibus, 
ne  sub  obtentu  hospiti  vicinos  opprimant,  vel  eorum  bona  diripiant,"  Synodus 
Tycinensis  ann.  855;  "ut  in  domibus  Ecclesiarum  neque  missus,  neque  comes, 
vel  judex  quasi  pro  consuetudine  neque  placitum,  neque  hospitium  vindicent," 
Concilium  annonym.  ann.  904 ;  " preterea  concedimus  predictis  civibus  (Luccae), 
ut  nostrum  regale  palatium  intra  civitatem  vel  in  burgo  eorum  non  hedificent 
aut  inibi  vi  vel  potestate  hospitia  capiantur"  (1081),  J.  Ficker,  Urkunden  zur 
Reichs-  und  Rechtsgeschichte  Italiens,  Innsbruck  1874,  p.  125;  "at  vero  homines 
TJchezoni,  canonico  super  ipsam  terram  bis  quieie  hospitato,  tunc  tercio  per  vim 
eiecerunt"  (1138),  ibid.,  p.  153;  "nullaque  imperii  nostri  magna  vel  parva 
persona  .  .  .  molestare,  divestire,  angariare  vel  violenter  hospitare  .  .  .  aud- 
eat,"  ibid.,  p.  270. 

6  " Hospitalitatem  quern  vulgo  herbergiam  vocant,"  J.  Laurent,  Cartulaire  de 
Molesme,  p.  151. 


SOCIO   FISCO  19 

hostage."  In  the  Cronicae  of  Fredegar  hospes  is  used  exclu- 
sively for  " hostage,"  *  and  the  same  expression  is  employed 
in  the  letters  of  Paul  I.  to  Pipin.2  In  the  eleventh  century  the 
Frankish  documents  suddenly  begin  to  substitute  hostis  for 
hospes  in  the  threefold  meaning  of  "guest,  renter,  and 
surety,"  so  that  there  can  be  no  doubt  as  to  their  identity. 
Fortunately  we  have  the  documentary  history  of  this  change. 
In  904  Berengarius  issued  for  the  church  at  Asti  an  immu- 
nity, which  has  been  very  frequently  repeated  until  late  into 
the  eleventh  century.  Here  the  phrase  occurs,  "nulla  deni- 
que  magna  parvaque  publica  persona  eos  hostaticum  facere 
compellat,"  3  where  hostaticum  can  be  nothing  but  in  hostem 
ire,  "  to  take  part  in  military  expeditions,"  of  the  older  docu- 
ments. The  ending  -aticum  was  generally  used  for  taxes, 
hence  the  incomprehensible  word  of  the  much  quoted  im- 
munity was  transferred  to  the  exemption  from  certain  obli- 
gations,4 where  it  apparently  had  no  definite  meaning.    In 

1  "Quam  plures  hospitibus  ab  eis  accepit,"  MGH.,  Scrip,  rer.  merov.,  vol.  n, 
p.  177;  "hospites  dederunt  mutuo,"  p.  196;  "dederunt  invicem  mutuo  hos- 
pites,"  p.  197;  "receptis  hospitibus,"  p.  197;  "datis  hospitibus  et  mutuo  ac- 
ceptis,"  p.  198.  Krusch  (Neues  Archiv,  vol.  vn,  p.  513),  who  did  not  see  the 
relation  between  hospes  and  hostis,  said  as  follows:  "Sehr  merkwurdig  ist  ferner 
die  Verwechslung  von  'obsides'  und  'hospites';  Geiseln  nennt  der  frankische 
Verfasser  der  Origo  stets  'hospites.'" 

2  "Ut  nostros  ad  tuam  Excellentiam  dirigere  debeamus  Missos,  et  suos 
hospites,  quos  ibidem  ad  vos  habere  videtur,  recipere  debeat  .  .  .  ut  jubeas 
ipsos  hospites  praedicto  filio  nostro  Desiderio  Regi  restitutere "  (762),  Troya, 
Cod.  dipl.,  vol.  v,  p.  193/.;  "neque  praelatos  hospites  permittitis  parti  Lango- 
bardorum  restituere"  (764  or  758),  ibid.,  p.  264. 

3  L.  Schiaparelli,  /  diplomi  di  Berengario  I.,  Roma  1903,  p.  148;  ostaticum 
(918),  ibid.,  p.  310;  ostiaticum  (1037),  Codice  diplomatico  padovano  dal  secolo 
sesto  a  tutto  I'undecimo,  p.  151;  ostaticum  (1047),  ibid.,  p.  184. 

4  "Et  sint  liberi  et  soluti  cum  omnibus  suis  adiacentiis,  vineis,  campis,  olive- 
tis,  cultis  et  incultis,  mobilibus  et  immobilibus,  Toloneis  Ripaticis  Hostia- 
ticis"  (969),  Odorici,  Storie  Bresciane,  vol.  iv,  p.  96;  "et  nullus  potestative  in 
eorum  mansionibus  ingredi  temptet,  nemoque  illos  de  eorum  proprietatibus 
absque  imperiali  iudicio  audeat  investire,  Ripaticum,  tholoneum,  hostiaticum, 
aut  aliquam  publicam  functionem  ab  eis  aliquid  exigat"  (1155),  ibid.,  vol.  v, 
p.  107;  "etcedimusillis  per  hanc  nostri precepti  vel  concessionis  paginam  porta- 
ticum  toloneum  ripaticum  et  opstaticum  et  absque  aliqua  publica  functione 
quiete  vivere"  (969),  MGH.,  Diplomata  regum,  vol.  i,  p.  511. 


20       COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

France,  where  this  immunity  must  have  originated,  hos- 
taticum  was  in  the  eleventh  century  considered  a  synonym 
for  hospitaticum,  and  was  used  wherever  derivatives  from 
hospes  had  been  employed  before,  that  is,  for  "surety"  *  and 
for  the  taxes  of  the  hospes,  the  emphyteutic  peasant.2  To 
this  was  soon  added  hostis  for  hospes,  and  thus  arose  the 
modern  French  hole,  Stage,  hotel,  etc.,  while  in  Italy  ostaticum, 
ostagium,  under  the  influence  of  sagire,  produced  stazire, 
stagire  " confiscate,"  stasina  " confiscation."3  This  stazire 
was  understood  as  extasire,  and  to  this  was  formed  intesire, 
intensire,  tesire,  tensive.4, 

1  "  Miserunt  se  in  ostaticum  de  jamdictis  comite  et  comitissa  et  illorum  filio- 
rum  apud  Gerundam  .  .  .  inde  omnes  istos  ostaticos  praedictos  aut  unum  aut 
duos  ex  illis,  faciant  emendare  ipsum  omne  malum  .  .  .  et  si  aliquis  de  praedictis 
ostaticis  mortuus  fuerit,  jamdicti  vicecomes  et  vicecomitissa  mittant  alium 
ostaticum  vel  alios  non  minus  valentes  in  potestatem  jamdicti  comitis"  (1070), 
Devic  and  Vaissete,  op.  cit.,  vol.  v,  col.  577  ff.;  "dabit  ostaticos  decern,  quales 
ipsa  comitissa  voluerit,  de  ipso  onore  que  non  1'  al  tolla  ni  1'al  anpar"  (1083), 
Teulet,  op.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  29;  "dans,  post  se,  octo  ostacios  per  fides  suas  .  .  .  Isti 
eiquidem  tenebunt  tamdiu  ostagium  suum  secundum  mansiones  suas  .  .  . 
quamdiu  unusquisque  moras  habuerit  in  reddendum  centum  solidos"  (1093), 
G.  Musset,  Cartulaire  de  Saint-Jean  d'Angely,  in  Archives  de  la  Saintonge  et  de 
I'Aunis,  vol.  xxx,  p.  235. 

2  "  De  hostagiis  autem,  id  est  censibus  domorum,  quoniam  inolevit  nequitia 
ut  plerumque  post  longos  temporum  decursus  et  generationum  permutationes 
hi  qui  hostagia  debent  ea  ab  Ecclesia  abalienare  et  sciscitantes  unde  ea  de- 
beant  libertatem  quam  nechabent  nee  habere  debent,  sibi  usurpare  contendunt, 
dignum  ac  necessarium  duxi,  loca  ipsa  in  quibus  et  de  quibus  debentur,  eos 
quoque  qui  debent  nominatim  discernere,"  Van  Drival,  Cartulaire  de  I'Abbaye 
de  Saint-Vaast  d' Arras,  Arras  1875,  p.  102/. 

3  "Staziri  vel  sequestrari,"  F.  Bonaini,  Statuti  inediti  dellacitta  di  Pisa,  vol. 
i,  p.  232;  "stasina,"  ibid.,  p.  232,  etc. 

4  "Praedari  vel  intesiri,  vel  in  praedam  aliquo  casu  concedi,"  Statuta  Lucen- 
sis  civitatis  1539,  lib.  i,  cap.  clix,  "  Intensina  seu  sequestrum  intensire,"  Liber 
statutorum  Arretii  1580,  p.  104;  "Teneatur  potestas  in  continenti  facta  accusa- 
tione  vel  documentatione  de  aliquo  maleficio  perpetrato  vel  commisso  ab 
aliqua  persona,  invenire  vel  f acere  et  tesire  (tensire)  vel  tesiri  facere  bona  omnia 
accusate  persone,"  L.  Zdekauer,  Statutum  potestatis  comunis  Pistorii,  p.  115/. 


DUCENARIUS 

The  chief  judge  of  the  Salic  and  the  Ribuarian  Franks  is 
called  comes  or  grafio.  In  the  early  Merovingian  documents 
the  two  terms  are  not  identical,  because  the  grafio  is  men- 
tioned after  the  comes. l  The  grafio  has  arisen  from  the  merg- 
ing of  a  number  of  different  offices  to  which  the  honorific 
title  "tua  gravitas11  was  attached.  In  the  Theodosian  Code 
this  refers  to  the  praefectus  praetorio,2  praefectus  urbi,3  vica- 
rius,*  praeses,5  dux.6  Cassiodorus  thus  addresses  senators  and 
magistrates,7  and  in  several  documents  in  Ostrogothic  times 
high  acting  city  officials  receive  this  title.8  Now  the  Theo- 
dosian Code  classes  the  following  officers  together,  praefectus 
praetorio,  vicarius,  rector  provinciae,  and  places  them  before 
the  minor  judges,  hence  we  get  for  them  very  nearly  the  rank 
of  the  Frankish  grafio  of  early  times.  But  it  is  in  England 
where  this  grafio,  a  contraction  of  gravitas,  has  been  pre- 
served in  all  the  various  offices  to  which  the  title  rightly  be- 
longed. The  Latin  praepositus,  praefectus,  vicecomes  are  given 
as  equivalents  of  AS.  grefe,  greve,9  and  the  compounds  port- 
grevius  "city  provost,"  tunesgerefa  "praefectus  de  villa," 
weardgerefa  "propositus  custodum"  show  that  greve  and 
gravitas  are  identical  as  regards  the  duties  they  had  to  per- 
form. 

1  MGH.,  Dipl,  p.  58  (693),  and  in  other  documents,  even  in  Carolingian 
times :  ' '  virisque  inlustribus,  ducibus,  comitibus,  domesticis,  grafionibus,  vicariis, 
centenariis  eorumque  iunioribus"  (816),  MGH.,  Formulae,  p.  307. 

2  vii.  4.  9,  viii.  5.  3,  xiv.  3.  20.  3  xiv.  4.  2.  4  vi.  35.  4. 

6  ii.  6.  2,  vi.  31.  1.      6  viii.  4.  4.         7  Variae,  in  Vocabulary,  sub  gravitas. 

8  "Una  cum  vestra  gravitate  oportet  praesentibus  actoribus  traditionem 
fieri"  (489),  Marini,  /  pap. dipl, p.  129;  "vestram  Reatinae  Civitatis  municipes 
gravitatem  .  .  .  fidejussorem  vestrae  praebeo  gravitati"  (557),  ibid.,  p.  122/. 

9  Liebermann,  Die  Gesetze  der  Angelsachsen,  in  Vocabulary. 


22       COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

In  the  Ribuarian  law  grafio  is  the  translation  of  "iudex 
fiscalis,"  1  but  he  is  once  distinguished  from  the  comes,2  even 
as  he  is  several  times  mentioned  along  with  the  comes  in  the 
Salic  law,3  but  in  the  latter  case  the  two  seem  already  to 
be  confounded,  for  while  certain  laws  speak  of  the  comes,4 
corresponding  laws  mention  him  as  grafio.  The  comes  or 
grafio  was  the  higher  judge,  but  by  his  side  there  existed  a 
judge  sitting  in  minor  cases,  whose  duty  finally  deteriorated 
into  that  of  an  executor,  a  confiscator.  That  was  the  tunginus, 
who  developed  out  of  the  Roman  ducenarius. 

Suetonius  tells  us  that  Augustus  introduced  a  new  order  of 
ducenarii  who  sat  in  minor  cases,5  and  from  Eusebius  and 
Cyprian  we  learn  that  the  dignity  was  coveted  by  many,6 
since,  as  we  are  told  by  Suetonius,  the  procurator  ducena- 
rius was  invested  with  consular  dignity,7  and  St.  Jerome 
placed  him  immediately  after  the  senator.8  In  the  fourth 
century  the  ducenarius  is  mentioned  by  the  side  of  the  cen- 
tenarius,  while  his  office  is  called  ducena,9  and  the  dignity  of 
the  ducenarius  was  still  recognized  in  the  fifth  century.10  The 

1    LI,  LIII,  LXXXIV.  2   LXXXVIII. 

3  "In  mallo  iudici,  h.  e.  comite  aut  grafione,"  Cap.  n.  3;  "sic  debet  iudex,  hoc 
est  comes  aut  grafio,  ad  loco  accedere,"  in.  1. 

4  Cap.  ix.  1,  Extravag.  B.  1,  2. 

5  "Ad  tres  judicum  decurias  quartam  addidit,  ex  inferiori  censu  quam 
Ducenariorum  vocaretur,  judicaretque  de  levioribus  causis,"  In  Augustum,  cap. 

XXXII. 

6  "Sublatusque  fuit  mundanis  dignitatibus :  ducenarius  potius  quam  episco- 
pus  vocari  volens,"  Cyprianus  I  Epis.  iv;  Eusebius,  Historia  ecclesiastica,  vn. 
30. 

7  "Ornamenta  consularia  etiam  procuratoribus  ducenariis  indulsit,"  In 
Claudium,  cap.  xxxiv. 

8  "Post  tribunum  primicerius,  deiiide  senator,  ducenarius,  biarchus,  circitor, 
eques,"  Ad  Paminachum. 

9  "  Primipilaribus  post  emeritam  militiam,  perfectissimatus,  vel  ducenae, 
vel  centenae,  vel  egregiatus  dari  potest"  (317),  Cod.  Theod.  vin.  4.  3;  "Caesari- 
anos  in  actu  dumtaxat  constitutos,  ad  perfectissimatus,  vel  ducenae  bel  cen- 
tenae, vel  egregiatus  dignitates  non  opportet  admitti"  (317),  ibid.,  x.  7.  1,  and 
xii.  1.  5. 

10  "Sumentibus  ducenariis  principatum  hanc  tribuimus  facultatem,  ut  his 
pro  se  liberos  ac  fratres  suos  in  eadem  militia  serenitatis  nostrae  nutu  liceat 


DUCENARIUS  23 

ducenarii  were  apparently  somewhat  arbitrary  in  their 
methods,  for  their  transgressions  in  executing  orders  called 
forth  severe  measures  against  them,  and  it  was  especially 
provided  for  that  they  could  not  summon  a  debtor  without 
due  warrant,  and  in  case  of  false  arrest  they  were  severely 
punished.1 

The  Frankish  tunginus,  thunginus  is  in  every  particular 
identical  with  the  ducenarius.  He  is  mentioned  with  the 
centenarius,  but  obviously  as  occupying  a  higher  position.2 
The  Pithoean  glosses  say  that  the  thunginus  is  the  judge  who 
comes  after  the  count  and  who  elsewhere  is  called  decanus.3 
The  thunginus,  like  the  ducenarius,  collects  debts,  but  only 
with  a  due  warrant,  and,  mindful  of  the  severe  punishment 
meted  out  to  him  in  case  of  false  arrest,  is  very  slow  in  bring- 
ing the  debtor  into  court.  The  law  of  the  year  315  com- 
pletely explains  the  procedure  in  De  fides  factas.  If  a  freeman 
or  letus  has  loaned  money  to  a  person  and  cannot  collect  it, 
he  summons  him  to  court  nexti  canthichius,  saying,  "I  ask 
you,  thunginus,  nexti  canthichus  gasacio  meo  him  who  owes 
me  the  money."    Then  the  thunginus  must  say,  "nexthe 

conlocare"  (396),  ibid.,  vi.  23.  8;  "qui  ex  agentum  in  rebus  numero,  militae 
ordine  ac  labore  decurso,  ducenae  dignitatis  meruerit  principatum,  aut  qui  viro 
inlustri  magistro  officiorum,  ut  probatus  fuit  adiutor,  eo  tempore  quo  iam 
honoratis  viris  coeperit  adgregari,  eorum,  qui  vicariam  egerint  praefecturam 
honore  potiatur"  (426),  ibid.,  vi.  27.  20,  21. 

1  "Si  quis  se  a  ducenariis,  vel  centenariis,  ac  precipue  fisci  advocatis,  laesum 
esse  cognoscit,  adire  iudicia  ac  probare  iniuriam  non  moretur,  ut  in  eum  qui 
convictus  fuerit  conpetenti  severitate  vindicetur"  (315),  ibid.,  vm.  10.  1;  "  du- 
cenarios  ab  exactione  provincialium  secundum  constitutionem  sacrae  memoriae 
Constantini  sinceritas  tua  iubebit  arceri"  (364),  ibid.,  xi.  7.  9;  "ducenarii,  et 
centenarii,  sive  sexagenarii,  non  prius  debent  aliquem  convenire,  quam  a  tabu- 
lario  civitatis  nominatim  brevis  accipiant  debitorum.  Quam  quidem  exactionem 
sine  omni  fieri  concussione  oportet,  ita  ut,  si  quis  in  iudicio  questus,  quod  in- 
debite  exactus  est,  et  aliquam  inquietudinem  sustinuit,  hoc  ipsum  probare 
potuerit,  severa  in  exactores  sententia  proferatur"  (315),  ibid.,  xi.  7.  1. 

2  " Ante  thunginum  aut  centenario,"  Lex  salica  xliv.  1;  "Thunginus  aut 
centenarius  mallo  indicant,"  xlvi.  1;  "mallo  quern  thunginus  aut  centenarius 
indixerit,"  xlvi.  4. 

3  "Thunginus:  iudex  qui  post  comitem  est.  degan.  sollensib." 


24       COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

ganthicio  I  him,  as  the  Salic  law  demands."  Still  the  thun- 
ginus  does  not  dare  to  collect  the  debt,  but  sits  with  a  posse 
before  the  house  of  the  debtor,  allowing  the  debt  to  grow 
larger  by  fines.  _  Finally  the  grafio,  after  similar  ceremonial 
delays,  dares  to  proceed  against  the  defendant.1 

We  shall  first  ascertain  what  the  mysterious  words  nexte 
canthichius,  about  which  so  much  learned  nonsense  has  been 
written,  mean.  First  we  shall  put  down  all  the  readings  in 
the  various  codes  preserved  for  the  queer  formula,  in  order 
to  see  whether  some  approach  to  intelligibility  may  not  thus 
be  gained. 

1.  nexti  canthichius,  nexticantigyus,  nestiganti  huius,  sicti 
cantidios,  sicum  nestigante,  nestigante  huius,  nestigantio 
sic. 

2.  nexti  canthichus  gasacio,  nexticantigyus  gasacium,  nesti- 
ganti his  sagatio,  instigante  cuius  cassatium,  nestigantio 
cassahone,  nestigante  gasationum,  ne  istigante  gassachio. 

3.  nexthe  ganthichio,  nexticantigium,  nestigante,  instigante, 
nestigatio,  instigante  ego  sagatium,  nestigantio  gasachio. 

The  only  intelligible  word  one  gets  out  of  this  chaos  is  the 
Latin  instigante,  and  this  is  a  correct  and  important  reading. 
Among  the  Ostrogoths  the  warrant  of  the  saio  contained  the 

1  "Si  quis  ingenuus  aut  letus  alteri  fidem  fecerit,  tunc  ille  cui  fides  facta  est 
in  xl  noctes  aut  quomodo  illius  cum  testibus  uel  cum  illo  qui  praecium  adpre- 
ciare  debent  accedere  debet.  Et  si  ei  noluerit  fidem  facta  soluere,  mal  thalas- 
ciasco,  hoc  est  sol.  xv  super  debitumquod  fidem  fecerit  culp.  iud.  Si  adhuc 
noluerit  conponere  debet  eum  ad  mallum  manire  et  sic  nexti  canthichius  malare 
debet:  Rogo  te,  thungine,  ut  nexti  canthichus  gasacio  meo  illo  qui  mihi  fidem 
fecit  et  debitum  debeat  unde  ei  fidem  fecerat.  Tunc  thunginus  dicere  debet: 
nexthe  ganthichio  ego  illo  in  hoc  quod  lex  salega  ait.  Tunc  ipse  cui  fides  facta 
est  testare  debet  ut  nulli  alteri  nee  soluat  nee  pignus  donet  solutionis,  nisi  ante 
ille  impleat  quod  ei  fidem  fecerat.  Et  festinanter  ad  domum  illius  ilia  die  ante- 
quam  sol  collocet  cum  testibus  ambulare  debet  et  rogare  sibi  debitum  soluere. 
Si  hoc  noluerit  facere,  solem  ei  collocet.  Tunc  si  solem  collocauerit,  exx  dinarios 
qui  faciunt  solidos  m  super  debitum  adcrescant.  Istud  usque  ad  tres  vices  per 
tres  nondenas  fieri  debet,  et  in  tercio  ista  omnia  facta  si  noluerit  conponere, 
usque  ad  ccclx  dinarios  h.  e.  solidos  novem  adcrescat,  id  est  ut  per  singulas 
admonitiones  vel  solem  collocatum  terni  solidi  super  debitum  adcrescant,"  l. 


DUCENARIUS  25 

words  te  compellente,  te  imminente,1  that  is,  the  sovereign 
gave  the  saio  the  right  to  compel,  hence  imminens  itself  be- 
came the  equivalent  for  "confiscator,  saio."2  We  can  now 
see  how  saio,  that  is,  socio,  came  to  take  the  place  of  "exac- 
tor." The  documents  show  that  the  usual  formula  of  con- 
fiscation was  rather  "socio  fisco  coactus  exsolvere"  than 
"te  imminente  coactus  exsolvere,"  because  the  usual  con- 
fiscation was  by  order  of  the  fiscus  and  not  by  special  edict 
of  the  sovereign,  even  as  we  have  recorded  in  Cassiodorus. 
But  if  te  imminente  has  produced  imminens  " confiscator," 
socio  fisco  must  similarly  produce  socio,  saio  "  confiscator," 
as  has  actually  happened. 

Among  the  Visigoths  the  warrant  reads  iudice  insistente,5 
that  is,  "by  authority  of  the  judge."  The  Frankish  and 
other  Germanic  laws  occasionally  employ  such  phrases,  but 
socio  fisco  or  a  similar  combination,  as  has  already  been 
shown,  generally  takes  their  place.  But  in  the  mysterious 
formula  of  the  Salic  law  there  can  be  nothing  but  a  corruption 
of  instigante  iudice  causacio  mea  {audiatur),  as  may  be  judged 
from  the  recorded  Ostrogothic  "te  imminente  causa  legibus 

1  "Ad  iudicium  comitis  Dudae  saepe  dictus  saio  te  compellente  veniat  audi- 
endus,"  Cassiodorus,  Variae,  iv.  27;  "te  debeat  imminente  construi,"  n.  39; 
"mox  ei  praedium  cum  alio  eiusdem  meriti  vobis  imminentibus  a  pervasore  red- 
datur,"  in.  20;  "te  imminente  cogantur  exsolvere  debitas  functiones,"  iv.  14; 
"ut  coram  partibus  positis  te  imminente  censeatur,"  iv.  32;  "imminente  Duda 
saione  nostro,"  iv.  39;  "te  imminente  causa  legibus  audiatur,"  iv.  46;  "ad 
iudicium  competens  te  imminente  conveniant,"  v.  31. 

e  "Proinde  factum  ut  curiales  .  .  .  imminentum  sollicitudine  coacti  gravia 
damna  sentirent,"  ii.  25;  "ipse  enim  imminentem  necessarium  facit,  qui  sol- 
lemnia  praebere  distulerit,"  xu.  8. 

3  "  Et  si  potentior  fuerit,  insistente  iudice  quartam  partem  facultatum  suarum 
amittat,"  n.  4.  14;  "mox  iubente  principe  vel  quolibet  iudice  insistente  non 
solum  castrationem  virium  perferat,  sed  insuper  illam  in  se  iacturam  excipiat 
ultionis,"  in.  5.  7;  "insistente  iudice  cogantur  exolvere,"  v.  6.  6;  "ad  integrum 
ipso  (iudice)  insistente,"  vn.  4.  4;  "eundem  servam  pro  facti  temeritate  insis- 
tente iudice  ei,  cuius  res  invasit  vel  abstulit,  serviturum  tradere  non  desistat," 
vin.  1.  5;  "ut,  si  Goti  de  Romanorum  tertiam  quippiam  tulerint,  iudice  insis- 
tente Romanis  cuncta  reforment,"  x.  1.  16;  "iudice  insistente  heredibus  mortui 
cogatur  exolvere,"  xi.  2.  1. 


26       COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

audiatur,"  for  it  is  only  by  a  proper  warrant  that  the  thun- 
ginus  could  cause  any  arrest.  The  thunginus  did  not  survive 
long  among  the  Franks,  for  in  the  later  period  we  hear  only 
of  the  count  as  a  judge.  In  the  Ribuarian  law  he  is  not  men- 
tioned at  all,  but  the  phrase  of  the  appeal  to  the  thunginus, 
which  in  intelligible  language  was,  "rogo  te,  tungine,  ut  in- 
sistente  iudice  causacio  mea  audiatur,"  is  employed  in  the 
corrupted  form,  "ego  te  tangano  ut  mihi  legem  dicas."  l  Pre- 
cisely the  same  phrase  is  used  in  the  identical  case  in  the 
Salic  law,  so  we  shall  investigate  the  latter. 

If  the  rachinburgii,  sitting  in  the  malloberg,  refuse  to  hear 
a  case,  then  the  plaintiff  says,  "I  tangon  you  to  hear  my  case 
according  to  the  Salic  law."  If  the  rachinburgii  still  refuse, 
they  pay  three  solidi  by  distress,  and  if  they  refuse  once 
more  they  are  once  more  distrained  and  pay  fifteen  solidi.2 
The  derivation  of  this  law  from  the  De  fides  factas  is  obvious. 
The  rachinburgii  are  placed  in  a  position  of  debtors  who 
refuse  to  pay  their  just  debts.  A  warrant  has  to  be  sworn  out 
for  distress,  and  the  procedure  is  the  same  as  in  the  former 
case.  The  incomprehensible  address  to  the  tunginus  is  here 
turned  into  a  verb  tangonare,  which  has  survived  in  the 
French  tangonner  "to  urge  on,  prod,"  and  this  word  tangono 
is  taken  as  an  expression  for  a  distrainable  action,  hence  in 
the  Ribuarian  law  it  is  distinctly  provided  that  interpella- 
tions in  court  are  not  distrainable,  "sine  tangano  loquitur."  3 

1  "Siquiscausam  suam  prosequitur,  et  raginburgii  inter  eos  secundum  legem 
Ribuariam  dicere  noluerint,  tunc  illi,  in  quern  sententiam  contrariam  dixerit 
dicat:  Ego  vos  tangano  ut  mihi  legem  dicatis,"  lv. 

2  "Si  qui  rachineburgii  in  mallobergo  sedentes  dum  causam  inter  duos  dis- 
cutiunt,  legem  dicere  noluerint,  debet  eis  dicere  ab  illo  qui  causa  prosequitur: 
bic  ego  vos  tancono  ut  legem  dicatis  secundum  legem  Salegam.  Quod  si  ille 
dicere  noluerint,  septem  de  illos  racbineburgios  cxx  dinarios  qui  faciunt  solidos 
in  ante  solem  collocatum  culpabiles  iudicentur.  Quod  si  nee  legem  dicere 
noluerint  nee  de  ternos  solidos  fidem  facerent,  solem  illis  collocatum,  dc  dinar- 
ios qui  faciunt  solidos  xv  culpabiles  iudicentur,"  lvii. 

3  "Quod  si  quis  in  iudicio  pro  servo  interpellate  fuerit,  quod  si  servos  tales 
non  fuerit,  unde  dominus  eius  de  fiducia  securus  esse  posset,  in  iudicio  re- 


DUCENARIUS  27 

Just  as  socio  fisco  has  produced  saio  "confiscator,"  and  dis- 
tringente  fisco  has  given  English  distrain,  so  tungine  of  the 
warrant  for  distress  has  produced  tangono  "I  appeal  for  a 
warrant  to  levy  distress,  I  urge  action,  compel." 

We  can  now  determine  what  became  of  the  centenarius  of 
the  Theodosian  Code  and  the  Salic  law.  In  the  P actus  pro 
tenore  pads,  variously  dated  from  511-558,  Chlotar  com- 
plains that  the  night  watches  failed  to  catch  the  thieves,  that, 
therefore,  centenae  be  established.  The  rest  of  the  decree  is 
puzzling,  but  it  is  clear  that  if  the  thief  is  caught  by  a  trustis, 
the  latter  gets  half  of  the  fine.1  The  conclusion  of  the  P actus 
makes  it  clear  that  the  centenarii  are  those  who  are  called 
in  truste.2  Some  manuscripts  have  the  word  antrustio  for 
in  truste, z  and  there  are  recorded  many  variant  forms  an- 
trutio,  antrusio,  etc.  For  in  truste  we  get  once  the  signifi- 
cant reading  ex  truste.4  If  we  now  turn  to  E dictum  Chil- 
perici,  of  the  year  561-584,  we  find  that  the  antrustiones  are 

spondeat  ad  interrogationes:  'Sta  tu,'  et  liceat  ei  sine  tanganu  (tangano,  tancano, 
tagano,  tangno)  loquere  et  dicere:  'Ego  ignoro' ",  xxx.  1;  "hoc  etiam  constitue- 
mus,  ut  nullum  hominem  regium,  Romanum  vel  tabularium  interpellatum  in 
iudicio  non  tanganet  (tangat,  tangenet)  et  nee  alsaccia  requirat,"  lviii.  19;  "abs- 
que tangano  coniurent,"  lviii.  29;  "si  quis  in  iudicio  interpellatus  cartam  per 
manibus  habuerit,  nulle  ei  male  ordine  vel  invasio  requeratur;  quia  dum  inter- 
pellatus respondit  ad  interrogatione  Sta.  tu,  et  sine  tangano  loquatur  et  cheat; 
non  malo  ordine  sed  per  testamentum  hoc  teneo,"  lix.  8. 

1  "Quod  si  post  (per)  truste  inuenitur,  medietate  conpositione  truste  (trustis, 
trustes)  adquirat,"  J.  Hessels  and  H.  Kern,  Lex  salica,  p.  417. 

2  "Pro  itinere  pacis  iubemus  ut  in  truste  centenariae  ponantur,  per  quorum 
fide  atque  sollicitudine  pax  praedicta  seueritas.  Ut  centenariae  latro  licet  prae 
esse  caritatis  indisrupta  uinculum  ut  centenariae  inter  communes  prouintias 
licentiam  habeant  latrones  sequi  uel  uestigia  adsignata  minare  aut  in  truste  qua 
defecerat,  sicut  dictum  est  causa  remaneat,  ita  ut  continuo  capitalem  ei  quern 
perdiderat  reformare  festinet,  et  latronem  perquirat,  quern  sine  (si  in)  truste 
peruenient,  medietate  sibi  uindicet  uel  dilatura  si  fuerit  de  facultate  latronis 
ei  qui  damno  pertulerit  sartiatur,"  ibid.,  p.  418. 

3  "Qui  in  truste  dominica  (antruscione  dominico)  fuit,"  xli.  3;  "sine  truste 
dominica  (andruscio  dominicus)  fuit,"  xlii.  1. 

4  "Si  quis  hominem  in  hoste  occiserit,  triplici  conpositione  conponat  sicut 
in  patria  conponere  debuit,  excepto  si  ex  truste  (truxte)  regale  non  fuerit  ille 
homo.   Nam  si  ex  truste  regale  fuerit,"  etc.,  lxiii.  1,  2  Lex  emendata. 


28       COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

mentioned  after  the  obtimates,  that  is,  they  rank  with  the 
agentes  in  rebus,  the  confiscators.  This  is  proved  by  the  state- 
ment that  the  graphio  goes  with  seven  rachinburgii  an- 
trustionis  to  confiscate  property.1  Indeed,  this  very  passage 
contains  the  word  from  which  trustis  is  derived.  It  is  the 
word  extruder e  "to  evict,  confiscate,"2  in  which  sense  it  is 
classical  Latin  and  is  used  as  a  legal  term  by  Ulpian.  Instead 
of  the  participle  extrusus  we  have  here  the  form  extruste, 
which  the  other  manuscripts  have  changed  to  intruste,  an- 
trustio,  even  as  Visigothic  ex  squalido  was  in  Italy  changed  to 
in  gualdo.z  But  that  extruder e  is  the  correct  word  from  which 
this  trustis  is  derived  is  proved  conclusively  by  the  Lex 
ribuaria,  where  the  identical  law  has  strude  or  trude  for  "  con- 
fiscation" 4  and  in  strute  regia,  corrected  to  in  truste  regia  for 
the  Salic  trustis.5 

In  the  Theodosian  Code  we  frequently  find  solatium  used 
in  the  sense  of  " pecuniary  aid,"  almost  the  same  as  "sala- 

1  "  Pertractantes  in  Dei  nomine  cum  uiris  magnificentissimis  obtimatibus 
uel  antrustionibus  et  omni  populi  nostro  .  .  .  et  graphio  cum  vii  rachymburgiis 
antrutionis  bonis  credentibus,  aut  quis  sciant  accionis,  a  casa  illius  ambulent 
et  pretium  faciunt,  et  quod  graphio  tollere  debet  .  .  .  nam  agens  et  qui  mallat 
ipsum  ad  nos  adducant,  et  adtrutionis  secundum  legem  consecutus  habuerit 
inter  octuaginta  et  mi  noctes  ipsa  inuitatio  et  lex  faciat  sicut  superius  scrip- 
turn  est,"  ibid.,  p.  409/. 

2  "Et  si  rachymburgiis  nee  vn  nee  m  dare  potuerit  nee  dat  graphio  et  ille 
qui  accepit  res  illius  quern  contra  legem  et  iustitiam  extruderit  et  ille  qui  male 
inuitauit  soluat,  cui  res  fuerunt  .  .  .  et  si  dixerit  illi  cui  res  tolluntur  quod  male 
eum  destruat,  et  contra  legem  et  iustitia,"  ibid.,  p.  410. 

3  See  p.  84  #. 

4  "Quod  si  ad  septimo  mallo  non  venerit,  tunc  illi,  qui  eum  manit,  ante 
comite  cum  septem  raginburgiis  in  haraho  iurare  debit,  quod  eum  ad  strude 
{istrudem,  trude)  legitima  admallatum  habet;  et  sic  iudex  fiscalis  ad  domum 
illius  accedere  debet,  et  legitima  strude  exinde  auferre  et  ei  tribuere  qui  eum 
interpellavit  .  .  .  quod  si  ipsam  strudem  (trudem)  contradicere  voluerit,  et  ad 
ianuam  suam  cum  spata  tracta  accesserit,  et  earn  in  porta  sive  in  poste  posuerit, 
tunc  iudex  fideiussores  ei  exigat,  ut  se  ante  regem  repraesentit,  et  ibidem  cum 
arma  sua  contra  contrarium  suum  re  studeat  defensare,"  xxxn.  3,  4;  "si  quis 
iudicem  fiscalem  ad  res  alienas  iniuste  tollendas,  antequam  ei  fidem  fecerit,  aut 
ad  extrodo  (extrudo,  exdrote,  exstrudem,  strude)  admallatum  habuerit,  invitare 
praesumpserit,  bis  vicinos  et  quinos  solidos  multetur,"  li.  1. 

5  "  Si  quis  eum  interficerit  qui  in  strute  (truste,  dustria)  regia  est,"  xi.  1. 


DUCENARIUS  29 

rium."  Throughout  the  sixth  century  and  later  it  has  the 
meaning  of  "support,  help,"1  hence  solatium  collectum  is 
"a  posse,"2  though  I  shall  show  later  that  it  has  arisen  from 
an  entirely  different  phrase.  From  this  application  of  sola- 
tium to  the  duty  of  the  antrustiones  have  developed  the  various 
connotations  of  trustis.  Since  trustis  is  a  synonym  of  solatium, 
it  itself  means  "  solatium,  auxilium,  consolatio,  spes," — mean- 
ings which  appear  in  German  trost,  etc.,  while  trustis  has  also 
the  connotation  of  fides.3  An  antrustio  is  the  equal  of  a 
fidelis,  and  so  we  have  the  Ribuarian  form  drudus  "  trusted 
friend,"  in  the  phrase  ''solatium  drudorum,"  recorded  in  858. 4 
If  we  now  turn  to  the  Visigothic  laws,  we  find  another 
equivalent  for  the  exactor  or  confiscator.  The  ancient  law  of 
Theudis  calls  him  compulsor  vel  executor.6  The  later  laws 
employ  compulsor  exercitus,  servus  dominicus,6  or  thiufadus. 

1  "Experientia  itaque  tua  praefato  supplici  ecclesiastica  non  desinat  imper- 
tire  solatia,"  Gregorii  I  Registri,  rx.  209;  "Bonifatium  notarium  evocatus  ad 
solatium  Chlodovechi,"  Gregorii  Turonensis  Historia  Francorum,  in  MGH.  p., 
104;  " Theudoricus  autem,  Chlothacharium  fratrem  et  Theudobertum  filium 
in  solatio  suo  adsumptos,  cum  exercitu  abiit,"  ibid.,  p.  115. 

2  "Qui  vero  edictum  nostrum  ausus  fuerit  contempnere,  in  cuiuslibet  iudicis 
pago  primitus  admissum  fuerit,  ille  iudex  collectum  solatium  ipsum  raptorem 
occidat"  (596),  Childeberti Secundi  Decretio,  in  MGH.,  Capitularia,  vol.  i,  p.  16; 
"agentes  igitur  episcoporum  aut  potentum  per  potestatem  nullius  res  collecta 
solatia  nee  auferant,  nee  cuiuscumque  contemptum  per  se  facere  non  praesu- 
ment"  (614),  ibid.,  p.  23. 

3  "Rectum  est,  ut  qui  nobis  fidem  pollicerentur  inlesam,  nostro  tueantur 
auxilio.  Et  quia  illi  fidelis,  Deo  propitio,  noster  venens  ibi  in  palatio  nostro  una 
cum  arma  sua  in  manu  nostra  trustem  et  fidelitatem  nobis  visus  est  coniurasse : 
propterea  per  presentem  preceptum  decernemus  ac  iobemus,  ut  deinceps  memo- 
ratus  ille  inter  numero  antrustionorum  (antrustionorum,  andrustionorum)  con- 
putetur,"  Marculfi  Formulae,  i.  18. 

4  "Sine  adiutorio  uxoris  ac  filiorum  et  sine  solatio  et  comitatu  drudorum 
atque  vassorum  nuda  et  desolata  exibit,"  MGH.,  Capitularia,  vol.  n,  p.  429. 

5  "Simili  hetiam  conpulsores  vel  executor es  decreto  prestringimus,  ut  non  pro 
sua  conmoda  exigant  volumtate,  sed  ab  eis,  quos  propria  evectione  conpulerint, 
subvectum  tantum  super  eum  accipiant  caballorum.  Nee  illi  prius  conmoda 
conpulsionis  exigant,  quam  suas  in  iudicio  exerent  actiones,"  MGH.,  Lex 
Visig.,  p.  468. 

6  "Servi  dominiti,  id  est  compulsores  exercitus,  quando  Gotos  in  hostem  ire 
compellunt,  si  eis  aliquid  tulerint  .  .  .  restituere  non  morentur,"  rx.  2.  2;  "servi 
dominiti,  qui  in  hoste  exire  conpellunt,"  rx.  2.  5. 


30       COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

The  latter,  who  is  not  only  a  military  official,  but  also  a 
judge,1  rates  directly  after  the  comes  or  vicarius,2  that  is,  he 
occupies  precisely  the  same  position  that  the  thunginus  does 
in  Merovingian  times,  even  as  the  servus  dominicus  is  the 
same  as  puer  regius  of  the  Salic  law.  It  is  generally  assumed 
that  Gothic  thiufadus  is  derived  from  thusundifaths  "mil- 
lenarius," but  that  is  impossible  by  any  criterion  one  may 
choose.  Such  a  contraction  is  simply  impossible,  and  the 
thiufadus  is  not  identical  with  the  millenarius,  for  the  millen- 
arius  is  mentioned  with  and  above  the  thiufadus.  It  is  quite 
true,  in  the  military  hierarchy  the  thiufadus  was  identified 
with  an  officer  above  the  centenarius,  hence  naturally  he 
stood  somewhere  near  and  may  even  have  been  identified 
with  the  millenarius.  As  a  judge  the  thiufadus  occupied  a 
position  below  the  count,  hence  is  absolutely  identical  with 
the  ducenarius  of  the  Theodosian  Code  and  the  thunginus  of 
the  Franks,  even  as  the  Codex  Parisinus  Lat.  4670 3  correctly 
glosses  thiufadus  with  "vassus  regis,"  an  exact  rendering  of 
the  Salic  "puer  regius."  I  have  already  pointed  out  that 
the  compulsor,  in  fact  all  the  agentes  in  rebus,  of  which  the 
thiufadus  is  one,  were  known  as  devoti.4  Hence  thiufadus  can 

1  "Cum  ceteris  negotiis  criminalium  etiam  causarum  thiuphadis  iudicandi 
concessa  licentia,  criminosos  a  legum  sententiis  ipsi  vindicare  non  audeant,  sed 
debita  in  eis,  ut  conpetit,  censura  exerceant.  Qui  thiuphadi  tales  eligant,  quibus 
vicissitudines  suas  audiendas  iniungant,  ut  ipsis  absentibus  illi  causas  et  tem- 
peranter  discutiant  et  iuste  decernant,"  n.  1.  16. 

2  "Si  quis  iudicem  aut  comitem  aut  vicarium  comitis  seu  thiuphadum  sus- 
pectos  habere  se  dixerit,"  n.  1.  24;  "dux,  comes,  vicarius,  pacis  assertor,  thiu- 
phadus,  millenarius,  quingentenarius,  centenarius,  defensor,  numerarius,"  n.  1. 
27;  "ducibus  vel  comitibus,  tiufadis  atque  vicariis,"  iv.  5.  6;  "dux  aut  comes, 
thiufadus  aut  vicarius,"  rx.  2. 8;  "  ducibus,  comitibus,  ihiufadis  vicariis,"  ibid.; 
"  admonitio  ducis  vel  comitis,  thiufadi,  vicarii  seu  cuiuslibet  curam  agentis," 
rx.  2.  9;  "dux,  comes,  thiufadus,"  ibid.;  "dux,  comes,  tiuphadus,  numerarius, 
villicus,"  Edictum  Ervigii  (683),  MGH.,  Lex  Visig.,  p.  479;  "quod  si  ego  Ermen- 
gaudus  comes,  aut  vicharius,  aut  vilicus,  aut  tuifadus,  aut  aliqua  persona 
venerit  contra  ista  scriptura"  (1029),  Devic  and  Vaissete,  op.  tit.,  vol.  v,  col. 
384. 

3  MGH.,  Lex  Visig.,  p.  xxii. 

4  "Bei  den  Subalternbeamten  erscheint  seit  der  zweiten  Halfte  des  vierten 


DUCENARIUS  31 

be  nothing  but  thiwadus,  that  is,  Lat.  devotus,  the  honor- 
ific title  of  the  executive  officer  who,  as  we  have  seen  from 
the  Ostrogothic  documents,  was  generally  a  Goth. 

We  can  now  proceed  to  the  determination  of  the  origin  of 
the  Burgundian  confiscator,  the  wittiscalcus.  To  do  this  we 
must  first  establish  the  proper  meaning  of  senior  in  the  Visi- 
gothic  laws.  Here  we  have  the  seniores  palatii,  aulae,1  who 
represent  the  higher  officials  at  the  court,  in  which  sense 
seniores  is  used  elsewhere.2  These  references  are  all  from 
laws  promulgated  in  the  second  half  of  the  seventh  century. 
In  the  Antiquae  this  word  is  nowhere  employed,  but  in  the 
subscriptions  of  illustrious  men  to  the  acts  of  the  Third  Coun- 
cil of  Toledo  (589)  the  reading  "similiter  et  omnes  seniores 
Gothorum  subscripserunt"3  follows  after  the  signatures  of  the 
clergy  and  "  viri  illustres."  "Omnes  seniores  Gothorum  "  was 
still  used  in  a  law  of  the  first  half  of  the  seventh  century,4 
where  it  apparently  is  secondary  to  "primates  palatii,"  and 
this  is  borne  out  by  the  use  of  "seniores  loci"  for  officials  be- 

Jahrhunderts  der  Titel  vir  devotissimus,  der  auch  in  den  Inschriften  haufig, 
meist  v.  d.  abgekiirzt,  auftritt.  Dieser  Titel,  der  das  nahe  Treuverhaltniss  zum 
Kaiser  bezeichnet,  ist  daher  vorzugsweise  den  zu  ihm  in  naherem  Verhaltniss 
stehenden  Soldaten,  insbesondere  den  domeslici  und  protectorcs  und  den  mili- 
tarisch  organisierten  agentes  in  rebus,  sodann  aber  auch  den  kaiserlichen  Kanz- 
leibeamten  beigelegt  worden,"  O.  Hirschfeld,  Die  Rangtitel  der  romischen 
Kaiserzeit,  in  Sitzungsberichte  der  Berliner  Akademie  der  Wissenschaften,  1901, 
p.  607/. 

1  "Sane  duces  omnes  senioresque  palatii  ad  huiusmodi  sententiam  obnoxii 
tenebuntur  .  .  .  qui  aut  de  bello  refugiunt,  aut  in  bellica  profectione  constituti 
extra  senioris  sui  permissum  alibi  properasse  reperiuntur,"  variant  to  rs.  2.  9; 
"quod  serenissimo  nostrae  celsitudinis  iussu  a  venerandis  patribus  et  clarissimis 
palatii  senioribus  discreta  titulorum  exaratione  est  editum"  (681),  Concilium 
Toletanum  xn,  in  MGH.,  Lex  Visig.,  p.  476;  "hoc  solum  vos,  honorabiles  Dei 
sacerdotes,  cunctosque  aulae  regiae  seniores  .  .  .  adiuramus"  (639),  Cone. 
Tolet.  xvi.,  ibid.,  p.  483. 

2  "Ununquisque  (arma)  a  seniore  vel  domino  suo  iniuncta  .  .  .  principi,  duci, 
vel  comiti  suo  presentare  studeat,"  ix.  2.  9;  "conventus  sacerdotum  atque 
etiam  seniorum,"  xn.  1.  3. 

3  MGH.,  Lex  Visig.,  p.  485. 

4  "Quicumque  ex  palatii  nostri  primatibus  vel  senioribus  gentis  Gotorum," 
m.  1.  5. 


32       COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

low  the  comes  or  iudex.1  Obviously  we  here  observe  in  the 
seventh  century  the  development  of  senior  in  the  sense  of 
dominus,  but  in  the  sixth  century  it  seems  to  have  had  an 
inferior  meaning,  the  "seniores  Gotorum"  standing  below 
the  highest  officials.  Beginning  with  the  Council  of  Toledo 
of  the  year  653,  for  which  we  have  a  series  of  signatures,  the 
"viri  illustres  officii  palatini"  consist  of  the  good  Byzantine 
hierarchy  of  "  comes  cubiculariorum,  notariorum,  patrimoni- 
orum,  spatariorum,  thesaurorum,  stabuli,"  and  of  the  mys- 
terious comes  scanciarum,2  but  of  the  "seniores  Gotorum" 
there  is  not  a  trace.  We  know  from  the  Germanic  root  of  this 
scancia  that  it  must  mean  "butlery."  Ducange  has  no  early 
quotations  for  the  word,  but  the  only  two  recorded  quota- 
tions from  the  Lathi  documents  for  scalcus  give  it  the  mean- 
ing of  "  butler," 3  hence  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  two 
are  identical  in  origin.  This  may  be  shown  in  another  way. 
In  the  beginning  of  the  seventh  century  the  Frankish 
kings  promulgated  their  decrees  in  the  name  of  their  bishops, 
dukes,  counts,  domestics,  and  agentes  in  rebus,4  and  this 
formula  was  again  used  in  the  beginning  of  the  eighth  cen- 
tury.5 In  the  second  half  of  the  seventh  century  the  list  is 
more  pretentious,  the  place  of  the  agentes  being  occupied  by 
domestici,  refendarii,  siniscalci,  comes  palati,6  but  occasion- 

1  "  Denuntiet  aut  sacerdoti  aut  comiti  aut  iudici  aut  senioribus  loci  aut  etiam 
in  conventu  publico  vicinorum,"  viii.  5.  6. 

2  MGH.,  Lex  Visig.,  p.  485/. 

3  "  Pincernae  seu  scalchi;  scalcus,  id  est,  architriclinus  ",  Ducange,  sub  scalchus. 

4  "Viris  inlustrebus  Vuandelberto  duci,  Gaganrico  domestico  et  omnibus 
agentibus"  (632),  Lauerand  Samaran,  op.  cit.,  p.  5;  "duci  .  .  .  grafioni vel  omne- 
bus  agentebus"  (639),  ibid.,  p.  8;  "episcopis  .  .  .  ducibus  .  .  .  comiti,  vel  omni- 
bus agentibus"  (640),  ibid.,  p.  19. 

6  "Viris  apostolicis,  patribus  episcopis,  necnon  inlustribus  viris:  ducibus, 
patriciis,  comitibus,  vel  omnibus  agentibus "  (727),  ibid.,  p.  85;  "viris  inlustri- 
bus, gravionibus  atque  omnibus  agentibus,  vel  iunioribus  eorum"  (743),  ibid.,  p. 
86;  "viris  apostolicis  patribus  nostris,  necnon  et  imperatoribus  omnibus  comiti- 
bus vel  omnibus  agentibus"  (744),  ibid.,  p.  87. 

6  "Grafionibus  .  .  .  siniscalcis  .  .  .  comite  palati"  (657),  ibid.,  p.  9;  "... 
seniscalcis  .  .  .  refendariis  .  .  .  comite  palati"   (657),  ibid.,  p.  10;  "episcopis 


DUCENARIUS  33 

ally  the  older  form  with  agentes  is  employed,  and  from  the 
exclusion  of  domestici  it  is  clear  that  agentes  refers  to  the 
siniscalci  and  possibly  some  others  mentioned  after  them.1 
The  siniscalci  stand  in  the  same  relation  to  the  optimati, 
comites,  graviones,  in  which  the  seniores  Gotorum  are  to  the 
comites,  iudices  of  the  Visigothic  laws,  and  obviously  the 
comites  scanciarum  of  the  Visigothic  signatures  are  identical 
with  the  siniscalci.  This  is  conclusively  proved  by  a  state- 
ment in  the  St.  Gall  Codex  of  the  Lex  romana  raetica  curiensis 
to  the  effect  that  the  seniores  ministri  included  the  camara- 
rius,  butiglarius,  senescalcus,  iudex  publicus,  and  comes- 
tabulus.2  As  we  have  already  come  across  the  iuniores  in  con- 
nection with  the  seniores,  it  is  interesting  to  observe  from  the 
same  passage  that  a  iunior  was  a  vassal,  either  a  freeman  or 
slave,  who  by  the  favor  of  his  lord  was  allowed  to  hold  a 
ministerium,  apparently  a  special  office  like  that  of  the 
agentes  in  rebus,  but  of  less  importance,  since  the  composition 
for  the  death  was  smaller.3 

We  now  can  easily  determine  the  Roman  office  from  which 
the  Gothic  scancia  and  the  Frankish  siniscalcus  are  derived. 
Mommsen  has  shown  that  the  bodyguard  of  the  emperors, 
called  schola,  was  originally  recruited  almost  exclusively  from 
among  the  Germanic  tribes  and  that  they  did  not  perform 
field  duties,  but  personally  attended  on  the  sovereign.4    In  the 

.  .  .  optimatis  .  .  .  gravionebus  .  .  .  seniscalcis  .  .  .  comite  palati"  (691),  ibid., 
p.  14;  "episcopis  .  .  .  optematis  .  .  .  comitebus  .  .  .  grafionibus  .  .  .  domesticis 
.  .  .  referendariis  .  .  .  seniscalcis  .  .  .  comite  palati"  (693),  ibid.,  p.  16;  "epis- 
copis .  .  .  majore  domus  nostro  .  .  .  optimatis  .  .  .  comitebus  .  .  .  domesticis 
.  .  .  seniscalcis  .  .  .  comite  palati"  (697),  ibid.,  p.  19. 

1  "Viris  inlustribus  ducibus,  comitibus,  domesticis,  vel  omnibus  agentibus" 
(675),  MGH.,  Dip.,  vol.  i,  p.  41;  "patriciis  et  omnebus  ducis  seu  comitebus  vel 
actorebus  publicis"  (667),  ibid.,  p.  44. 

2  "  Si  quis  de  senioribus  quinque  ministribus  occiderit,  de  qualecumque  linia 
fuerit,  ad  cxx  solidos  fiat  recompensatus,"  MGH.,  Leg.  v.  p.  442. 

3  "Si  vassallum  domnicum  de  casa  sine  ministerio  aut  iunior  in  ministerio 
fuit,  et  domnus  eum  honoratum  habuit,  si  ingenuus  fuit,  fiat  conpositus  ad 
solidos  xc,  si  servus  ad  lx,"  ibid. 

4  Hermes,  vol.  xxiv,  p.  223  /. 


34       COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

fifth  century  the  commander  of  such  a  bodyguard  was  known 
as  comes  scholarum  and  the  soldiers  themselves  as  scholares. 
There  were  several  scholae  stationed  in  the  East  and  the 
West,  a  distinction  being  made  between  seniores  and  iuniores, 
even  as  many  auxiliary  troups  had  this  double  appellation. 
The  seniores  of  the  Goths  and  in  the  St.  Gall  Codex  include  all 
the  higher  soldiery  of  the  bodyguard,  the  comites  of  which 
are  nearest  to  the  person  of  the  sovereign;  but  the  guard 
doing  personal  service,  the  senior  scholaris,  must,  from  the  be- 
ginning of  the  fifth  century  have  attended  to  the  sovereign's 
food  or  drink,  for  it  is  specifically  stated  in  a  law  of  the  year 
413  a  that  the  comes  scholae  was  admitted  to  the  emperor's 
table.  This  senior  scholaris  has  produced  seniscalcus  even  as 
scholaris  has  given  scalcus,  Goth,  skalks  "  servant."  The 
scholae,  scholares  sacri  palatii,  or  collegii  gentilium  are  several 
times  mentioned  in  Italian  documents  of  the  sixth  and 
seventh  centuries,2  and  the  combination  "schol.  colle.  gen- 
tilium" is  particularly  interesting,  since  it  may  explain  the 
Visigothic  term  "seniores  Gotorum."  Two  of  these  recorded 
scholares  have  the  honorific  title  vd.,  that  is,  vir  devotus,  hence 
they  were  in  the  same  class  as  the  apparitores,  and  so  were 
equal  to  the  "servi  dominici."  This,  then,  explains  why 
scholaris  came  to  mean  "  servant."  As  a  Burgundian  name 
Guidiscalus  is  found,3  it  is  not  easy  to  determine  whether 
scalus  or  scalcus  is  the  older  form,  but  the  derivation  of 
either  from  schola,  scholaris  is  certain. 

In  the  Burgundian  laws  the  confiscator  is  called  wittiscal- 
cus  or  puer  noster.4     Unfortunately  the  word  wittiscalcus 

1  Cod.  Theod.  vi.  13.  1. 

2  "  Cautio  Valeri  Schol,"  Marini,  /  pap.  dipl.,  p.  205;  "vd.  scol.  colle.  gen- 
tilium," ibid.,  p.  170;  "  Johannis  vd.  schol.  sacr.  pal.  "(639),  ibid.,  p.  148. 

3  MGH.,  Lex  Burgundionum,  p.  199,  note. 

4  "  De  wittiscalcis.  Comitum  nostrorum  querela  processit,  quod  aliqui  in 
populo  nostro  eiusmodi  praesumptionibus  abutantur,  ut  pueros  nostras,  qui 
iudicia  exsequuntur,  quibusque  multam  iubemus  exigere,  et  caede  conlidant 
et  sublata  iussum  comitum  pignora  non  dubitent  violenter  auferre.   Qua  de  re 


DUCENARIUS  35 

occurs  but  twice  in  any  document,  and  so  it  cannot  be  as- 
certained whether  it  was  ever  popular.  But  it  can  be  shown 
that  it  is  a  badly  corrupted  form  of  an  older  word,  for  in  the 
dozen  manuscripts  preserved,  none  of  them  of  a  period 
earlier  than  the  ninth  century,  the  spelling  varies  so  much 
that  it  obviously  was  not  understood.  In  the  title  we  have 
the  variations  deouitis  calcis,  de  widis  calcis,  deuitiscalcis,  de 
vitis  calcis,  de  victis  calcis,  de  uitiis  caballijs,  de  utis  calcis,  de 
vuittiscalcus,  de  uuitiscalcis,  de  uicis  calcis,  which  all  seem  to 
be  variations  of  an  original  devotis  scalds;  that  is,  the  name 
of  the  "puer  noster"  was  devotus  scalcus,  in  which  the  de- 
was  thought  to  be  a  preposition,  producing  votis,  vutis,  vuitis, 
witis  scalds  of  the  text.  This  devotus  scalcus  is  precisely  the 
same  as  the  vd.  schol.,  that  is  vir  devotus  scholaris  of  the 
Italian  documents,  hence  the  first  part,  devotus,  is  identical 
with  the  thiufadus  of  the  Visigothic  laws,  and  this  again  is  in 
meaning  identical  with  the  Frankish  thunginus.  The  con- 
clusive proof  of  this  identity  is  given  by  the  gloss  "in  mal- 
lobergo  ante  teoda  aut  thunginum"  of  the  Salic  law,1  where 
teoda  can  be  only  our  thiufadus,  devotus,  the  equal  of  thun- 
ginus. 

We  can  now  proceed  to  investigate  the  philological  and 
cultural  effects  of  the  employment  of  Germans  as  agentes  in 
rebus,  who  later  in  the  Germanic  states  became  the  important 
officers  of  the  courts.  The  thunginus  of  the  Salic  laws  is  also 
found  in  England  in  the  form  gepungen  "emeritus,  prouectus, 
prefectus,  veteranus  miles,"2  which  at  once  indicates  that 

presenti  lege  decernimus:  ut  quicumque  post  hac  pueros  nostros  ceciderit  et 
insolenter  abstulerit,  quod  ex  ordinatione  iudicis  docebitur  fuisse  praesumptum, 
tripla  satisfactione  teneatur  obnoxius,  hoc  est:  ut  per  singulos  ictus,  pro  quibus 
singuli  solidi  ab  his  inferuntur,  ternos  solidos  is  qui  percusserit,  cogatur  ex- 
eolvere  ....  Mulieres  quoque,  si  wittiscalcos  nostros  contempserint,  ad  solu- 
tionem  multae  similiter  tenebuntur,"  lxxvi. 

1  "  Ista  omnia  illi  iurati  dicere  debent  et  alii  testes  hoc  quod  in  mallo  publico 
ille  qui  accepit  in  laisum  furtuna  ipsa  aut  ante  regem  aut  in  mallo  publico  b.  e. 
in  mallobergo  ante  teoda  aut  thunginum,"  xlvi. 

2  Th.  Wright,  Anglo-Saxon  and  Old  English  Vocabularies. 


36       COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

it  was  a  veteran  soldier  who  was  invested  with  the  dignity 
of  a  "prefectus,"  a  splendid  confirmation  of  the  edicts  of  the 
Theodosian  Code  in  which  the  office  of  the  ducenarius  is 
mentioned.  That  this  dignity  was  considerable  we  have  seen 
not  only  from  the  fact  that  gepungen  was  mentioned  in  the 
same  connection  as  the  ealdermon,  that  is,  as  the  senior  of 
the  Roman  and  Visigothic  laws,  but  also  from  the  abstract 
noun  gepungenness  "dignitas,  honestas,  excellentia,  fastig- 
ium,  elatio,  arrogantia,"  recorded  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  glosses. 
If  thunginus  has  produced  AS.  gepungen,  with  the  back  form- 
ation peon  "thrive,  flourish,  grow,  increase,"  tunginus  has 
produced  AS.  dugan  "to  profit,  avail,  be  virtuous,  good," 
dugud  "manhood,  multitude,  troop,  army,  nobles,  nobility, 
majesty,  glory,  virtue,  excellence."  Both  groups  are  rep- 
resented in  the  other  Germanic  languages.  We  have  Goth. 
dugan  "to  be  of  avail,"  peihan  "to  flourish,"  OHG.  tugan 
"valere,  pollere,  prodesse,"  toht  "bonus,  utilis,  valens," 
tugad,  tugund  "virtus,  nobilitas,"  dihan  "proficere,  pollere, 
florere,  crescere,  excellere,"  ONorse  pungr  ' '  heavy,  weighty." 
If  we  turn  to  the  Slavic  languages,  we  again  find  both 
groups  represented.  We  have  the  root  dong-  "strong  (Pol. 
duly  "large,"  Lith.  daug  "much")  and  the  far  more  impor- 
tant root  long-  1  which  has  developed  a  variety  of  meanings. 
It  will  suffice  to  quote  tuga  "oppression,  weight,  sorrow,  grief, 
exhaustion,  misfortune,  oppression,"  tyaza  "lawsuit,  quarrel, 
disagreement,  enmity,"  tyagati  sya  "to  go  to  law,"  tyagati 
"to  pull,"  in  order  to  show  that  we  are  dealing  with  direct 
derivatives  of  tunginus  "exactor."  But  they  show  us  much 

1  "  Teng-  eine  wurzel,  aus  deren  grundbedeutung  'ziehen'  sich  theilweise 
mit  hilfe  von  praefixen,  eine  flille  von  schwer  zu  vermittelnden  bedeutungen 
entwickelt  hat,  die  unter  die  folgenden  schlagworte  gebracht  werden  konnen: 
(1)  ziehen,  dehnen,  spannen;  (2)  binden;  (3)  fordern,  streiten;  (4)  leiden;  (5) 
arbeiten;  (6)  erwerben;  (7)  schwer  sein;  (8)  lastig  sein;  (9)  bangen.  Die  wurzel 
nimmt  durch  steigerung  die  form  long-  an,"  Miklosich,  Etymologischcs  Worlcr- 
buch  der  slavischen  Sprachen. 


DUCENARIUS  37 

more,  namely  that  AS.  ping,  pine  "council,  office,  gift, 
thing,"  pingian  "to  intercede,  ask  forgiveness,  plead,  ad- 
dress," pingung  "pleading,  intercession,  mediation,"  pingere 
"interceder,  mediator,  advocate,"  OHG.  ding  "conventus, 
concilium,  mallum,  forum,  causa,  res,"  gadingon  "pacisci, 
judicare,  convenire,  contendere,  fedus  pangere,"  gadingi 
"placitum,  pactum,  conditio,  spes,"  gadingo  "patronus," 
and  other  similar  forms  are  directly  derived  from  the  same 
ihunginus,  tunginus,  and  that,  therefore,  OHG.  duhjan  "pre- 
mere,"  ziuhan  "pull"  etc.,  are  equally  back  formations  of  the 
same  root  thung-,  tung-. 

From  the  Salic  trustis  are  derived  not  only  OHG.  trost  "con- 
fidence, security,  etc.,"  but  also,  by  a  back  formation,  AS. 
treow  "troth,  trust,"  OHG.  triuwa  "true,"  Goth,  trauan  "to 
trust,"  OPrussian  druwis  "faith,"  Slavic  druh,  drug,  "com- 
panion, friend,  other."  Gothic  triggwa  "true"  was  obviously 
formed  at  a  time  when  OHG.  triuwa  had  already  produced 
OFrench  triues  "truce,  compact,"  LLatin  tregua  "peace  of 
God."  Far  more  important  are  the  derivatives  from  devotus. 
As  the  Goths  were  the  chief  apparitors  and  nearest  servants 
of  the  Roman  emperors,  they  were  considered  not  only  as 
"servi  dominici,"  but  also  as  the  "devoted  people,"  as  which 
they  were  frequently  addressed,1  hence  devotus  produces  not 
only  the  connotations  "servant,"  but  also  "people,  gentiles." 
We  have  Goth,  piwadw,  AS.  peowot,  peowet  "servitude,"  from 
which  come  AS.  peow  "servant,  bondsman,  slave,"  peowe, 
peowen,  peowin,  peown  "a  female  servant,"  and  Gothic  has 
pius  "slave,"  piwi  "female  slave,"  pewisa  "servants,"  while 
OHG.  has  exclusively  diu,  diwa  "female  servant,"  diorna 
"girl,  maid."  From  the  OHG.  is  derived  OSlavic  deva, 
devaya  "girl,"  while  OHG.  has  lost  the  masculine  from  which 

1  "Aequabili  ordinatione  disponas  populumque  nobis  devotum  per  tuam 
iustitiam  facias  esse  gratissimum,"  Cassiodorus,  Variae,  ix.  8;  "nee  moram  fas 
est  incurrere  iussionem,  quae  devotos  maxime  noscitur  adiuvare,"  ibid.,  1.  17. 


261  I  Hi 


38       COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

diuu  female  servant  "was  formed,  the  Slavic  deti"  children," 
Russ.  ditya  " child,"  originally  "puer  noster,  regius,"  as 
used  in  old  docimients,  prove  that  a  form  diot,  diet,  now  pre- 
served only  in  OHG.  in  the  sense  of  " people,"  originally 
meant  "puer  noster,"  and  this  is  proved  conclusively  by 
Finnish  dievddo,  divdo  "mas,  vir,"  which  has  preserved  both 
the  old  form  devotus  and  the  meaning  attached  to  it.  Simi- 
larly the  OHG.  dionon  "to  serve,"  ONorse  pjonari  "serv- 
ant," ORussian  tiun,  tivun  "servant,  officer,  ruler,"  have 
lost  a  d,  as  is  again  proved  conclusively  by  the  Finnish 
teudnar  "servus,  famulus." 

Goth,  piuda,  OHG.  diota,  diot,  diet,  AS.  pioda,  piod  "peo- 
ple," Goth,  piudans  "ruler"  have  been  referred  to  Umbrian 
tota-,  tuta-" whs,"  Sabinian  touta  "community,"  Oscan  touto 
"civitas,  populus,"  tuvtiks  "publicus,"  but  that  is  totally 
impossible,  since  the  dialectic  Italian  words  proceed  obvi- 
ously from  a  meaning  "common,  whole,"  that  is,  from  Latin 
totus,  while  the  Germanic  words  cannot  be  separated  from 
the  meaning  "servus,"  a  connection  which  has  arisen  only 
through  the  employment  of  the  German  people  as  "servi 
dominici."  This  is  further  shown  by  the  fact  that  the  seni- 
ores  Gotorum,  with  which  we  have  already  met,  were  de- 
rived from  the  schola  gentilium  seniorum,  wherefore  piuda 
was  identical  with  "gentiles,"  producing  Lettish  tauta  "for- 
eign country,  Germany,"  OSlavic  tuzdi,  culdl  "foreign," 
cudu  "giant ;"  but  these  words  may  have  developed  directly 
from  the  connection  of  piuda  with  the  Germans.  In  addition 
to  derivatives  from  devotus  we  have  also  others,  such  as  AS. 
penian  "to  serve,"  pen,  pegn,  paegn  "servant,  attendant, 
valiant  man,  soldier  knight,"  ONorse  pegn  "subditus,  homo 
liber,"  OHG.  degan  "masculus,  herus,  miles,"  which  have 
arisen  from  Latin  decanus,  which  was  confused  with  ducena, 
ducenarius,  as  is  specifically  stated  in  the  Pithoean  glosses. 


DUCENARIUS  39 

The  Celtic  languages  have  also  this  confusion,  for  from  de- 
votus  are  derived  Irish  tuath,  Welsh  tud,  Cornish  tus  "  na- 
tion, people,  men,"  while  decanus  has  given  Breton  den, 
Cornish  den,  Welsh  dyn,  Irish  duine  "man." 


SCULCA 

In  the  Notitia  dignitatum  there  is  a  reference  to  exculca- 
tores,  excultatores,  exculeatores  Brittaniciani,  that  is,  to  Brit- 
ish scouts.  Ammianus  Marcellinus  uses  the  word  proculca- 
tores,  and  Vegetius  refers  to  this  word  as  being  new.1  The 
form  exculcator  is  obviously  popular  etymology,  as  though  it 
were  from  exculcare  "to  press  out."2  In  the  sixth  century 
sculca  was  used  by  Gregory  the  Great,3  and  in  Byzantium 
o-kovXkcl, o-KovXra  "scout"  <TKov\Keveiv  "to  do  scout  duty" 
were  freely  employed.  But  the  Greeks  also  used  the  shorter 
form  kovXkol,  which  also  appears  in  LLatin,  as  we  shall  soon 
see.  The  form  exculeatores  of  the  Notitia  dignitatum  must 
have  arisen  from  a  shorter  form  culeatores,  and  this  is  actually 
found  in  Welsh  and  Cornish,  that  is,  in  British,  until  the 
present  day.  We  have  Cornish  golyas,  gollyaz,  golzyas,  colyas, 
gologhas  "to  watch,  keep  awake,"  guillua  "a  watch,  vigilia," 
Welsh  gwyl,  gwel  "a  sight,  a  show,  holiday,  festival,"  that 
is,  "vigilia"  in  the  Christian  sense,  gwyliad  "a  vision,  watch- 
ing," gwyliadur  "a  sentinel,"  gwyliaw  "to  watch,  be  vigilant, 
look  out."  The  Irish  has  only  feil  "festival,  holiday,"  but 
all  of  these  words  are  directly  derived  from  Lat.  vigilia,  and 
Welsh  gwyliadur  at  once  explains  Lat.  (ex)culcator,  which 
the  Notitia  dignitatum  distinctly  associates  with  the  Britons. 

This  culcare  has  an  interesting  history  on  Frankish  terri- 
tory. The  Salic  law  has  a  curious  phrase  "solem  collocare," 
which  has  given  rise  to  a  lot  of  extravagant  ideas  about 
"primitive"  Germanic  law.   A  man  was  not  allowed  to  re- 

1  "Post  hoc  erant  ferentarii  et  levis  armatura,  quos  nunc  exculeatores  (scul- 
tatores,  exscultatores)  et  arrnaturas  dicimus,"  xxvu.  10.  10. 

2  E.  Bocking,  Notitia  dignitatum,  Bonnae  1839-1853,  vol.  n,  p.  228. 

3  MGH.,  Gregorii  i.  Registri,  vol.  i,  p.  130. 


SCULCA  41 

gain  stolen  property  as  his  own  unless  he  had  legally  claimed 
it  by  the  act  known  as  "solem  collocare. ^  x  A  master  refusing 
to  punish  his  guilty  slave  at  the  request  of  a  third  party,  that 
party  could  not  take  the  master  to  court  except  by  the  act  of 
"solem  collocare"  for  the  period  of  three  times  seven  days.2 
Any  refusal  to  pay  a  debt,  to  appear  in  court  brings  about 
the  summons  to  court  by  a  preceding  "  solem  collocare."  3 
One  law  has  solsatire  4  instead  of  solem  collocare,  and  that 
this  is  not  merely  a  misprint  or  mistake  is  proved  by  a 
reading  collegato  sol  sista  and  by  the  stereotyped  phrase  "legi- 
bus  custodire  et  solsadire"  of  the  Merovingian  documents5 

1  "  Si  ille  uero  quod  per  vestigio  sequitur,  quod  si  agnoscere  dicit,  illi  alii 
proclamantem,  nee  auferre  per  tertia  manum  voluerit  nee  solem  secundum 
legem  colocauerit  (collegauerit,  colecauerit,  culcauerit,  calcauerit)  et  tulisse  con- 
uincitur,  mcc  din.,"  xxvn.  3. 

2  "  Si  dominus  serui  supplicia  distulerit  et  seruus  praesens  fuerit,  continuo 
domino  illo  qui  repetit  solem  collegere  (colecare,  culcare,  collocare)  debet.  Et 
eadem  septem  noctes  placitum  facere  debet  ut  seruum  suum  ad  supplicium 
tradat.  Quod  si  ad  septem  noctes  seruo  ipso  tradere  distulerit,  solem  ei  qui 
repetit  collecit  (colecit,  culcet,  collicet,  collocet);  ed  sic  iterum  ad  alias  septem 
noctes  placitum  faciat  id  est  ad  xim  noctes  de  prima  admonitione  conpleantur. 
.  .  .  Tunc  repetens  solem  ei  cum  testibus  collcgare  (colecit,  culcet,  collecit,  collicet, 
colocare,  collocet)  debet,"  xl.  7  ff. 

3  "  Si  aliquis  alteri  aliquid  prestiterit  de  rebus  suis  et  noluerit  reddere  .  .  . 
sic  ei  solem  collocit  {colecit,  culcet,  collecit,  collicet,  culcauerit,  collocet),"  lii;  "si 
quis  ad  mallum  uenire  contempserit  .  .  .  tunc  eum  debet  manire  ante  regem, 
hoc  est  an  noctes  xiiii,  et  tria  testimonia  iurare  debent  quod  ibi  fuerunt  ubi 
eum  manibit  et  solem  collocauit  (collegato  sol  sista,  culcat  solem,  sola  legauit, 
collicet  ei  solem,  collocent  ei  solem),"  lvi;  similarly  lvii.  1,  2;  cvi.  7,  8. 

4  "  Et  is  si  ibidem  non  conueniret  aut  certe  si  uenire  distulerit,  qui  ipsum 
admallauit  ibi  eum  solisacire  (solsatire,  sole  latere)  debet,  et  inde  postea  iterata 
uice  ad  noctes  xiiii  eum  rogare  debet,  ut  in  illo  mallobergo  respondere  aut  con- 
uenire  ubi  antrusciones  mitti  iure  debent,"  cvi. 

6  "  Sed  venientis  ad  eo  placitum  ipsi  agentis  jam  dicto  abbati,  Noviento,  in 
ipso  palacio  nostro,  per  triduo  seo  per  plures  dies,  ut  lex  habuit,  placitum  eorum 
vise  sunt  custudissent,  et  ipso  Ermenoaldo  abbati  abjectissent  vel  solsadissent 
.  .  .  testimuniavit  quod  .  .  .  placitum  eorum  ligebus  custudierunt,  et  super- 
scriptus  Ermenoaldus  abba  placitum  suum  custudire  neclixsit"  (692),  Sauer 
and  Samaran,op.  cit.,  p.  15;  "sed  veniens  adeo  placeto  praedictus Chrotcharius, 
Valencianis,  in  ipso  palacio  nostro,  et  dum  placetum  suum  ligebus  custodibat, 
vel  ipso  Amalberctho  sulsadibat,  sic  veniens  ex  parte  Alius  ipsius  Amalberctho, 
nomene  Amalricus,  sulsadina  sua  contradixissit  .  .  .  Et  postia  memmoratus 
Chrotcharius  per  triduum  aut  per  amplius,  placitum  suum,  ut  lex  habuit,  cus- 
todissit,  et  ipso  Amalberctho  abjectissit  vel  sulsadissit "  (G93),  ibid.,  p.  16. 


42       COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

and  of  the  Formulae.1  Twice  we  have  solatium  collectum  for 
"the  posse  that  lies  in  distress," 2  and  in  the  Ribuarian  law 
alsaccia  is  used  for  "distress."  3 

That  the  ceremony  of  sitting  from  morning  until  sunset 
for  a  series  of  days  before  proceeding  with  the  case  in  court 
was  a  real  act  is  proved  not  only  by  specific  statements,4 
but  especially  by  the  enormously  exaggerated  development 
of  this  Frankish  law  among  the  Irish  in  their  law  of  distress  as 
laid  down  in  the  Brehon  Laws.  In  either  case  we  have  noth- 
ing but  a  development  of  the  corresponding  Roman  law  of 
the  year  382,  according  to  which  the  severer  cases  were  not 
to  be  proceeded  against  at  once,  but  the  defendants  were  to 
be  watched  by  a  guard  for  the  period  of  thirty  days.5  The 
very  phrase  which  contains  this  injunction,  "reos  sane  ac- 
cipiat  vinciatque  custodia,  et  excubiis  sollertibus  vigilanter 
obseruet,"  or  "sollicitis  obseruet  excubiis"6  became  the 
stereotyped  sentence  from  which  has  developed  our  legend 
of  watching  until  the  sun  went  down.    That  this  phrase  is 

1  "  Noticia  solsadii,  qualiter  vel  quibus  presentibus  illi  homo  placet um  suum 
adtendit  Andecavis  civetate.  .  .  Qui  ipsi  iam  superius  nomenati  placitum  eorum 
legebus  a  mane  usque  ad  vesperum  visi  fuerunt  custodisse,"  Form.  Andec,  12; 
"et  ipsi  illi  ad  placetum suum adfuit et triduum legebus custodivit  etsoZsadmf," 
ibid.,  13;  "qui  illi  ad  placitum  adfuit  una  cum  antestis  suis,  per  legibus  triduum 
custodivit  et  solsadivit,"  ibid.,  14;  "  qui  illi  et  germano  suo  illi  placito  illi  de 
manum  usque  ad  vesperum  placitum  suum  legibus  custodivit  et  solsadivit," 
ibid.,  53;  "a  quo  placito  veniens  memoratus  illi  in  palacio  nostro,  et  per  triduo 
seu  amplius,  ut  lex  habuit,  placitum  suum  custodisset  vel  memorato  illo  abiect- 
isset  vel  solsatisset .  . .  antedictus  ille  placitum  suum  legibus  custodivit  et  eum 
abiectivit  vel  solsativit,"  Marculfi  form.,  i.  37;  "  sed  memoratus  quidem  ille  per 
triduum  suum  custodivit  placitum  et  iam  dicto  illo  secundum  legem  obiectivit 
vel  solsativit,"  Form.  Turon.  33. 

2  See  note  2,  p.  29.  3  See  note  3,  p.  26. 

4  "Iniuriosus  tamen  ad  placitum  in  conspectu  regis  Childeberthi  advenit  et 
per  triduum  usque  occasum  solis  observavit,"   Greg.  Turon.  Hist.  Franc,  vn.  23. 

5  "  Si  vindicari  in  aliquos  seuerius,  contra  nostram  consuetudinem,  pro  causae 
intuitu,  iusserimus,  nolumus  statim  eos  aut  subire  poenas,  aut  excipere  senten- 
tiam,  sed  per  dies  XXX.  super  statu  eorum  sors  et  fortuna  suspensa  sit :  reos  sane 
accipiat  vinciatque  custodia,  et  excubiis  sollertibus  vigilanter  observuet"  (382), 
Cod.  Theod.  ix.  40.  13. 

6  Cod.  Theod.  xiv.  27.  1. 


SCULCA  43 

significant  is  proved  by  its  occurrence  in  Gregory,  "certe 
sculcas  quos  mittitis,  sollicite  requirant,  ne  dolens  factum  ad 
nos  recurrat,"  "  carefully  employ  the  watches  which  you  send, 
lest  the  crime  should  fall  back  upon  us."  Obviously  the  sul- 
sadina  of  the  Salic  law,  which  was  necessary  before  the  judge 
could  proceed  with  the  case,  contained  the  words  to  the  effect 
that  the  watches  had  carefully  been  employed  for  the  period 
of  three  days,  that  is,  three  times  seven  days,  since  the  dis- 
tress was  repeated  each  week.  The  sulsadina,  no  doubt,  con- 
tained some  abbreviation,  such  as  sol.  culc,  that  is,  sol- 
licite culcatum,  and  as  this  contraction  was  not  understood, 
it  developed  into  solatium  collectwn,  solem  collocare,  solsadire, 
alsaccia.  This  solem  collocare  has  brought  about  the  formal 
sitting  each  day  until  sunset.  In  any  case,  if  we  compare  the 
formula  of  the  sulsadina,  "triduum  legibus  custodire  et  sol- 
satire"  with  the  Roman  "per  dies  triginta . . .  custodia,  et  ex- 
cubiis  sollertibus  vigilanter  obseruet,"  the  derivation  of  the 
first  from  the  second  is  obvious  beyond  a  shadow  of  a  doubt. 
It  is  this  solem  culcare  which  has  helped  Lat.  collocare  to 
assume  in  the  Romance  languages  the  special  meaning  of 
"to  lay  down  in  bed,"  hence  French  se  coucher  "to  go 
down  (of  the  sun),  lie  down";  Ital.  coricare,  old  colcare,  Vene- 
tian colegar  "to  sit  down,  lie  down,  go  to  bed."  In  the  Ger- 
manic languages  sculca  has  given  Engl,  sculk,  skulk  "to  lie 
in  wait,"  Danish  skulke  "to  lie  in  hiding,  shirk,"  MLG. 
schulen  "to  be  hidden,  to  look  furtively,"  dial.  Swedish 
skula,  skjula  "  to  walk  stooping,"  dial.  Norwegian  skjula, 
skulka,  skulma,  skylma  "to  look  furtively,  scowl,"  Dan. 
skjule,  Swed.  skyla,  ONorse  skyla  "to protect,"  OHG.  scu- 
linge  "hiding  place,"  Engl,  scowl.  So  long  as  the  meaning  is 
"to  lie  in  wait"  one  may  safely  assume  a  derivation  from 
original  sculca,  but  when  the  idea  of  protection  is  added, 
there  is  frequently  a  confusion  with  native  German  words  re- 
lated to  Lat.  scutum,  or  with  words  directly  derived  from  it. 


44       COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

The  scutarii,  frequently  mentioned  as  gentiles,  are  of  com- 
mon occurrence  in  the  writers  of  the  fifth  and  sixth  century. 
They  were  a  bodyguard  of  the  emperors,  forming  a  separate 
schola,  and  did  not  materially  differ  from  those  whom  I  have 
described  as  scholares.  They  occupied  approximately  the 
same  position  and  by  a  philological  transformation  became 
the  sculdasii  of  the  eighth  and  later  centuries.  A  Goth,  Wit- 
terit,  is  mentioned  in  a  document  of  539  or  546  as  a  scuta- 
rius;  that  he  was  an  agens  in  rebus  is  proved  by  his  honorific 
title  vd.,  i.e.,  vir  devotus.1  In  the  Langobard  documents  of 
the  eighth  century  we  find  the  transitional  form  sculdhoris,2 
and  only  in  the  Langobard  laws  and  later  do  we  get  the  cus- 
tomary sculdais,  sculdhais,  sculdasius.  We  get  the  forms 
scutarius,3  schultarius,4  schuldarius  5  in  the  tenth  century, 
the  latter  two  in  the  south  of  Italy,  where  they  may  well 
have  preserved  an  older  spelling,  and  so  the  development  of 
the  word  is  obviously  scutarius  >  scultarius  >  sculdarius  > 
sculdharis  >  sculdhais  >  sculdais.  That  this  sculdais  is  iden- 
tical, or  nearly  identical,  in  his  functions  with  the  Gothic 
scutarius  is  proved  by  his  occupying  a  position  after  the 
vicecomes  6  and  before  the  centenarius,7  hence  it  is  at  once 
to  be  inferred  that,  like  the  wittiscalci  of  the  Burgundians,  the 

1  Marini,  I  pap.  dipt.,  p.  172. 

2  Troya,  op.  cit.,  vol.  v,  p.  132  (762),  241  (763),  711  (773). 

3  Ughelli,  Italia  sacra,  2.  ed.,  vol.  n,  col.  103. 

4  Ibid.,  1.  ed.,  vol.  vm,  col.  602.  B  Ibid.,  col.  605. 

6  "Dux  comes  uicecomes  sculdacio  gastaldio  decanus"  (904),  HPM., 
Chartce,  vol.  i,  col.  108;  "dux  comes  uicecomes  sculdatio  decanus  saltarius 
vicarius"  (926),  ibid.,  col.  128;  "dux  marchio  comes  vicecomes  sciddatio  gas- 
taldius  aut  ullus  reipublicae  exactor"  (969),  ibid.,  col.  222;  "dux  archiepiscopus 
marchio  episcopus  comes  vicecomes  sculdacius  gastaldus"  (992),  ibid.,  col.  290; 
"dux  marchio  comes  vicecomes  sculdascius  locopositus  aut  quislibet  publicus 
actor"  (894),  L.  Schiaparelli,  /  diplomi  di  Berengario  I,  p.  45;  similarly  p.  51 
(896),  79  (899),  etc.;  "dux  comes  vicecomes  scutarius"  (904),  Ughelli,  Italia 
sacra,  vol.  n,  col.  103;  "dux  marchio  comes  vicecomes  sculdaxio"  (950),  ibid., 
col.  104. 

7  "Praecipiunt  ad  sculdahis  suos,  aut  ad  centenarios,  aut  ad  locopositos" 
(747),  MGH.,  Leg.  Langob.,  Rat.  1. 


SCULCA  45 

thungini  of  the  Franks,  the  saiones  of  the  Visigoths,  he  was 
an  executor,  a  collector  of  debts,  even  if  we  did  not  have  in 
the  laws x  the  specific  reference  to  him  in  this  capacity  and  to 
his  being  a  "vassus  regius." 2  Hence  his  chief  duty  consisted 
in  summoning  to  court  and  catching  thieves,  that  is,  in  super- 
intending the  sculca  or  sculta,  that  is,  the  solis  collocare  of  the 
Franks.  For  this  reason  scutarius  has  here  and  in  Germanic 
countries  changed  to  scultarius. 

The  Gothic  Bible  translates  " debtor"  by  dulgis  skula  and 
"creditor"  by  dulga  haitja.  The  first  literally  means  "debt 
ower,"  the  second  "debt  compeller."  This  Goth,  dulgs 
"debt"  is  related  to  OSlavic  dlugu  "debt,"  Olrish  dliged 
"law,  right,  duty,"  dligim  "I  owe,  have  a  right,"  Cornish 
dylly  "owing,"  Breton  die  "debt,"  etc.  These  are  all  derived 
from  LLatin  dulgere  "to  release,"  from  Lat.  indulgere  "to 
forgive."  The  Edict  of  Chilperic  provides  that  when  a  slave 
has  killed  a  freeman,  his  master  should  swear  that  he  had 
nothing  to  do  with  the  killing,  and  then  he  should  turn  the 
slave  over  or  release  him,  "dulgat,"  to  the  relations  of  the  slain 
man.3  Dulgere  is  several  times  recorded  in  this  sense  in  the 
eighth  century,4  especially  in  connection  with  ob sides,  hos- 
pites,  because  deserting  the  hostages  was  tantamount  to 
breaking  vows  and  starting  a  rebellion.5  In  the  Formulae  the 
usual  formula  of  cession  is  (concedere  et)  indulgere*    In- 

1  "Si  homo  liber  qui  debitor  est,  alias  res  non  habuerit  nisi  caballos  domitos 
aut  iunctorios,  seu  vaccas,  tunc  ille  qui  debitum  requirit,  vadat  ad  sculdahis  et 
intimet  causam  suam,  quia  debitor  ipsius  alias  res  non  habet,  nisi  quae  supra 
leguntur.  Tunc  sculdahis  tollat  bobes  et  caballos  ipsius  et  ponat  eos  post  credi- 
torem,  dum  usque  ei  iustitia  faciat,"  Roth.  251. 

2  "Ingelrico  sculdassio  uassum  eidem  odolrici  comis  et  ancione  qui  sciddassio 
uassum  eidem  comis"  (887),  HPM.,  Chartae,  vol.  i,  col.  75. 

3  "Dulgat  seruum  hoc  est  de  licentia  parentibus  coram  parent es  qui  occisus 
est,  et  de  ipso  quod  uoluerint  faciant,  et  ille  sit  exolutus,"  Lex  sal.,  lxxviii.  5. 

4  "Quantum  in  ipsa  donatione  continet,  et  a  die  praesente  trado,  dulgo,  atque 
transcribo,"  in  Ducange,  sub  dulgere. 

5  "Cupiebat  supradictus  Haistolfus  nefandus  rex  mentiri,  quae  antea  polli- 
citus  fuerat,  obsides  dulgere,  eacramenta  irrumpere"  (756),  in  Ducange. 

6  "  Volemus  esse  translatum  atque  indultum,"  Form.  Andec.  46;  "probamus 


46       COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

diligences  of  two  kinds  were  granted  by  the  Roman  emperors 
in  the  fourth  and  fifth  centuries,  those  in  regard  to  debts, 
under  the  name  of  indulgentiae  debitorum,1  for  which  the 
edicts  run  from  the  year  363  to  436,  and  those  in  regard  to 
crimes,  under  the  name  of  indulgentiae  criminum,2  from  322 
to  410.  The  remission  of  debts  refers  to  those  in  any  way  due 
to  the  state.  The  remission  in  regard  to  crimes  took  place 
on  particular  occasions,  more  especially  on  Easter  day.3  At 
first  poisoners,  murderers,  adulterers  were  excluded  from  the 
indulgence,4  then  this  exception  was  increased  to  include  five 
crimes  leading  to  capital  punishment,5  and  this  list  kept 
growing6  until  it  included  all  but  petty  crimes.7  Hence  (in)- 
dultum  came  to  mean  not  only  "remission  of  crimes,"  but 

esse  indultum,"  Marc,  form.,  i.  4;  "omnia  ex  omnibus  .  .  .  habeant  indultum," 
Form.  Turon.  21;  "ex  nostra  indulgentia  visi  fuimus  concessisse  atque  indul- 
gisse,"  Cart.  Senon.  36;  "in  omnibus  habeat  concessum  atque  indultum,"  Form. 
Sal.  Bignon.  2;  "sibi  habeat  concessum  atque  indultum"  Form.  Cod.,  E.  Em- 
merani  frag.  n.  9. 

1  Cod.  Theod.  xi.  28.  2  Cod.  Theod.  ix.  38. 

3  "Ob  diem  Paschae  (quam  intimo  corde  celebramus)  omnibus  quos  reatus 
adstringit,  career  inclusit,  claustra  dissoluimus"  (367),  ix.  38.  3;  "Paschae 
celebritas  postulat,  vt  quoscunque  nunc  aegra  expectatio  quaestionis,  poenaque 
formido  sollicitat,  absoluamus"  (368),  ix.  38.  4;  "paschalis  laetitiae  dies  ne  ilia 
quidam  tenere  sinit  ingenia,  quae  flagitia  fecerunt:  pateat  insuetis  horridus 
career  aliquando  luminibus"  (381),  x.  38.  6;  "religio  anniuersariae  obsecrationis 
hortatur,  vt  omnes  omnino  periculo  carceris  metuque  poenarum  eximi  iubere- 
mus"  (384),  ix.  38.  7;  "vbi  primum  dies  Paschalis  extiterit,  nullum  teneat 
career  inclusum,  omnia  vincla  soluantur"  (385),  ix.  38.  8. 

4  "Praeter  veneficos,  homicidas,  adulteros"  (322),  ix.  38.  1. 

1  "Exceptis  quinque  criminibus,  quae  capite  vindicantur"  (353),  ix.  38.  2. 

6  "Adtamen  sacrilegus,  in  maiestate  reus,  in  mortuos  veneficus,  siue  male- 
ficus,  adulter,  raptor,  homicida,  communione  istius  muneris  separentur"  (367), 
ix.  38.  3;  "ne  temere  homicidii  crimen,  adulterii  foeditatem,  maiestatis  iniu- 
riam  maleficiorum  scelus,  insidias  venenorum,  raptusque  violentiam  sinamus 
euadere"  (368),  ix.  38.  4.  A  still  longer  list  in  the  succeeding  laws. 

7  "Quis  enim  1.  sacrilego  diebus  Sanctis  indulgeat?  quis  2.  adultero,  vel 
incesti  reo  tempore  castitatis  ignoscat?  quis  non  raptorem  in  summa  quiete  et 
gaudio  communi  persequatur  instantius?  5.  Nullam  accipiat  requiem  vinculo- 
rum,  qui  quiescere  sepultos  quodam  sceleris  immanitate  non  siuit;  patiatur 
tormenta  6.  veneficus,  7.  maleficus.  8.  adulteratorque  monetae:  9.  homicida, 
quod  fecit  semper  expectet:  10.  reus  etiam  maiestatis,  de  domino  aduersum 
qucm  talia  molitus  est,  veniam  sperare  non  debet"  (385),  ix.  38.  8. 


SCULCA  47 

also  " holiday,"  hence  Goth,  dulps  "holiday,"  dulpjan  "to 
celebrate,"  OHG.  tult,  dult  "festival,"  ostertuldi  "Easter," 
tuldjan  "to  celebrate. "  There  are  two  series  of  crimes  which 
are  principally  included  in  the  amnesty,  those  arising  from 
debt,  and  those  arising  from  such  pretty  crimes  as  do  not  call 
for  serious  criminal  prosecution,  hence  we  get  from  {iri)dul- 
gere  in  Goth,  dulgs  "debt"  and  in  OHG.  tolg,  tolc,  OFrisian 
dolg,  AS.  dolg,  dolh  "wound,"  such  as  does  not  cause  death, 
for  then  it  would  become  "homicidium"  and  would  not  have 
been  included  in  the  indulgence.  From  this  OHG.  tolg,  tolc 
comes  an  enormous  group  of  words  in  Slavic,  represented  by 
the  root  tolk-  "to  beat,  strike,  thrash"  and,  at  the  same  time, 
like  OHG.  dult,  tult,  represented  in  Polish  ttoka  "voluntary 
work  with  dancing  and  eating,"  Lettish  talka,  talks,  talkus 
"an  evening  entertainment  for  the  workers"  and  from  this 
ultimately  comes,  through  the  Norse,  English  talk. 

The  conception  of  "debt"  has  arisen  in  the  Germanic, 
Slavic,  and  Celtic  languages  through  contact  with  Roman 
law.  Now  the  root  dulg-,  while  universal  in  Europe,  has 
not  left  any  traces  with  that  connotation  in  any  of  the  Ger- 
manic languages  outside  of  Gothic,  and  even  the  Gothic 
uses  the  other  root  skul-,  skuld-,  to  express  the  idea  of  debt. 
Before  proceeding  to  show  how  this  has  arisen  from  Lat. 
sculta,  I  shall  show  how  another  Latin  term  has  produced 
the  idea  of  "obligation"  in  the  Germanic  and  Romance 
languages.  The  Roman  laws  called  down  heavy  punish- 
ments upon  the  plagiator,  the  man  who  by  solicitation  in- 
veigled boys  and  slaves  to  his  house  and  later  sold  them  be- 
yond the  sea.  In  the  beginning  of  the  sixth  century  we  find, 
therefore,  in  Theodoric's  Edict,  plagiare  "  sollicitare "  and 
plegium  "the  crime  of  detaining  a  boy  or  slave  by  solicitous 
actions."  l  The  Visigothic  laws  have  a  whole  series  of  enact- 

1  "  Qui  ingenuum  plagiando,  id  est  sollicitando,  in  alia  loca  translatum  aut 
vendiderit,  aut  donaverit,  vel  suo  certe  servitio  vindicandum  crediderit,  oc- 
cidatur,"  78. 


48       COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

ments  against  the  evil  of  plagiarism,  from  which  it  appears 
that  it  differed  from  stealing  in  that  the  respective  person 
was  coaxed,  "sollicitatus,"  to  enter  one's  service.1  At  a  later 
time  plegium,  plevium,  plebium,  etc.,  occur  in  the  sense  of 
"solicitude,  care,"  in  Frankish  documents,2  and  are  re- 
corded since  the  sixth  century  in  the  sense  of  "security," 
but  it  is  only  since  Norman  times  that  plegium,  plevium 
"pledge"  became  really  popular  in  France  and  in  other 
countries.  The  AS.  has  preserved  the  word  in  all  the  suc- 
cessive stages  of  its  semantic  evolution.  We  have  seen  that 
plagiare  meant  "to  solicit,  entice,  coax,"  hence  AS.  plegan, 
plaegan  "to  mock,  deride,  applaud,  play,  dance";  similarly 
plegium  meant  "the  crime  of  soliciting,  extreme  penalty  for 
such  a  crime,"  hence  AS.  plio,  pleo,  pleoh  "danger,  injury, 
fault,"  pliht  "danger,"  plihtan  "to  expose  to  danger,  pledge." 
Similarly  we  have  OHG.  phlekan,  phlegan,  plegan  "curare, 
ministrare,  regere,"  phlicht  "cura,"  ONorse  plega  "to  ex- 
ercise," plaga  "to  take  care,  guard,  love,"  etc.  From  this 
group  cannot  be  separated  OSlav.  plensati  "to  dance,"  Boh. 
plesati  "plaudere,  exsultare,  saltare,"  Gothic  plinsjan  "to 
dance."  The  early  recorded  plevium  has  produced  OFrench, 
Provengal  plevir  "pledge,"  Fr.  pleige  "surety,"  etc. 

All  the  words  connected  with  the  idea  "debt,  guilt,  pledge " 
have  in  the  European  languages  arisen  from  the  correspond- 

1  "  Quicquid  ad  discum  nostrum  dare  debet,  unusquisque  iudex  in  sua  habeat 
plebio  qualiter  bona  et  optima  atque  bene  studiose  et  nitide  omnia  sint  con- 
posita  quicquid  dederint"  (800),  MGH.,  Cap.,  vol.  I,  p.  85;  "et  ferramenta, 
quod  in  hostem  ducunt,  in  eorum  habeant  plebio  qualiter  bona  sint  et  iterum 
quando  revertuntur  in  camera  mittantur,"  ibid.,  p.  87;  "  quicquid  ipsi  in  pace 
violanda  delinquerint,  ad  ipsius  debet  plivium  pervenire"  (823),  ibid.,  vol.  n, 
p.  305. 

2  "  De  senium  ecclesiae  aut  fiscalinis  uel  cuiuslibet  si  aliquo  quicumque  in 
potestatem  ad  sorte  aut  ad  plibium  (pleuium,  plebeium,  plebium)  promouatur, 
ut  ipse  precius  dominum  reformetur,"  Decretio  Chlotharii  regis:  "si  quicumque 
homo  alienum  servum  de  capitale  crimine  amallaverit,  et  ei  ad  sacramentum 
non  crediderit,  nisi  subscribere  eum  vult,  de  presente  plebat,  hoc  est  subscribat 
suum  servum  alteram  talem,  qua  ille  est,  cui  reputat,"  Lex  romana  raet.  curien., 
ix.  4. 


SCULCA  49 

ing  Latin  terms,  as  the  whole  criminal  procedure  of  the  Ger- 
manic laws  is  but  an  evolution  of  the  edicts  of  the  Theo- 
dosian  Code.  Hence  it  would  be  extremely  strange  if  OHG. 
sculd  "f acinus,  crimen,  reatum,  debitum,  causa"  should 
have  proceeded  from  a  native  word.  I  have  already  shown 
the  confusion  between  scutarius  and  scultarius.  It  can  be 
shown  that  this  confusion  was  universal  on  Germanic  ground. 
It  is  generally  assumed  that  Lat.  scutum  "shield"  is  derived 
from  a  root  sku-  "to  cover,"  which  is  very  likely  if  we  con- 
sider Gr.  ctkuto?  "hide,  leather,"  but  one  thing  is  certain 
and  that  is,  that  it  is  only  in  the  Latin  that  the  idea  "shield" 
has  developed  in  this  group,  although  a  similar  relation  of 
"hide"  and  "shield"  is  found  in  the  Sanskrit  carma.  Now, 
all  the  other  European  languages  have  derived  the  word  for 
"shield"  from  Lat.  scutum.  We  have  Albanian  sk'iit,  sk'ut,1 
Olrish  sciath,  OWelsh  scuit,  OBreton  scoit,  Cornish  ysguydh, 
0  Slavic  stitu.  Hence  it  would  again  be  extremely  strange  if 
Goth,  skildus,  ONorse  skjoldr,  AS.  scyld,  OHG.  scilt  were  not 
derived  from  the  same  scutum,  even  because  scutarius  has  by 
documentary  evidence  become  confused  with  scultator.2  The 
universal  umlaut  found  in  these  words  would  indicate  that 
they  were  derived  through  a  source  borrowing  not  from 
Latin,  but  from  the  Greek,  where  the  identical  word  ety- 
mologically,  ctkvtos,  was  confused  with  it;  but  that  Lat. 
scutum  was  at  an  early  time  borrowed  back  into  Greek,  that 
is  proved,  not  only  by  the  later  ctkovtov,  but  also  by  o-kovtol- 
puos,  recorded  in  the  second  century. 

There  cannot  be  the  slightest  doubt  that  scultarius,  de- 
rived from  the  older  scutarius,  and  quite  correctly  in  the 

1  G.  Mayer,  Etymologisches  Worterbuch  der  albanischen  Sprache,  Strassburg 
1891,  p.  388.  Mayer  thinks  that  Lat.  scutum  should  have  given  sk'ut,  not 
sk'iit,  but  he  contradicts  himself  immediately  by  admitting  that  skuter  "chief 
herdsman"  is  from  Gr.  a-KovrdpLos,  Lat.  scutarius  "shield  bearer,  famulus, 
domesticus." 

2  The  very  form  sculdhor,  which  I  have  found  twice  recorded,  may  be  a  di- 
rect corruption  of  scultator. 


50       COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

OHG.  form  sculdhaizo,  sculdheizo  glossed  as  "praefectus, 
tribunus,  procurator,  quinquagenarius,  praeco,  exactor 
populi,"  was  popularly  understood  to  be  the  compeller  of 
those  crimes  which  demanded  distress,  that  is,  a  sculta  or 
sculca.  Such  crimes,  as  we  have  seen,  were  debts  and  those 
leading  to  capital  punishment.  Thus  sculta  came  to  mean 
those  crimes  themselves,  precisely  as  dulgere  "to  remit  the 
petty  crimes  or  debts"  led  in  all  the  European  languages  to 
the  meanings  " petty  crime"  and  "debt."  Sculta,  then, 
meant  "guilt,  debt,  compulsion,  that  which  one  owes."  In- 
deed, OHG.  gasculdon  is  glossed  by  "exigere  (culpa),  prome- 
rere,"  gasculdan  by  "exigere  (iram  judicis),"  sculdon  by 
"promerere,"  and  sculdanby  "condemnare,"  the  latter  in  the 
significant  phrase  "sculdante  za  gelte,"  "condemning  to  pay 
the  fine."  The  underlying  meaning  is  invariably  "the  com- 
pulsion in  cases  of  debt  or  crime,"  hence  Goth,  skuldo  "that 
which  one  owes,  a  debt,  due,"  skulds  "owing,"  and  from  this 
we  get  the  back  formations  skula  "debtor,  liable  to,  in  danger 
of,"  skulan  "to  owe,  to  be  obliged  to,  to  be  about  to."  The 
Germanic  philologist,  who  makes  his  facts  fit  in  with  his 
abstract  laws,  will  be  shocked  at  finding  a  preteropresent 
verb  among  those  borrowed  from  a  Latin  root.  It  must  not 
be  forgotten  that  these  verbs  are  for  the  greater  part  not 
found  outside  of  the  Germanic  languages,  that  no  Indo-Ger- 
manic  root  from  which  skulan  may  be  derived  has  been  dis- 
covered, and  that  this  group,  like  Goth,  daugan,  which  is  also 
a  preteropresent  and  borrowed  from  the  Latin,  entered  the 
Germanic  languages  before  the  sixth  century,  even  before  the 
Anglo-Saxons  had  settled  in  Britain,  and  while  the  Germanic 
tribes  had  not  yet  separated. 

The  other  Germanic  languages  need  not  detain  us,  except 
the  Anglo-Saxon,  where  we  have  not  only  scyld  "sin,  crime, 
guilt,"  but  also  gylt  "crime,  sin,  fault,  debt,  guilt,"  which  is, 
no  doubt,  developed  directly  from  Welsh  gwyliad,  gwyliat, 


SCULCA  51 

OBreton  guiliat  "a  watching."  The  Slavic  languages  do  not 
seem  to  have  any  derivatives  from  this  group,  having  bor- 
rowed from  the  older  root  dulg-.  Lithuanian  has  skola 
"debt,"  skylu,  skilau  "to  fall  into  debt,"  skeliu  "to  owe," 
but  also  words  without  an  initial  s,  such  as  kalte  "debt, 
crime,"  kaltas  "guilty." 


HOMOLOGUS 

In  the  Visigothic  laws  we  hear  of  a  buccellarius,  a  free  man 
who  could  change  his  patron,  to  whom  he  had  sworn  fealty, 
by  surrendering  all  his  arms  and  half  of  his  acquisitions  while 
in  the  service  of  his  patron,  and  provisions  were  made  for  the 
daughters  of  the  buccellarius,  whereby  they  obtained  a  dowry 
from  the  property  surrendered,  if  they  married  according  to 
the  patron's  will.1  An  identical  law  substitutes  the  saio  for 
the  buccellarius,2  hence  the  two  could  not  have  differed  much 
in  their  capacities,  if  they  were  not  entirely  the  same.  The 
usual  conception  about  the  buccellarius  in  the  Middle  Ages 
was  that  he  was  a  cut- throat  retainer,  a  parasite,3  and  this 
opinion  is  well  founded,  if  one  considers  the  Roman  law  of 
the  year  468,  according  to  which  people  were  not  permitted 
to  keep  bands  of  armed  buccellarii  on  their  estates.4    But, 

1  "Si  quis  buccellario  arma  dederit  vel  aliquid  donaverit,  si  in  patroni  sui 
manserit  obsequio,  aput  ipsum  quae  sunt  donata  permanenat.  Si  vero  alium 
sibi  patronum  elegerit,  habeat  licentiam,  cui  se  voluerit  commendare:  quoniam 
ingenuus  homo  non  potest  prohiberi,  quia  in  sua  potestate  consistit :  sed  reddat 
omnia  patrono,  quern  deseruit.  Similis  et  de  circa  filios  patroni  vel  buccellarii 
forma  servetur,  ut  si  ipsi  quidem  obsequi  voluerint,  donata  possideant:  si  vero 
patroni  filios  vel  nepotes  crediderint  reliquendos,  reddant  universa,  quae  paren- 
tibus  eorum  a  patrono  donata  sunt.  Et  si  aliquid  buccellarius  sub  patrono  ad- 
quesierit,  medietas  ex  omnibus  in  patroni  vel  filiorum  eius  potestate  consistat : 
aliam  medietatem  buccellarius,  qui  adquaesivit,  obtineat:  et  si  filiam  reliquirit, 
ipsam  in  patroni  potestate  manere  iubemus:  sic  tamen,  ut  ipse  patronus  aequa- 
lem  ei  provideat,  qui  earn  sibi  possit  in  matrimonio  sociare.  Quod  si  ipsa  con- 
tra voluntatem  patroni  alium  forte  elegerit,  quidquid  patricius  a  patrono  fuerit 
donatum  vel  a  parentibus  patroni,  omnia  patrone  vel  heredibus  eiun  restitua- 
tur,"  Euric.  Frag,  cccx  and  Lex  Visig.  v.  3.  1. 

2  Euric.  Frag,  cccxi  and  Lex  Visig.  v.  3.  2,  3,  4. 

3  "Buccellarius  assecula,   satellites,  galearius,   parasitus,  scurra,"   Corpus 
glossariorum  latinorum;    "  Bou/ceAAapios   6   aTroo-TeXX6fxevo<;  kcii   (f>wv  riva, 
Ducange. 

4  "Omnibus  per  civitates  et  agros  habendi  buccellarios  vel  Isauros  armatos- 
que  servos  licentiam  volumus  esse  praeclusam.    Quod  si  quis,  praeter  haec 


HOMOLOGUS  53 

while  it  is  quite  true  that  the  buccellarii  during  the  latter  days 
of  the  Roman  Empire  formed  private  bodyguards,  swearing 
allegiance  to  their  patrons  under  whom  they  fought,  and  dur- 
ing the  fall  of  the  Empire  resolving  themselves  into  companies 
of  freebooters,1  it  also  appears  from  the  Gothic  enactments 
that  they  had  a  certain  legal  standing,  which  can  hardly 
have  arisen  from  a  condition  of  lawlessness,  but  rather  must 
have  preceded  it. 

The  earliest  reference  to  buccellarii  is  in  the  Notitia  dig- 
nitatum,  where  "eomites  catafractarii  bucellarii  iuniores"  are 
mentioned,  and  almost  contemporaneously  with  it  comes  the 
statement  by  Olympiodorus  that  in  the  time  of  Honorius  not 
only  Romans,  but  also  Goths,  bore  the  name  of  buccellarii.2 
The  derivation  of  this  word  from  Lat.  buccella,  suggested 
by  Olympiodorus  and  accepted  by  many  modern  writers,  is 
mere  popular  etymology  and  of  no  use.  All  we  know  is  that 
the  word  was  employed  for  certain  Roman  and  Gothic  sol- 
diers or  private  retainers.  In  the  Visigothic  laws  the  relation 
subsisting  between  the  buccellarius  and  his  patron  is  called 
by  the  familiar  terms  obsequium  or  patrocinium,  which  is  a 
free  agreement  entered  upon  by  the  servant  loyally  to  sup- 
port his  master  from  whom  he  received  his  arms  and  his  sus- 
tenance. Guilhermoz  has  ably  shown  that  the  'patrocinium 
and  the  buccellarii  of  the  Visigoths  are  of  Roman  origin,3 
and  I  will  now  try  to  show  what  the  origin  of  the  word  buc- 
cellarius is. 

We  know  of  the  patrocinium  chiefly  from  the  many  enact- 

nostra  mansuetudo  salubriter  ordinavit,  armata  mancipia  seu  buccellarios  aut 
Isauros  in  suis  praediis  aut  juxta  se  habere  temptaverit,  post  exactam  centum 
librarum  auri  condemnationem  vindictam  in  eos  severissimam  proferri  sanci- 
mus,"  Cod.  Just.  ix.  12.  10. 

1  Mommsen,  in  Hermes,  vol.  xxiv,  p.  233  ff.,  and  C.  L6crivain,  Les  soldats 
prives  aus  Bas  Empire,  in  Melanges  d'archeologie  et  d'histoire,  vol.  x,  p.  267  ff. 

2  "  To  BovKeAAapios  ovofia  iv  reus  rjfiepais  'Ovwpiou  ifptpero  Kara  aTparnn- 
t£)v  ov  fxoviov  'Ptufxaiwi',  dAAa  «ai  Tot6wv  tivcuv,"  L£crivain,  I.  c,  p.  277. 

3  Essai  sur  Vorigine  de  la  noblesse  en  France  au  moyen  age,  Paris  1902,  p.  13  ff. 


54       COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

merits  against  it  in  the  Theodosian  Code.  It  appears  that  in 
the  fourth  and  fifth  centuries  farmers,  especially  in  Egypt, 
entered  into  a  kind  of  servitude  to  a  patron,  in  order  to  avoid 
paying  taxes.1  A  few  years  before,  Libanius  had  addressed 
a  letter  to  Theodosius,  in  which  he  gave  a  terrible  picture  of 
the  ravages  committed  by  those  farmers  who  left  the  vil- 
lages and  their  masters  and  entered  the  service  of  officers 
stationed  near  by.2  In  415  these  farmers,  called  homologi, 
were  ordered  to  return  to  the  villages  which  they  had  left, 
the  patrons  receiving  back  what  they  had  spent  on  them.3 
These  farmers  were  obviously  free  men,  for  it  was  specifically 
stated  that  the  law  against  the  patrocinium  referred  only  to 
those  who  had  property  of  their  own.4 

The  patrocinium,  as  a  military  institution,  which,  however, 
can  hardly  be  separated  from  its  mere  economic  form,  put  the 
buccellarius  under  obligation  to  defend  the  master  rightly 
or  wrongly  against  all  men.  The  Visigothic  laws  are  full  of 
references  to  this  evil.  Judges  would  favor  a  case  of  a  man  to 

1  "  Omnes  ergo  sciant,  non  modo  eos  memorata  multa  feriendos,  qui  cliente- 
lam  susceperint  rusticorum,  sed  eos  quoque  qui  fraudandorum  tributorum 
causa  ad  patrocinia  solita  fraude  confugerint,  duplum  definitae  multae  subi- 
turos"  (399),  xi.  24.  4. 

2  "  Eicri  KwfjLaL  peydXai  ttoWwv  iKacrrr]  oecnroTtov.  avrai  KaTa<f>evyovcnv  orl 
tous  iSpiyxevous  crrpai-iajTas,  ov^  '^va  P-V  irdOwcri  KaKws,  dW  tva  e^wcri  iroulv. 
ko\  6  jxiuOb'i  d<p  <liv  8i8wcriv  rj  yr/,  Trvpoi  /cat  KpiOat.  /cat  to.  oltto  twv  8ev8pu>v  r) 
Xpvtros  rj  xpvcriov  Ttp.r).  Trpofi^fiXrffiivoi  tolvvv  ras  tovtcov  ^etpas  oi  ScSwkotcs 
icovr/vTai  rr/v  eis  a7ravTa  i£ov<riav.  kol  vvv  p.ev  KaKa.  ko.1  7rpdypara  -rrapi^ovcri. 
tois  6/xopots  yyv  d.7roT€^.vo/xevot,  SevSpa  ripvovrvi,  dpird^ovTv;,  ^uovre?,  Kara- 
ko7ttovt€s,  ccr^tovTes,"  Libanius,  De  patrociniis,  4. 

3  "  Hii  sane,  qui  vicis  quibus  adscripti  sunt  derelictis,  qui  homologi  more  gen- 
tilitio  nuncupantur,  ad  alios  seu  vicos,  seu  dominos  transierunt,  ad  sedem  de- 
solati  ruris  constrictis  detentatoribus  redire  cogantur:  qui  si  exsequenda  pro- 
traxerint,  ad  functiones  eorum  teneantur  obnoxii,  et  dominis  restituant,  quae 
pro  his  exsoluta  constiterit,"  Cod.  Theod.  xi.  24.  6. 

4  "  Excellentia  tua  his  legibus,  quae  de  prohibendis  patrociniis  aliorum  princi- 
pum  nomine  promulgatae  sunt,  seueriorem  poenam  nos  addidisse  cognoscat: 
scilicet,  ut  si  quis  agricolis  vel  vicanis  propria  possidentibus  patrocinium  rep- 
pertus  fuerit  ministrare,  propriis  facultatibus  exuatur.  His  quoque  agricolis 
terrarum  suarum  dispendio  feriendis,  qui  ad  patrocinia  quaesiti  confugerint," 
xi.  24.  5. 


HOMOLOGUS  55 

whom  they  were  related  by  patronage,1  and  rich  men  relied 
on  their  retinue  to  impede  the  course  of  justice,2  having  re- 
course to  riotous  clamors,3  while  the  Lex  romana  raelica 
curiensis  meted  out  severe  punishment  to  those  who  did  not 
apply  to  their  judges  for  the  law,  but  to  the  "milites  qui  in 
obsequio  principum  sunt." 4  It  is,  therefore,  clear  that  the 
buccellarius  was  a  free  Goth  who  entered  into  a  compact  to 
serve  another  in  return  for  certain  advantages.  The  impor- 
tant point  in  this  relation  was  the  contract  which  specifically 
declared  what  the  forfeit  would  be  if  such  a  free  man, 
having  entered  into  an  agreement  to  work  for  another,  chose 
to  change  masters  or  break  the  contract. 

In  Byzantine  Egypt  a  contract  was  called  o/xoXoyia,  from 
the  formula  6/xoAoyeZ  "he  promises,  spondet,"  which  is  the 
essential  part  of  such  a  contract.5  In  the  Coptic  contracts  6 

1  "Si  quis  iudici  pro  adversario  suo  querellam  intulerit,  et  ipse  eum  audire 
noluerit  aut  sigillum  negaverit  et  per  diversas  occasiones  causam  eius  protrax- 
erit,  pro  patrocinio  aut  amicitia  noles  legibus  obtemperare,"  n.  1.  20. 

2  "  Quicumque  habens  causam  ad  maiorem  personam  se  propterea  contulerit, 
ut  in  iudicio  per  illius  patrocinium  adversarium  suum  possit  obprimere,  ipsam 
causam,  de  qua  agitur,  etsi  iusta  fuerit,  quasi  victus  perdat,  iudex  autem  mox 
viderit  quemcumque  potentem  in  causa  cuiuslibet  patrocinari,  liceat  ei  de 
iudicio  eium  habicere.  Quod  si  potens  contemserit  iudicem  et  proterve  resistens 
de  iudicio  egredi  vel  locum  dare  iudicanti  noluerit,  potestatem  habeat  iudex 
ab  ipso  potente  duas  auri  libras  auri  exigere  et  hunc  iniuria  violenta  a  iudicio 
propulsare,"  n.  2.  8. 

3  "Audientia  non  tumultu  aut  clamore  turbetur  .  .  .  nullus  se  in  audientiam 
ingerat  .  .  .  quod  si  admonitus  quisquam  a  judicem  fuerit,  ut  in  causa  taceat 
hac  prestare  causando  patrocinium  non  presumat,  et  ausus  ultra  fuerit  parti 
cuiuslibet  patrocinare,  decern  auri  solidos  eidem  iudici  profuturos  coactus  exol- 
vat,  ipse  vero,  in  nullo  resultans,  contumeliose  de  iudicio  proiectus  abscedat," 
ii.  2.  2.  It  is  interesting  to  notice  here  that  the  Bavarian  law  has  used  this 
clamore,  which  naturally  means  "riotous  noise,  sedition,"  in  the  same  sense  in 
the  form  carmulum,  "si  quis  seditionem  suscitaverit  contra  ducem  suum,  quod 
Baiuvari  carmulum  dicunt,"  I.  2.  3,  and  this  leads  to  Slavic  kramola  "sedition." 

4  "  Quicumque  homo,  qui  suos  iudices,  qui  in  sua  provincia  commanent, 
postposuerit,  et  ad  milites,  qui  in  obsequio  principum  sunt,  suas  causas  agere 
presumserit:  ipse  qui  earn  causam  inquirit,  in  exilio  deputetur;  et  ille  miles,  qui 
ipsam  causam  iudicat,  x  libras  auri  solvat,"  n.  1.  7. 

5  M.  J.  Bry,  Essai  sur  la  vente  dans  les  papyrus  greco-egypliens,  Paris  1909, 
p. 131 ff. 

6  W.  E.  Crum,  Catalogue  of  the  Coptic  Manuscripts  in  the  Collection  of  the 
John  Rylands  Library,  Manchester  1909,  in  the  Vocabulary.  - 


56       COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

homologei,  hamalogi  occurs  numberless  times  in  such  con- 
tracts in  the  sense  "we  agree,  promise."  The  agreement  of  a 
sailor,  who  distinctly  mentions  the  fact  that  he  is  a  free  man, 
runs  as  follows:  "I,  John,  the  sailor,  son  of  the  late  George, 
of  Shnoum,  write  to  George,  the  sailor,  son  of  Melas,  like- 
wise of  Shnoum.  Seeing  that  I  have  agreed  to  embark  with 
thee  as  sailor  upon  the  little  ship  'Apa  Severus,'  and  to  re- 
ceive hire  the  10th  Indiction,  henceforth,  until  the  fulfilment 
of  its  year,  namely  the  month  of  Paope,  in  God's  will,  of  the 
11th  Indiction;  now  therefore  I  undertake  (homologei)  to 
remain  as  sailor  on  this  ship,  in  all  freedom,  without  sloth  or 
neglect.  It  is  agreed  that  we  will  conceal  nothing,  one  from 
the  other,  of  what  God  shall  bring  to  us;  and  we  will  give 
to  each  other  the  proportion  fixed  from  the  takings  of  '  Apa 
Severus'  from  to-day  henceforth,  until  the  fulfilment  of  its 
year.  And  if  its  year  be  fulfilled  and  we  agree  together,  we 
will  set  sail  again  together.  But  if  I  wish  to  part  from  thee, 
while  I  am  a  sailor  with  thee  upon  the  little  ship,  thereupon 
I  will  pay  2  gold  solidi  as  fine,  all  that  I  have  being  at  thy 
disposal.  .  .  .  For  thy  assurance,  therefore,  I  have  drawn  up 
this  agreement  (homologia)  for  thee  and  do  consent  thereto 
by  my  signs,  and  I  have  begged  other  freemen  and  they  have 
witnessed  it." 1 

In  Langobard  times  such  a  contract  was  called  libellus, 
and  a  freeman  promising  to  work  the  land  of  a  patron  for  a 
series  of  years  or  for  life  distinctly  stated  the  conditions,  under 
which  he  worked,  in  such  a  libellus,2  and  the  usual  phrase  for 

1  W.  E.  Crum,  op.  cit.,  p.  76. 

2  Atypical  libellus  would  run  something  like  this:  "  Manifestum  mihi  Luitpert 
homo  liber,  et  filio  qd.  Teuderici,  quia  per  cartulam  ad  resedendo  confirmasti  me 
et  filius  et  nepotibus  meis  tu  venerabili  domno  Peredeo  Episc.  in  casa  Eccl. 
vestre  in  loco  Ligori,  ubi  antea  residet  qd.  Ursulo,  et  in  omnem  res  ividem  per- 
tenent.  Proinde  per  hanc  cartula  repromicto  me  una  cumfiliis  seo  nepotibus  meis, 
ut  diebus  vite  nostre  in  ipsa  case  abitare  debeamus,  et  ipsa  casa  et  omnes  res  ibidem 
pertenent  in  omnibus  meliorare  debeamus,  et  in  alio  loco  aut  in  alia  casa  peculia- 
rina  facere  non  debeamus  Et  per  singulo  anno  tibi  et  successoribus  tuie  reddere 


HOMOLOGUS  57 

such  land  holding,  was  u  libellario  nomine."  *  If  homologus, 
homologites,2  came  to  mean  "the  farmer  who  works  for  an- 
other by  a  contract,"  3  and  in  the  West  libellarius  had  the 
same  significance,  it  must  be  obvious  that  buccellarius  must 
have  been  formed  in  some  similar  way.  Now,  in  Gothic 
boka  means  " letter,  document,"  from  which  are  derived 
German  buch,  Russian  bukva  " letter,"  etc.,  and  our  buc- 
cellarius is  derived  from  this  word.  But  boka  itself  is  of  Latin 
origin.  Before  the  sixth  century  libellus  was  not  the  only 
word  for  "book,  written  document."  Far  more  often  they 
employed  pugillar,  in  Greek  ttvktlov,  ttvklov,  to  express 
"document,"  while  libellus  designated  the  complete  book.4 
It  is  this  stem  pug-,  ttvk-,  which  has  produced  Goth,  boka, 
and  from  pugillar  has  been  formed  buccellarius,  the  synonym 
of  the  later  libellarius,  and  the  Roman  equivalent  of  the 
Greek  homologus. 

Another  word,  which  was  almost  identical  in  meaning  with 
buccellarius  has  proceeded  from  a  Latin  word  meaning 
"book,"  namely  vassallus.  Since  Pliny's  time  vasarium  pub- 

debeamus  de  ipsa  res  duo  modio  grano,  et  duo  modia  farre,  vino  anforas 
quinque,  olivas  medietate,  animate  bono  magese,  in  Pascha  uno  pullos,  ovas 
decern,  et  angaria  vobis  facere  debeamus,  sicut  est  consuetudo  facere  alii  mas- 
sarii  de  ipso  loco,"  etc.  (764),  Mem.  e  doc  .  .  .  di  Lucca,  vol.  v2,  p.  51. 

1  "Libellario  titulo"  Cassiodorus,  Variae,  v.  7  (523);  "sed  et  terrulam  ec- 
clesiae  nostrae  vicinam  sibi  .  .  .  libellario  nomine  ad  summam  tremissis  unius 
habere  concede"  (590),  Gregorii  I  Registri,  n.  3;  "  volumus  ut  securitatis  libel- 
los  de  pensionibus  facias"  (591),  ibid.,  i.  42. 

2  W.  E.  Crum,  op.  cit.  (mologites),  p.  237. 

3  The  homologi  are  several  times  recorded  in  the  second  century  in  Egypt, 
and  Wilcken  (Griechische  Ostraka  aus  Aegypten  und  Nubien,  Leipzig  und  Berlin 
1899,  vol.  i,  p.  253  ff.),  agreeing  with  Gothofredus,  at  first  considered  them  to 
be  peasants  who  accepted  the  patronage  by  some  kind  of  homologia  "  agree- 
ment," but  he  later  somewhat  modified  his  views  in  M.  Rostowzew's  Studien 
zur  Geschichte  des  romischen  Kolonats,  in  1.  Beiheft  zum  Archiv  fur  Papyrus- 
forschung,  p.  219  ff.  But  for  our  purposes  the  precise  status  of  the  homologi  is 
immaterial,  for  all  we  are  concerned  with  is  the  fact  that  these  homologi  entered 
in  patrocinium  and,  as  we  shall  later  see,  retained  the  name  of  homologi  in  the 
West. 

4  "  Venere  in  manus  meas  pugillares  libellique  cum  quibusdamn  otissimis 
versibus  ipsius  chirographo  scriptis,"  Suetonius,  Nerva  52. 


58       COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

licum  was  the  usual  name  for  a  " liber  censualis,"  a  book  in 
which  the  amount  of  tax  the  farmers  had  to  pay  was  pre- 
cisely recorded.1  In  the  earliest  Ostrogothic  document  of  the 
year  489  the  new  owner  of  the  estate  says  that  he  is  ready 
each  year  to  pay  the  fiscal  dues  for  it,  and  so  he  asks  the  au- 
thorities to  have  the  name  of  the  former  owner  erased  from 
the  polyptic  and  his  own  inserted  instead,  to  which  the  an- 
swer of  the  officer  granting  the  request  is  that  he  will  have 
the  name  erased  from  the  vasaria  publica,  etc.2  What  these 
polyptics  were  is  best  seen  from  a  capitulary  of  Charles  the 
Bald  in  864,  where  it  says  that  they  contain  a  precise  state- 
ment of  the  corvee  due  by  each  colonus,3  and  this  is  borne  out 
by  the  polyptic  of  Irminon  and  similar  lists. 

That  derivatives  vasarinus  "free  serf,"  vasarinium,  vasa- 
risiscum  "corvee  due  from  the  free  serf"  existed  is  proved 
by  the  corrupted  forms  warcinus  "free  serf,"  warcinium, 
warciniscum  "corvee  due  from  the  free  serf,"  recorded  in 
736, 4  and  varcinaticum  "animalia  exacta  ad  mensam  prin- 
cipis,"  used  in  a  document  of  the  year  816.5  The  Langobard 

1  Plinius,  vii.  49,  Cod.  Theod.  xiii.  11.  12,  Cassiodorus,  Variae  vii.  45. 

2  "  Parati  sumus  singulis  annis  pro  eadem  praedia  conpetentia  solvere  unde 
rogamus  uti  jubeatis  a  polypthicis  publicis  nomen  prioris  domini  suspendi  et 
nostri  dominii  adscribi  .  .  .  Unde  erit  nobis  cura  de  vasariis  publicis  nomen 
prioris  dominii  suspendi  et  vestri  dominii  adscribi,"  Marini,  I  pap.  dipt,  p.  130. 

3  "  Illi  coloni,  tarn  fiscales,  quam  et  ecclesiastici,  qui  sicut  in  polypticis  con- 
tinetur  et  ipsi  non  denegant,  carropera  et  manopera  ex  antiqua  consuetudine 
debent,"  MGH.,  Leg.  sec.  n.  2,  p.  323. 

4  "  Faichisi  seo  Pasquale,  fratris  germani,  filii  quondam  Beninato,  qui  fuet 
aldio  vestrum  S.  Saturnini  .  .  .  tu  predicta  Pasquale  et  Faichisi  in  casa  S. 
Saturnini  resedire  diveatis  in  Diano  casa,  vel  in  omni  res  patris  nostro,  quon- 
dam Veninato,  quia  manifestum  est  quod  de  livera  mater  natis  sumus,  et  de 
istato  nostro  nulla  condicione  bovis  redivibamus,  nisi  tantum  bonis  de  ipsa 
casa  vel  omni  res  patris  nostro,  warcinisca  facere  diveamus,  sic  ut  bovis  pater 
nostrum  quandam  Veninatus  usum  facere  fuet,  ad  pratum  sicandi  stabulum 
faciendi  in  via  ubi  vovis  opum  fuerit,  sicut  unum  de  warcini  vestri  ...  Si  nos 
Pasquale  et  Faichisi  vel  nostros  heredes  de  ipsa  casa  exire  voluerimus,  aut 
ipsas  warcinia  facere  minime  voluerimus,  exeamus  bacui  et  inanis  et  insuper 
conpunamus  pine  nomini  auri  sol.  20,"  Brunetti,  Codice  diplomutico  Toscano, 
vol.  i,  p.  488. 

6  "  De  quibus  una  est  donatio  quam  Lupus  Dux  ad  praedictum  sanctum 


HOMOLOGUS  59 

document  which  has  preserved  the  word  warcinus  shows  that 
he  was  a  free  man  of  the  same  type  as  the  libellarius.  There 
occurs  in  it  the  expression  "warcinisca  facere,"  that  is,  "to 
do  the  work  prescribed  in  the  polyptic  or  vasaria  publico,," 
where  the  libellarius  promises  not  to  do  peculiarina,  that  is, 
work  on  the  property  of  another,  even  as  the  buccellarius 
forfeited  his  rights  if  he  worked  for  another  master.  In  the 
eleventh  century  we  for  the  first  time  meet  with  the  guar- 
thones,  that  is,  warciones,  in  France,  where  they  are  repre- 
sented as  a  lawless  lot,  not  unlike  the  buccellarii,1  and  from 
this  guarthones  we  ultimately  get  French  gargon,  etc. 

The  form  vasarinus  is  found  in  Visigothic  in  the  form 
gasalianus.  The  seizure  of  uncultivated  land  could  take 
place  with  the  help  of  one's  familia,  servitores,  or  servi,  that 
is,  by  those  who  did  not  have  land  of  their  own  but  were  de- 
pendent on  their  patron  from  whom  they  received  oxen  and 
working  tools.  In  return  they  promised  to  serve  their  master 
in  a  stated  way.  We  have  here  that  class  of  coloni  who  in 
Italy  would  be  registered  in  the  vasaria  publica.  In  804  we 
find  the  same  class  of  free  serfs  in  Spain  under  the  name  of 
gasaliani.2  A  similar' class  of  free  serfs  in  patrocinio  were  the 
Langobard  gasindi,  which  is  obviously  from  vasini,  as  gasa- 
lianes is  from  vasalini,  vasaliani.  Like  the  warcini  the 
gasindi  were  free  to  change  their  patrons,  and  that  these  in 

locum  fecit  de  varcinatico,  id  est  animalia,  quae  exigebantur  ad  mensam  Princi- 
pis  Ducatus  Spoletani,"  Muratori,  Scriptores,  vol.  i2,  p.  369:  "obtulit  quoqu, 
praeceptum  .  .  .  et  de  clausura  in  Marsis,  et  de  vuarcinatico,  id  est,  animalia- 
quae  exigebantur  ad  mensam  Ducis  Spoletani,"  ibid.,  p.  372. 

1  "  Solent  enim  venire  guarthones  et  scutarii  et  servientes  de  Morteriolo  in 
domos  villanorum  et  furtim  aliquid  capere  de  domibus  eorum"  (1055),  E.  Le- 
long,  Cartulaire  de  Saint-Aubin  d1  Angers,  Paris  1903,  vol.  i,  p.  271. 

2  "Ego  Ihoannes  episcopus  sic  ueni  in  locum  que  uocitant  Ualle  Conposita 
et  inueni  ibi  eglesia  deserta  uocabulo  Sancte  Marie  Uirginis  et  feci  ibi  fita  sub 
regimine  Domino  Adefonso  principe  Obetau,  et  construxi  uel  confirmabi  ipsam 
eglesia  in  ipso  loco  et  feci  ibi  presuras  cum  meos  gasalianes  mecum  comorantes 
.  .  .  et  construxi  ibi  cenobium  cum  meos  gasalianes  et  tenui  eas  iure  quieto,  sub 
regimine  iam  dicto  Domino  Adefonso,"  Charles  de  I'eglise  de  Valpuesta,  in 
Revue  hispanique,  vol.  vn,  p.  282  ff. 


60       COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

their  turn  are  identical  with  the  Visigothic  buccellarii  as  to 
their  status  is  proved  by  the  fact  that  gifts  reverted  to  the 
donor  if  the  gasindus  left  his  patrocinium.1  Gasindus  is  an  old 
word,  for  it  occurs  in  a  Merovingian  document  of  the  year 
546  2  and  is  found  in  Gothic  as  gasinpa,  gasinpja  "com- 
panion." So,  too,  gasalianus  is  recorded  in  Gothic  saljan 
"to  harbor,  live,"  salipwos  "inn,  dwelling,"  as  though  ga- 
were  a  prefix.  But  this  ga-  is  a  corruption  of  the  original 
va-  as  preserved  in  Frankish  vasallus,  vassalus,  vassus. 

Vassus  occurs  in  the  Leges  Alamannorum,3  and  in  the  Salic 
laws,4  although  used  in  the  connection  "vassus  in  min- 
isterio,"  for  which  several  readings  are  "puer  in  ministerio," 
hence  almost  in  the  sense  of  gasalianus,  but  this  unique 
occurrence  of  the  word  may  be  due  to  a  late  introduction. 
There  can,  however,  be  no  doubt  that  vassus  was  well  known 
in  the  eighth  century,  for  it  is  recorded  in  authentic  docu- 
ments from  the  year  762  on,5  and  in  757  vassallus  is  a  free 
serf  who  may  change  his  master  at  will,  but  may  not  take  his 
wife  along,  if  she  is  a  gift  of  the  master,6  that  is,  he  is  pre- 
cisely under  the  same  obligation  as  the  gasalianus  or  buc- 
cellarius.  Even  at  this  early  period  vassus,  vassallus  has  the 
general  meaning  "servus"  and  he  may  hold  a  beneficium,7 

1  "Et  si  aliquid  in  gasindio  ducis,  aut  privatorum  hominum  obsequium, 
donum  munus  conquisivit,  res  ad  donatore  revertantur,"  Ed.  Roth.  225.  See 
Guilhermoz,  op.  cit.,  p.  46  ff. 

2  "Una  cum  omnibus  rebus  vel  hominibus  suis,  gasindis,  amicis,  susceptis," 
MGH.,  Dip.  imp.,  vol.  i,  p.  6;  also  pp.  12  and  45. 

3  xxxvi,  lxxiv.  4  x  (xxxv.  6). 

5  MGH.,  Dipl.  Karolina,  vol.  i,  p.  23;  also  (771),  p.  74,  p.  95,  etc. 

6  "Homo  Francus  accepit  beneficium  de  seniore  suo,  et  duxit  secum  suum 
vassallum,  et  postea  fuit  ibi  mortuus  ipse  senior  (i.  e.  homo  Francus)  et  dimisit 
ibi  ipsum  vassallum;  et  post  hoc  accepit  alius  homo  ipsum  beneficium,  et  pro 
hoc  ut  melius  potuit  habere  ilium  vassallum,  dedit  ei  mulierem  de  ipso  bene- 
ficio,  et  habuit  ipsam  aliquo  tempore;  et,  dimissa  ipsa,  reversus  est  ad  parentes 
senioris  sui  mortui,  et  accepit  ibi  uxorem,  et  modo  habet  earn.  Definitum  est, 
quod  illam  quam  postea  accepit,  ipsam  habeat,"  Decretum  compendiense,  in 
MGH.,  Capitularia,  vol.  i,  p.  38. 

7  "Similiter  et  vassus  noster  .  .  .  beneficium  et  honorem  perdat"  (779), 
ibid.,  p.  48. 


HOMOLOGUS  61 

hence  the  original  meaning  "free  serf"  must  be  considered 
older;  thus  there  is  no  break  between  the  serfs  of  the  vasa- 
ria  publica  of  the  sixth  and  the  vassalli  of  the  eight  century. 
Homologare  "to  make  a  vow  to  God"  is  not  uncommon 
among  the  early  Christian  writers.  The  term  was,  no  doubt, 
when  transferred  from  the  legal  contract,  expressive  of  that 
devotion,  that  condition  "in  patrocinio,"  which  subsisted 
between  the  believer  and  his  God.  If  the  homologus  made 
promise  to  serve  his  master  without  fail,  he  at  the  same  time 
took  upon  himself  to  defend  him,  to  represent  him,  be  his 
surety,  "agere  pro  patrono."  Before  entering  upon  the  dis- 
cussion of  this  aspect  of  the  homologus  in  the  West,  I  shall 
point  out  to  what  important  results  the  Roman  legal  term 
"gerere  pro  patrono"  has  led.  In  the  Roman  law  we  have 
gerere  cur  am  "to  administer,"  more  particularly  se  gerere 
pro  "to  act  in  the  capacity  of,"  gerere  pro  domino  "to  rep- 
resent the  master."  While  we  occasionally  get  a  similar 
phrase  in  the  Middle  Ages,1  we  far  more  often  have  guirens, 
guarens,  guaritor,  garens,  warrantis,  etc.  "surety,  fideiussor, 
warrantee,"2  hence  guerire  "to  protect,  hold  safe."3  The 
earliest  reference  to  a  word  derived  from  gerere  in  this  legal 
sense  we  get  in  a  document  of  the  year  954,  composed  at 
Cerdagne  or  Urgel,  that  is,  not  far  from  Toulouse,  where  the 
earliest  other  forms  are  recorded.   We  have  here  giregar  "to 

1  "Patronos  vel  gerentes  se  pro  patronis"  (1257),  Les  Olim,  vol.  i,  p.  18. 

2  "Arnaldus  Maurinus  vendidit  suam  partem  per  se  et  per  suum  fratrem, 
Willelmum  Maurinum;  et  debet  esse  guirens  de  hoc  suo  fratre,"  C.  Douais, 
Cartulaire  deVabbaye  Saint-Sernin  de  Toulouse,  p.  21;  "debent  esse  guirentes 
de  omnibus  eorum  hereditariis "  (1155),  ibid.,  p.  26;  "et  erimus  eis  legales 
guaritores  de  omnibus  amparatoribus,"  ibid.,  p.  78;  "filii  sui  debent  esse  inde 
legales  guarentes  Deo  et  ecclesie  Sancte  Constantie  de  omnibus  hominibus," 
ibid.,  p.  150;  "et  habeas  ibi  guarantes  tuos  qui  guarentizent  tibi  feoda  .  .  .  prae- 
cipio  quod  justicia  mea  faciat  ei  habere  considerationem  meae  curiae  secundum 
quod  audierit  warantos  tuos"  (1181),  V.  Bourienne,  Antiquus  cartularius  ec- 
clesiae  Baiocensis,  Rouen,  Paris  1902,  vol.  i,  p.  15. 

3  "  Uxorem  sua  et  infantes  sui  debent  hunc  casalem  legaliter  guerire  Deo  .  .  . 
de  omnibus  hominibus,"  C.  Douais,  op.  cit.,  p.  155. 


62       COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

hold  safe,  defend."  *  But  garir,  pi.  gurrdn  "security,  warn- 
ing, bail"  is  recorded  in  Arabic  as  early  as  the  middle  of  the 
ninth  century,  and  that  this  is  borrowed  from  the  Latin  or 
Greek  is  proved  not  only  by  its  utter  unrelatedness  to  any- 
thing in  Arabic,  but  also  by  the  Greek  gloss  yepireveiv 
"gerere,  administrare,  Stot/cet^,"  given  in  Ducange  as  taken 
from  the  Glossae  Basilicwn.  Now,  we  have  gerere  pro  herede 
translated  by  "&>s  KX-qpovo/xo^  SioLKeuv  kol  Secnro^ecv"2 
while  pro  herede  gestiones  is  left  in  Greek  as  "73730  cupe'Se 
year  Coves,"3  so  that  there  cannot  be  any  doubt  as  to  the 
presence  of  gerere  in  Graeco-Roman  law  from  the  time  of  the 
Justinian  Code  on.  The  almost  exclusive  appearance  of 
garens  at  Toulouse  and  at  a  comparatively  late  time  is,  no 
doubt,  due  to  its  borrowing  from  the  Arabic,  which,  in  its 
turn,  received  it  from  the  Greeks. 

Garens,  guarens  "protector,  defensor,  warrantee"  pro- 
duced the  very  popular  garantia,  garandia,  garentia,  guar- 
entia,  etc.,  "guarantee,  protection,  defence,  prohibition," 
hence  garenna,  guarenda,  varenna  "a  forest  or  river  in  which 
none  but  the  king  may  exercise  his  rights,  warren."  The 
Latin  documents  record  a  large  number  of  verbs  from  this 
group,  garire,  gariscere,  garentare,  garandiare,  garandire,  etc., 
"cavere,  spondere,  praestare,  defendere,  sanare."  The  forms 
with  n  are  very  old,  for  we  find  in  the  capitularies  of  Char- 
lemagne warnire  "to  prepare  for  war,  defence."4   The  Ro- 

1  "Siamus  tibi  adjutores  de  ipsa  honore  quod  haberetis  vel  in  antea  habere 
potueris  cum  nostrum  consilium  a  tener  et  a  giregar  et  a  defendre  contra  cunctoa 
homines  vel  feminas  per  fidem  rectam  sine  engan,"  Devic  and  Vaissete,  op.  cit., 
vol.  11  Preuves,  col.  422. 

2  B.  Brisson,  De  verborum  quae  ad  jus  pertinent  significatione,  libri  XIX,  sub 
gerere. 

3  Ibid.,  sub  heres. 

4  "Unusquisque  infra  patriam  cum  pace  et  sine  oppressione  pauperum  .  .  . 
et  in  hostem  vel  ad  placitum,  sive  ad  curtem  veniens,  de  suo  sit  warnitus,  et 
de  domo  sua  moveat  ut  cum  pace  .  .  .  venire  possit,"  MGH.,  Capitularia, 
p.  158;  "nobis  in  adjutorium,  prout  citius  potuerint,  veniant,  et  de  hoc  omnes 
semper  warniti  6int,"  ibid.,  p.  360. 


HOMOLOGUS  63 

mance  languages  have  borrowed  their  respective  terms  from 
the  French  or  Provencal,  where  there  is  an  enormous  num- 
ber of  derivatives  of  this  group.  We  have  Pro  v.  gar  en 
"  surety,  witness,  helper,"  garensa  "salvation,  protection, 
cure,"  garentia  " witness,  proof,"  garana,  garena,  "warren," 
garandar  "to  observe,  enclose,  surround,"  garanda  "relia- 
bility, measure,"  garar  "to  observe,  look  out,  pay  attention, 
suspect,"  garir  "save,  cure,  ward  off,"  garida  "salvation, 
help,  protection,"  garnir  "fit  out  with  every  thing  neces- 
sary, equip,  prepare,  adorn";  similarly  OFrench  gar  ant  "pro- 
tection, defence,"  gare  "ambuscade,"  garer  "to  furnish," 
garir  "to  guarantee,  preserve,  save,  protect,  defend,  furnish, 
resist,"  garison  "defence,  protection,  safety,  sustenance," 
garnir  "to  fortify,  prepare,  defend,"  etc. 

The  Germanic  languages  have  similarly  adopted  this 
group  of  words.  We  have  Goth,  warjan  "to  prohibit,"  wars 
"wary,"  OHG.  wara  "intuitio,  consideratio,  cura"  biwaron 
"servare,  providere,"  warjan,  werjan  "prohibere,  cohibere," 
weren  "to  grant,  warrant,"  warnon  "munire,  prospicere,  ad- 
monere,  instruere,"  AS.  waer  "ware,  aware,  having  knowl- 
edge, prepared,  on  guard,  careful,  wary,  cautious,  prudent," 
waru  "watchful  care,  observance,  keeping  of  command," 
werian  "to  hinder,  check,  restrain,  defend,  resist  attack,  de- 
fend at  law,  protect,  guard  from  wrong  or  injury,"  warenian, 
warnian,  wearinan  "to  take  heed,  beware,  be  on  guard,  ab- 
stain," etc.  Similarly  the  Slavic  languages  have  a  very  large 
quantity  of  derivatives  from  the  root  var-  with  the  underly- 
ing meaning  "to  guard,  protect."  We  have  already  seen  from 
the  Provencal  sources  that  garire  is  generally  connected  with 
"de  omnibus  hominibus,"  that  is,  that  this  verb  has  the  dis- 
tinct meaning  "to  protect,  by  fighting  against  all  men." 
We  have  also  in  French  gare  gare  "hunters'  call  in  the  pur- 
suit of  the  stag,"  hence  gara,  guerraw&s  early  associated  with 
"strife,  tumult,  war,"  OHG.  werra  "scandal,  quarrel,  sedi- 


64       COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

tion,"1  while  the  popular  Provengal  forms  giregare,  guerre- 
gare,  guerrigiare  produce  later  the  MHG.  krig,  German  krieg 
"war,"  kriegen  "to  make  war,  obtain." 

This  root  gar-,  war-  has  become  confused  with  the  root 
gard-,  ward-,  which  has  arisen  in  an  entirely  different  man- 
ner. In  the  Visigothic  laws  we  find  an  officer,  gardingus,  who 
is  also  a  "compulsor  exercitus."  He  is  mentioned  after  the 
thiufadus,  but  apparently  not  as  an  integral  part  of  the  mili- 
tary and  judicial  hierarchy,2  for  he  is  only  mentioned  in  con- 
nection with  sudden  military  expeditions.  But  the  gardingi 
are  near  to  the  royal  person,  for  they  figure  with  the  seniores 
or  optimates  palatii,  after  the  high  priesthood,  once,  as  con- 
firming a  law,3  another  time,  as  being  subject  to  the  same 
punishment.4  They  either  take  part  in  the  expedition  or  stay 
at  home  and  do  duty  in  the  guardia  "the  home  guard,"5 
hence  gardingi  unquestionably  is  related  etymologically  to 

1  "Rixas  et  dissensiones  seu  seditiones,  quas  vulgus  werras  nominat"  (S58), 
MGH.,  Capitularia,  vol.  n,  p.  440;  "de  ista  die  in  ante  Karoli  Hludowici  im- 
peratoris  filii  regnum  illi  non  forconsiliabo,  neque  werribo"  (860),  ibid.,  p.  298; 
"si  werra  in  regno  surrexerit,  quam  comes  per  se  comprimere  non  possit"  (877), 
ibid.,  p.  360. 

2  "  Dux  et  comes,  thiufadus  aut  vicarius,  gardingus  vel  quelibet  persona,  qui 
aut  ex  ipso  sit  commissu,  ubi  adversitas  ipsa  occurrerit,  aut  ex  altero  qui  in 
vicinitate  adiungitur,  vel  quicumque  in  easdem  provincias  vel  territoria  super- 
veniens  infra  centum  milia  positus,  statim  ubi  necessitas  emerserit,  mox  a 
duce  suo  seu  comite,  thiufado  vel  vicario  aut  a  quolibet  fuerit  admonitus,  vel 
quocumque  modo  ad  suam  cognitionem  pervenerit,  et  ad  defensionem  gentis 
vel  patrie  nostre  prestus  cum  omni  virtute  sua,  qua  valuerit,  non  fuerit,"  rx. 
2.  8;  "iam  vero,  si  quisquis  ille  admonitus,  et  tamen  qualibet  cognitione  sibimet 
innoescente  non  nescius,  aut  progredi  statim  noluerit,  aut  in  definitis  locis 
adque  temporibus  prestus  esse  destiterit:  si  maioris  loci  persona  fuerit,  id  est 
dux,  comes  seu  etiam  gardingus,  a  bonis  propriis  ex  toto  privatus  exilii  relega- 
tione  iussu  regio  mancipetur,"  ix.  2.  9. 

3  "  Videntibus  cuncti  sacerdotibus  Dei  senioribusque  palatii  atque  gardingis" 
ii.  1.  1. 

4  "Secundus  est  canon  de  accusatis  sacerdotibus  seu  etiam  optimatibus 
palatii  atque  gardingis,"  xn.  1.  3. 

5  "  Quicumque" vero  ex  palatino  officio  ita  in  exercitus  expeditione  profectus 
extiterit,  ut  nee  in  principali  servitio  frequens  existat,  nee  in  wardia  (guardia) 
cum  reliquis  fratribus  suis  laborem  sustineat,  noverit  se  legis  hums  sententia 
feriendum,"  ix.  2.  9. 


HOMOLOGUS  65 

guardia,  and  it  is  possible  to  ascertain  the  Latin  equivalents 
from  which  the  two  are  derived.  In  the  fifth  century  the 
militia  cohortalis  is  opposed  to  the  armala  or  legionaria 
militia,1  apparently  because  it  represented  a  home  militia 
doing  guard  duty.  But  cortis,  the  briefer  form  of  cohortis, 
produces  gard-  in  the  Romance  and  Germanic  languages,2 
and  gardia,  guardia,  wardia  represents  here  cortis  in  the  sense 
of  militia  cortalis  " guard."  Such  a  militiaman  is  called 
cohortalis  apparitor z  or  cohortalinus,i  and  in  Gothic  we  get 
similarly,  derived  from  guardia,  the  word  gardingus.  Thus 
we  get  Goth,  wardja  "guard,"  OHG.  warta  "speculatio,  cura, 
custodia,  excubiae,  statio,  spectaculum,"  warten  "videre, 
spectare,  adspicere,  speculari,  excubare,  sperare,"  AS.  weard 
" watch,  ward,"  etc.  The  Slavic  languages  have  also  this 
root  vard-,  vart-,  with  which  the  other  root  var-  has  become 
confused. 

I  have  assumed  Arabic,  rather  than  Greek,  influence  in 
the  late  appearance  of  garens,  because  there  is  in  Gothic 
another  unmistakeable  Arabic  word,  which  entered  about 
the  same  time.5  In  a  Carolingian  document  of  the  year 
794  we  meet  for  the  first  time  the  verb  gurpire  "to  aban- 
don." 6  It  is  also  used  in  the  sense  of  "abandon,  turn  over" 
in  a  formula  of  Marculfus,7  but  as  it  has  been  shown  that  this 
collection  of  formulae  could  not  have  been  made  up  before 
741,  we  have  no  datable  case  before  the  end  of  the  eighth  cen- 

1  A.  v.  Priemenstein,  in  Pauly  Wissowa,  Real-Encyclopaedie,  vol.  vn,  col. 
358.  Also  as  cohortalina  opposed  to  caslrensis  militia,  Cod.  Theod.  xvi.  5.  65.  4. 

2  Of  this  I  treat  in  full  under  the  history  of  the  curtis. 

3  Cod.  Theod.  vm.  4.  30. 

4  Cod.  Theod.  vi.  35,  14.  1.  etc.  6  See  Preface,  p.  viii. 

6  "Necnon  omnem  iustitiam  et  res  proprietatis,  quantum  illi  aut  filiis  vel 
filiabus  suis  in  ducat o  Baioariorum  legitime  pertinere  debuerant,  gurpivit  at- 
que  proiecit  et,  in  postmodum  omni  lite  calcanda,  sine  ulla  repetitione  indulsit 
et  gratia  pleniter  concessit  et  in  sua  misericordia  commendavit,"  MGH., 
Capitularia,  vol.  i,  p.  74. 

7  "Villas  nuncupates  illas,  in  pago  illo,  sua  spontanea  voluntate  nobis  per 
fistucam  visus  est  werpisse,  vel  condonasse,"  i.  13. 


66       COMMENTARY  TO   THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

tury.  As  the  abandonment  or  cession  of  property,  in  Salic 
law  at  least,  could  not  take  place  except  by  the  throwing  of 
the  festuca  from  the  hand,  this  gurpire,  werpire  came  to 
mean  "to  throw,"  a  fact  amply  proved  by  hundreds  of  quo- 
tations.1 That  the  original  meaning  was  "to  abandon"  is 
proved,  not  only  by  OF.  guerpir,  gerpir,  werpir,  gepir,  gurpir, 
curpir,  guepir  "quitter,  laisser,  abandonner,"  Prov.  gurpir, 
guerpir,  grupir  "deguerpir,  abandonner,  delaisser,  separer," 
but  also  by  LLat.  arbus,  garbus,  gerbus,  frequently  recorded  in 
Italian  documents  in  the  sense  of  "abandoned  (land)."  2  As 
there  is  not  a  trace  of  this  word  to  be  found  before  the  eighth 
century,  its  appearance  and  universality  can  be  accounted  for 
only  by  some  event  which  took  place  in  that  century.  This 
is  amply  explained  by  the  Arabic  invasion  the  very  prog- 
ress of  which  was  characterized  by  the  abandonment  of 
land  by  the  Goths  and  Franks.  We  have  in  Arabic  hariba 
"it  was,  or  became,  in  a  state  of  ruin,  waste,  uninhabited, 
depopulated,  deserted,  desolate,  uncultivated,  or  in  a  state 
the  contrary  of  nourishing,"  harib,  harab  "in  a  state  of  ruin, 
etc.,"  harab  "a  ruin,  waste,  a  place,  country,  place  of  abode, 
in  a  state  of  ruin,  etc."  The  Franks  did  not  inherit  the  word 
from  their  German  ancestors,  for  there  is  no  reference  to  it  in 
any  of  the  older  Germanic  laws,  nor  anywhere  else  in  the 
documents  or  in  literature,  hence  the  Franks  could  have 
acquired  it  only  directly  or  indirectly  from  the  Arabs,  and 
the  fact  that  the  Goths  have  the  word  wairpan  only  in  the 

1  "Absolvere  eum  nolebat,  nisi  prius  dimissionem  manu  propria  (quod  et 
vulgo  werpire  dicitur)  faceret  calumniam  super  hoc  guipivit  in  manu  mea;  et  si 
tunc  earn  habuerit,  mox  ei  abrenuntiet,  quod  lingua  Francorum  gurpire  dici- 
mus  (1031);  ingenuitatem  illorum  et  alodem  manibus  gurpierunt;  Odo,  Brunel- 
lus  dictus,  ecclesiam  de  Evorea  quam  dudum  haereditario  quidem,  sed  in- 
jurioso  jure,  laicus  possederat,  guerpo  in  manu  mea  posito,  sanctae  ecclesiae 
per  me  restituit,"  in  Ducange,  sub  guerpire. 

2  "Terra  arba"  (976),  Codice  diplomaticc  padovano  dal  secolo  sesto  a  tutto 
Vundecimo,  p.  87;  "terras  arabiles  et  prata  et  garbas  et  buscalivas"  (1100), 
ibid.,  p.  458;  "terris  arabilis  et  gerbis"  (10.  cent.),  ibid.,  pp.  4,  230.  See  Ducange, 
sub  gerba,  gerbida,  gerbina,  gerbum. 


HOMOLOGUS  67 

meaning  "to  throw"  shows  that  they  could  have  acquired 
it  only  from  their  Frankish  neighbors  who  lived  under  the 
Salic  law,  that  is,  in  the  second  half  of  the  eighth  century, 
when  a  large  number  of  Goths  settled  in  the  southwest  of 
France  in  the  territory  known  as  Gothia,  or  somewhere  else 
on  French  territory. 

The  Langobard  laws  give  an  interesting  illustration  of 
the  late  appearance  of  the  word  among  the  Germanic  na- 
tions. In  the  very  late  Cartularium  to  the  Langobard  laws, 
of  about  the  year  1000,  it  is  specifically  mentioned  that  the 
formula  warpi  te  was  employed  by  Romans,  Salics,  Ribua- 
rians,  Goths,  Alemanians,  Bavarians,  and  Burgundians  alike 
in  the  complete  cession  or  tradition.1  But  there  are  certain 
acts  where  warpi  te  is  used  in  Salic  documents  exclusively.2 
In  the  text  of  the  Langobard  law  the  word  does  not  occur, 
but  in  ninth  century  manuscripts  a  law  dealing  with  the  crime 
of  throwing  a  man  from  a  horse  is  entitled  De  marahworfin,3 
while  another,  speaking  of  the  desecration  of  graves,  is  en- 
titled De  crapworfin.  But  these  titles  are  lacking  in  the 
older  codices  and  wherever  they  appear  are  not  repeated  in 
the  text,  hence  they  are  obviously  later  additions.  Thus 
it  is  clear  that  the  Salic  law  has  forced  the  word  on  all  the 
Germanic  nations,  without  itself  containing  a  trace  of  the 
word  before  the  end  of  the  eighth  century,  which  once  more 
establishes  the  Arabic  origin  of  the  word. 

Before  gerens  took  the  place  of  agens,  and  before  buccel- 
larius  meant  " private  apparitor,"  homologus  was  the  popular 
word  for  agens  among  the  Teutons,  hence  where  the  Lango- 
bard law  uses  auctor*  and  the  Interpretations  translate  this 

1  "Si  est  Romanus,  similier  die;  sed  si  est  Salichus,  si  est  Riboarius,  si  est 
Francus,  si  est  Gothus  vel  Alemannus  venditor  .  .  .  Et  adde  in  istorum  cartulis 
et  Baioariorum  et  Gundebadorum.  .  .  Et  in  omnium  fine  traditionis  adde  .  .  . 
'warpi  te  ',"  2  (MGH.,  Leges,  vol.  rv,  p.  595).  Similarly  13  (p.  598). 

2  Ibid.,  p.  600  (Nos.  17,  18,  24). 

3  "Si  quis  hominem  liberum  de  caballo  in  terra  iactaverit,"  Roth.  30. 

4  "Si  quis  caballum  emerit  et  auctorem  ignoraverit,"  Roth.  232, 


68       COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

by  war  ens,1  all  the  other  Germanic  laws  use  a  derivative  of 
homologus.  The  Langobard  law  in  question  deals  with  the 
surety  which  the  purchaser  receives  from  the  seller  of  a  horse 
to  guarantee  the  seller  in  case  the  horse  was  stolen.  The 
Edictum  Theoderici  simply  says  that  a  question  raised  about 
the  sale  of  a  thing  must  be  answered  by  the  seller  before  the 
buyer's  judge,  and  that  the  seller  cannot  refer  the  buyer  to 
his  own  auctor,  the  person  from  whom  he  himself  got  the 
thing,  but  that  he  may  summon  that  auctor,  to  defend  him 
in  court.2 

The  Lex  Burgundionum  says  more  explicitly  that  if  a  per- 
son recognizes  a  thing  to  be  his  own,  he  may  ask  for  a  surety 
or,  failing  to  get  one,  may  seize  his  property,  except  that  in 
case  he  has  made  a  false  claim  he  must  pay  back  double  the 
amount.3  The  auctor  of  the  Edict  is  here  confused  with  any 
surety,  a  most  natural  mistake,  for  the  auctor  who  guarantees 
the  sale  is  eo  ipso  a  surety  for  that  sale.  The  Salic  law  has 
elaborated  enormously  upon  its  predecessors.  "If  a  person 
recognizes  his  property  he  puts  it  into  the  hands  of  a  surety, 
both  parties  swearing.  All  parties  concerned  in  the  trans- 
action are  warned  and  must  appear  in  court  within  40  days. 
If  the  person  warned  does  not  appear,  the  person  who  has 
had  dealings  with  him  sends  three  witnesses  to  summon  him 
and  three  other  witnesses  are  furnished  to  prove  that  he  has 

1  In  the  Liber  Papiensis.  Compare  also :  "debet  esse:  auctor  et  bonus  gar  em 
de  omnibus  amparatoribus "  (13.  cent.)>  Cazauran,  Cartulaire  de  Berdoues, 
Paris  1905,  p.  347. 

2  "Auctor  venditionis,  etiamsi  privilegium  habeat  sui  iudicis,  tamen  defen- 
surus  venditionem  suam,  forum  sequatur  emptoris,"  139.  "Qui  de  re  com- 
parata  pertulerit  quaestionem,  ipse  petitori  respondere  compellitur,  nee  ad 
auctorem  suum  proponentem  repellit:  quern  necesse  est  hoc  tantum  ipse  com- 
moneat,  ut  factum  suum  in  venditione  defendat,"  140. 

3  ' '  Quicumque  res  aut  mancipium  aut  quodlibet  suum  agnoscit,  a  possidente 
aut  fideiussorem  idoneum  accipiat,  aut  si  fideiussorem  petitum  non  acceperit, 
res,  quas  agnoscit,  praesumendi  habeat  potestatem.  Si  vero  falsus  fuerit  in 
agnoscendo,  rem,  quam  male  agnovit,  et  aliud  tantum  cogatur  exsolvere," 

LXXXUI. 


HOMOLOGUS  69 

had  dealings  with  him,  thus  freeing  himself  of  the  charge  of 
theft.  The  person  failing  to  appear  stands  out  as  a  thief  to 
him  who  has  recognized  his  property,  pays  the  price  back  to 
him  with  whom  he  has  had  his  dealings,  and  he  pays  the  pen- 
alty according  to  law  to  him  who  has  recognized  his  property. 
All  this  is  to  be  done  in  court  where  the  surety  lives,  that  is, 
where  the  thing  has  been  put  into  a  third  hand."  x  The  Lex 
ribuaria  has  the  same  provision,  except  that  the  guilty  per- 
son is  brought  before  the  king's  scaffold  or  to  the  place  where 
the  surety  is.2 

In  spite  of  the  elaborate  accessories  the  law  is  essentially 
the  same  as  in  Theodoric's  Edict,  except  that  the  supposedly 
stolen  thing  is  left  in  a  third  hand.  Even  as  in  the  older  law, 
the  seller  has  to  answer  in  the  court  of  the  buyer  or,  rather, 
of  the  claimant's  surety,  and  the  seller  has  to  defend  himself 
against  the  charge  of  receiving  stolen  goods.  The  surety  is 
called  hamallus,  hamallatus,  the  other  forms  of  which  are 
badly  corrupted.  That  hamallus,  for  homologus,  means 
"surety,  witness"  is  proved  by  a  Merovingian  document  of 
the  year  679,  where  hamallatus  is  corrupted  to  hamedius.  A 
woman,  Acchildis,  accuses  Amalgarius  of  illegally  holding  a 
piece  of  property  which  belongs  to  her  by  inheritance.   To 

1  "Si  quis  senium  aut  caballum  uel  bouem  aut  qualibet  rem  super  alteram 
agnouerit,  mittat  eum  in  tertia  manu.  Et  ille  super  quern  cognoscitur  debeat 
agramire ;  et  si  cis  ligere  aut  carbonariam  ambo  manent  et  qui  agnoscit  et  apud 
quern  cognoscitur  in  noctis  XL  placitum  faciant,  et  inter  ipso  placito  qui  inter- 
fuerit  qui  caballo  ipso  aut  uenderit  aut  cambiauerit  aut  fortasse  in  solitudinem 
dederit.  Omnes  intro  placito  isto  communiantur,  hoc  est  ut  unusquis  que  de  cum 
negotiatoribus  alter  alteram  admoneat.  Et  si  quis  commonitus  fuerit  et  eum 
sunis  non  tenuerit  et  ad  placitum  uenire  distulerit,  tunc  ille  qui  cum  eum  nego- 
tiant mittat  tres  testes  quomodo  ei  nunciasset  ut  ad  placitum  ueniret.  Et  al- 
teros  tres  quod  publicae  ab  eo  negociasset;  istud  si  fecerit  exuit  se  de  latrocinio. 
Et  ille  qui  non  uenerit  super  quern  testes  iurauerunt,  ille  erit  latro  illius  qui 
agnoscit  et  precium  reddat  ille  qui  cum  illo  negociauit,  et  ille  secundum  legem 
conponat  ille  qui  res  suas  agnoscit;  ista  omnia  in  illo  mallo  debent  fieri  ubi  ille 
est  gamallus  (hamallus,  amallus,  rhamallus)  super  quern  res  ilia  primitus  fuit 
agnita  aut  intertiata,"  xlvii. 

2  "At  regis  staffolo  vel  ad  eum  locum,  ubi  amallus  (amallatus,  mallatum, 
mallus)  est,  auctorem  suum  in  praesente  habeat,"  xxxiii. 


70       COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

this  Amalgarius  replies  that  he  and  his  father  have  held  the 
property  for  thirty-one  years.  Amalgarius  is  requested  to 
bring  with  him  six  sponsors,  that  is,  homologi,  who  are  all  to 
swear  over  the  chapel  of  St.  Martin  that  he  and  his  father 
have  lawfully  held  the  estate  for  thirty-one  years.  Amal- 
garius appears  with  his  hamedii  and,  complying  with  the 
law,  gets  the  estate.1  That  hamedii  was  actually  in  use  is 
proved  not  only  by  the  gloss  "hamedii,  id  sunt  coniuratores, 
quos  nos  geidon  dicimus," 2  but  also  by  the  short  form  me- 
dius,  medicus  "  witness,"  of  extremely  common  occurrence  in 
the  Lex  Alamannorum.z 

The  whole  proceeding  in  the  above-mentioned  case  is  in 
accordance  with  the  Ribuarian  law,  which  in  this  particular 
may  have  been  the  same  as  the  Salic  law.  In  any  case,  the 
Ribuarian  law  provides  that  the  swearing  should  take  place 
in  the  chapel  together  with  six  witnesses.4   That  hamallus, 

1  "  Cum  ante  dies  in  nostri  vel  procerum  nostrorum  presencia,  Conpendio, 
in  palacio  nostro  .  .  .  ibique  veniens  fimena,  nomene  Acchildis,  Amalgario 
interpellavit  dum  dicerit  eo  quod  porcione  sua,  in  villa  noncobanti  Bactilione 
valle,  quern  de  parti  genetrici  sua  Bertane  quondam,  ligebus  obvenire  debuerat, 
post  se  malo  ordene  retenirit.  Qui  ipse  Amalgarius  taliter  dedit  in  respunsis,  eo 
quod  ipsa  terra  in  predicto  loco  Bactilione  valle,  de  annus  triginta  et  uno,  inter 
ipso  Amalgario  vel  genetore  suo  Gaeltramno  quondam,  semper  tenuerant  et 
possiderant.  Sic  eidem  nunc  a  nostris  procerebus  ipsius  Amalgario  fuissit 
judecatum,  ut  de  nove  denomenatus  aput  sex,  sua  mano  septima,  dies  duos  ante 
istas  Kalendas  Julias,  in  oraturio  nostro,  super  cappella  domni  Martine,  ubi 
reliqua  sacramenta  percurribant,  hoc  dibirit  conjurare,  quod  antedicta  terra, 
in  predicto  loco  Bactilione  valle,  inter  ipso  Amalgario  vel  genetore  suo  Gael- 
tramno, de  annus  triginta  et  uno  semper  tenuissint  et  possedissint,  nee  eis  diger 
numquam  fuissit,  nee  aliut  exinde  non  redebirit,  nisi  edonio  Sacramento.  Sed 
veniens  antedictus  Amalgarius  ad  ipso  placito  Lusareca,  in  palacio  nostro,  una 
cum  hamedius  suos,  ipso  sacramento,  justa  quod  eidem  fuit  judicatum,  et  nos- 
tros  equalis  preceptionis  locuntur,  in  quantum  inluster  vir  Dructoaldus,  comes 
palati  noster,  testimuniavit,  ligibus  visus  fuit  adimplissit,  et  tarn  ipse  quam  et 
hamediae  suae  diliguas  eorum  derexsissent.  Propteria  jobimus  ut  ipsa  porcione, 
in  predicto  loco  Bactilione  vualle,  unde  inter  eus  orta  fuit  intencio,  memoratus 
Amalgarius  contra  ipsa  Acchilde  vel  suis  heredibus  omne  tempore  abiat  evinde- 
cata,"  Lauer  and  Samaran,  Les  diplomes  originaux  des  mbrovingiens,  Paris  1908, 
p.  12. 

2  MGH.,  Capitularia,  vol.  i,  p.  91.  3  "Cum  12  medicus  electua  iuret." 
4  "Sibi  eeptimue  in  baraho  coniurit,"  xxxm.  2. 


HOMOLOGUS  71 

hamedius  is  the  same  as  agens  is  proved  by  the  presence  of 
the  word  mallato  in  this  sense  in  Spain.1  This  connotation 
"agent,  representative,  advocate,"  which  the  word  obviously 
has,  has  led  to  the  verb  homallare,  with  its  variants,  omal- 
lare,  obmallare,  admallare,  mallare,  in  the  basic  sense  of  'Ho 
represent  a  person  in  court."  The  formula  "prosequire,  ad- 
sumere,  respondere  vel  homallare''''  is  quite  common  in  the 
documents,2  and  since  homallare  means  "to  represent  a  case 
through  a  competent  speaker,  attorney,"  3  it  also  means 
"to  carry  to  court,  denounce,"4  in  which  sense  it  is  even 
found  in  Portugal.5  The  corresponding  term  for  "to  sum- 
mon, appear  in  court"  in  Theodoric's  Edict6  and  in  the 
Visigothic  laws  7  is  convenire.    But  convenire  is  closely  as- 

1  "  Direxerunt  ad  Regem  ad  Legionem  suo  mallato  Bera"  (934),  Espafia 
sagrada,  vol.  xl,  p.  400. 

2  "Fidelis,  Deo  propicio,  noster  ille  ad  nostram  veniens  presentiam,  sug- 
gessit  nobis,  eo  quod  propter  simplicitatem  suam  causas  suas  minime  possit 
prosequire  vel  obmallare  (o-,  ad-,  ho-,),"  Formulae  Marculfi  (in  MGH.,  Form- 
ulae), i.  21;  "iobemus,  ut  memoratus  pontifex,  aut  abba,  vel  abbatissa,  seo 
advocatus  eius  in  vice  adsumendi  vel  omallandi  (ho-)  .  .  .  cum  aequitatis 
ordine  respondendi  vel  omallandi  (ho-),"  i.  36;  "ut  ipsa  causa  suscipere  ad 
mallandum  vel  prosequendum  in  vice  mea  debeas,"  ii.  31;  "oc  coniuravit  uel 
legibus  custodivit,  quomodo  se  contra  ilium  sibi  obmallavit,"  Formulae  Salicae 
Merkelianae,  28;  "rogo,  preco,  supplico  atque  iniungo  per  hunc  mandatum 
ad  meam  vicem  hominem  nomen  ille,  quern  ego  beneficium  ei  feci  argento  un- 
cias  tantas,  ipsum  meum  ubi  et  ubi  eas  vel  meaa  prosequere  et  admallare  et 
adcausare  facias,"  Formulae  Andecavenses,  48;  "ad  vicem  meam  prosequere  et 
excausare,  admallare  eas  facias,"  Formulae  Turonenses,  45;  "per  omni  iure 
investigare,  inquirere,  prosequi  et  admallare  debeas,"  Formulae  Senonenses 
recentiores,  10. 

3  "Homo  nomen  ille  alico  homene  nomen  illo  mallavit  pro  res  suas,"  Form. 
Andec,  43. 

4  "Unde  me  ille  homo  in  mallo  publico  malabat,"  Form.  Senon.,  21;  "undeme 
ille  ante  vir  magnifico  illo  vel  aliis  bonis  hominibus  malavit,  quae  ego  herbas 
maleficas  temporasse  vel  bibere  ei  dedisse,"  Cart.  Senon.,  22. 

6  "Et  filauit  nostra  porto  et  parauit  ibidem  suo  barco  et  nameabit  nostras 
homines  et  maliauit  nostra  barcario  et  exiuit  nobis  inde  multa  superbia  et  male- 
factoria  super  nostras  homines"  (999),  PMH.,  Dipl.  et  chart.,  p.  112. 

6  "A  die  qua  per  auctoritatem  convenlus  est,"  11;  "  iudicis  praeceptione  con- 
ventus,"  46;  "conventus  legibus,"  56;  "uxor  pro  marito  non  debet  convenire," 
153. 

7  "Si  tali  admonitione  conventus  aut  se  dilataverit  aut  ad  iudicium  venire 
contemserit,"  n.  1.  19;  "postquam  conventus  fuerit  a  iudice,"  viii.  1.  7. 


72       COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

sociated  with  conventus  "  assembly,  synod,  court."  So,  too, 
homallare,  in  its  abbreviated  form  mallare,  leads  to  mallus 
"  assembly,  court."  However,  this  term  has  no  concrete 
reference  to  a  definite  court,  least  of  all  to  a  Germanic  court, 
hence  it  is  not  found  in  the  Formulae  Andecavenses,  Mar- 
culfi,  Turonen^es,  Bituricenses,  nor  in  the  distinctly  German 
laws  of  the  Frisians,  Thuringians,  and  Saxons. 

The  Lex  romana  raetica  curiensis  is  a  modernisation  of  the 
Breviary  of  Alaric  and  so  aids  us  in  getting  at  the  exact  equiv- 
alent of  mallare.  Mallus  does  not  occur  there  at  all,  while 
amallare,  never  mallare,  renders  the  older  "in  iudicium  vo- 
care,  repetere,  litigare,  accusare,  convenire,  in  iudicium  de- 
ducere,"  x  that  is,  it  means  "to  summon,  denounce."  In 
the  Ribuarian  law  admallare  means  "to  summon,"2  while 
in  the  Lex  Alamannorum  and  Baiuwariorum  it  means  "to 
prosecute  in  court,  plead."3  The  Salic  law  has  two  expres- 
sions for  "to  summon,"  manire  4  and  mallare.    The  first  is 

1  "Si  illemiles  ilium  privatum  patrianum  amallaverit  (in  iudicium  vocauerit)," 
ii.  1.  2;  "si  privatus  homo  ilium  fiscalem  admallaverit  (si  privatus  fiscum  re- 
petat),"  ii.  5;  "et  si  de  presente,  quo  ammallatus  fuerit,  ipsas  res  reddiderit 
(et  eo  die,  a  quo  de  tali  re  coeperint  litigare),"  iv.  15.  1;  "si  quiscumque  homo 
alienum  servum  de  capitale  crimine  amallaverit  (si  servos  alienos  accusandos 
esse  crediderit),"  ix.  4;  "quod  si  forsitan  terciam  vicem  amallati  fuerint  et  ante 
iudicem  venire  noluerint,  sicut  alii  contumaces  pene  feriundi  sunt  (quod  si  ter- 
tio  conventi),"  xvin.  11;  "qui  post  longum  tempus  alterum  hominem  de  quale 
cumque  causa  amallare  voluerit  (in  iudicium  deduci  non  potest),"  xxvu.  10. 

2  "Sicut  in  presente  legitimi  malatus  fuerit,"  lviii.  19;  "quod  eum  ad  strude 
legitima  admallatum  habet,"  xxxn.  3. 

3  "Et  si  quis  alium mallare  vult  de  qualecumque  causa,  in  ipso  mallo  publico 
debet  mallare  ante  iudice  suo  ...  in  uno  enim  placito  mallet  causam  suam," 
Lex  Alem.,  xxxvi.  2;  "ille  homo  qui  mallatur  ante  eum  de  causa  ilia,"  ibid., 
xlii.  1;  "  mallet  eum  ante  plebem  suam,"  Lex  Baiuw.,  1. 10, 13.  2;  "et  si  qui  se 
malliet  de  eadem  re  iustitiam  faciat,"  in.  14.  6. 

4  "  Si  quis  uero  commonitus  fuerit  et  sumis  eum  non  detinuerit  et  ad  placitum 
uenire  distulerit,  tunc  ille  cum  quo  negotiauit  mittat  tres  testes  quomodo  ei 
maniauerit  quod  ad  placitum  ueniat,"  xlvii  (cod.  10);  "si  quis  ad  mallum 
legibus  dominicis  mannitus  fuerit,"  i.  1;  "et  ille  qui  alium  mannit  cum  testi- 
bus,"  I.  3;  "tunc  maniat  eum  ad  mallum  et  testes  super  singula  placita  qui 
fuerunt  ibi  praestos  habeat,"xLV.  2b;  "manire  eos  cum  testibus  debet,"  xlvix. 
1;  "si  adhuc  nolierit  conponere  debet  eum  ad  mallum  manire,"  l.  2;  "ad  regis 
praesentia  ipso  manire  debet,"  lvi.  1.  1;  "tunc  eum  debet  manire  ante  regem, 


HOMOLOGUS  73 

used  almost  exclusively  for  summoning  privately  by  means  of 
witnesses,  not  for  the  legal  summons  by  order  of  the  judge, 
hence  the  gloss  has  it  correctly  "mannitus:  vocatus  tribus 
testibus  praesentibus." x  The  distinction  is  the  same  as  is 
made  in  Latin  between  admonere  and  convenire,  the  first  re- 
ferring to  a  private  summons,  although  it  may  also  be  used 
in  regard  to  the  judge's  summons,2  while  convenire  means 
only  "to  summon  directly  to  court."  Obviously  manire  is1 
the  corrupt  form  for  (ad)monere,  which  is  equally  used  in  the 
Salic  law  for  it.3  The  more  common  word  is  mallare,  admal- 
lare,  obmallare.  Thus  mallus  was  derived  to  express  all  those 
actions  with  which  the  summoning  is  connected.  It  is  either 
the  legal  court  of  any  count,  thunginus,  iudex,  etc.,4  or  it 
only  refers  to  the  legal  three  summonses,  when  it  means  "a 
period  of  seven  days."5 

hoc  est  in  noctes  xnn,  et  tria  testimonia  iurare  debent  quod  ibi  fuerunt  ubi 
eum  manibit  et  solem  collocauit,"  lvi.  1.  4,  etc. 

1  J.  Hessels  and  H.  Kern,  Lex  salica,  in  Vocabulary. 

2  "Necesse  eot  hoc  tan  turn  ipse  commoneat,  ut  factum  suum  in  venditione 
defendat,"  Ed.  Theod.,  139;  "iudex  cum  ab  aliquo  fuerit  interpellate,  adver- 
sarium  admonitione  unius  epistule  vel  sigilli  ad  iudicium  venire  conpellat,  sub 
ea  videlicet  ratione,  ut  coram  ingenuis  personis  his,  qui  a  iudice  missus  ex- 
titerit,  illi  qui  ad  causam  dicendam  conpellitur,  offerat  epistulam  vel  sigillum," 
Lex  Visig.,  n.  1.  19. 

3  "Omnes  intro  placito  isto  communiantur,  hoc  est  unusquisque  de  cum 
negotiatoribus  alter  alteram  admoneat,"  xlvii.  1 ;  "tunc  ad  que  manitus  (moni- 
tus,  admanitus)  est  extra  sermonem  suum  ponat  eum,"  lvi.  5;  "tribus  testibus 
praesentibus,  admonere  debet,  ut  senium  suum  infra  vri  noctis  praesentare 
debeat,"  xl.  10. 

4  "Mallus  publicus,"  Lex.  sal.,  xiv.  4;  "legitimus  mallus  publicus,"  ibid., 
xlvi.  6;  "mallus  comitis,"  ibid.,  Capit.  1.  v;  "mallus  thungini  aut  centinarii," 
ibid.,  xliv.  1,  xlvi.  1;  "mallus  iudicis,  hoc  est  comitis  aut  grafionis,"  ibid., 
lxxii.  1,  etc. 

5  "Tribus  malos  (mallis)  parentibus  offeratur,  et  non  sic  redemitur,  uita 
charebit,"  Lex  sal.,  Pact.  2;  "et  si  inter  ipsasvn  noctes  fidem  facere  nee  com- 
ponere  uoluerit,  tunc  in  proximo  mallo  ...  sic  inuitetur  graphio,"  ibid.,  lxxviii. 
7;  "in  alio  mallo  iterum  minare  debit,  et  ibi  tres  testes  debit  collegere.  Edonius 
a  tercio  uero  mallo  similiter  faciat,"  ibid.,  xxxvi  (lxv  cod.  7);  "quam  si  uero 
nee  ipse  habuerit  unde  tota  persoluat,  tunc  ilium  qui  homicidium  fecit  qui  eum 
sub  fidem  habuit  in  mallo  praesentare  debent,  et  sic  postea  eum  per  quattuor 
mallos  ad  suam  fidem  tollant,"  ibid.,  lviii.  6;  "sin  autem  manitus  fuerit  ad 


74       COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

There  is  a  strange  psychological  phenomenon  which  causes 
such  words  as  " astronomy"  and  " prodigy"  to  become  pop- 
ularly "astromony"  and  "progidy."  By  a  similar  psycholog- 
ical law  the  consonant  groups  h-m-l,  g-m-l  show  in  all  the 
European  languages  a  tendency  to  turn  into  m-h-l,  m-g-l. 
Thus  the  Arab,  hamal  "carrier"  is  found  in  Roumanian  and 
the  Slavic  languages  as  mahal,  while  Albanian  has  side  by 
side  gamule  "glebe,"  maguVe  "hill,"  OSlav.  gomila,  mogyla 
"tomb,"  Roum.  gamalie,  magalie,  Slav,  gomolya  "clod."  It 
may  be  that  this  group  is  derived  from  Lat.  cumulus  or 
grumulus  (witness  Croatian  gromila  =  gomila)  "heap,"  or 
it  may,  after  all,  be  the  same  Greek  ojxlXos,  which  is  not  un- 
likely, when  we  consider  Russ.  gomola,  Boh.  homola  "pyra- 
mis,  cone"  and  Croatian  gomila,  which  generally  means  "a 
mass  of  human  beings."  Whatever  the  case  may  be,  which 
for  our  purpose  is  immaterial,  the  fact  remains  that  the 
groups  h-m-l,  g-m-l  become  m-h-l,  m-g-l.  If  we  now  turn  to 
the  Langobard  laws,  we  there  find  the  earliest  Germanic 
derivative  of  homologus,  namely  a  verb  hamalon,  mahalon 
"confabulari,"  hence  gahamalus,  gamahalus  "confabulatus." 
But  the  text  is  certainly  tampered  with,  for  what  it  intends 
to  say  is  this:  "If  one  of  the  fideiussores  or  sacramentales 
dies,  the  plaintiff  has  a  right  to  substitute  another  in  his 
place."  Here,  as  in  the  Salic  and  Ribuarian  texts,  the  word 
hamallus  was  used,  but  a  later  scribe,  knowing  the  current 
meaning  of  gahamalus,  gamahalus  "sponsor,  sponsatus," 
added  "aut  de  natus,  aut  de  gahamalus,  id  est  confabulatus," 
which  by  the  very  equation  (which,  besides,  is  not  contained 
in  all  the  texts)  betrays  its  later  origin.1 

secundo  mallo,  aut  a  tertio,  seu  ad  quarto,  vel  quinto,  usque  ad  sexto  venire  dis- 
tullerit,  pro  unoquemque  mallo  .  .  .  culpabilis  iudicetur,"  Lex  rib.,  xxxn.  2. 

1  "Et  si  aliquis  de  ipsos  sacramentalis  mortus  fuerit,  potestatem  habeat  ille 
qui  pulsat,  in  locum  mortui  alium  similem  nominare  de  proximus  legitimus, 
aut  de  natus  aut  de  gamahalos  (gahamalos,  gaamaalos,  gamelos,  gamalos)  id 
est  confabulatus,"  Roth.  3G2. 


HOMOLOGUS  75 

In  OHG.  we  have  mahalon  "postulare,  causas,  agere,  in- 
terpellare,"  mdlon  "  contendere,"  gamahaljan  "despondere," 
mahalo  "concio,  foedus,"  gamahalo  "sponsus,  vir,  conjunx." 
If  we  now  consider  that  mallus  "conventus"  was  a  fictitious 
term,  referring  to  the  legal  summonses  which  had  to  be  re- 
peated each  seven  days,  we  at  once  see  how  the  "primo, 
secundo  mallo,  tribus  mallis"  of  the  quotations  produced 
OHG.  zeinemo  male,  ze  andermo  male,  ze  driu  malen,  hence 
mdl  "  legal  term,  time."  Furthermore,  the  Roman  law  gen- 
erally spoke  of  summonses  "trinis  litteris"  or  "trinis  epis- 
tulis,"  since  the  summonses  were  not  legal  if  not  given  in 
writing,  and  this  was  also  the  case  in  Visigothic  law,1  hence 
mdl  was  also  a  "written  document"  and  OHG.  mdlon  "to 
paint,"  i.  e.,  "to  write."  This  appears  even  more  directly 
from  the  Goth,  met  "time,  hour,  space  of  time,"  plural  mela 
"writing,"  meljan  "to  write,"  AS.  mael,  mal,  Icel.  mdl  "a 
part,  portion  measure,  term  of  anything,  space  of  time," 
etc.,  AS.  maelan  "to  say,  speak,  converse,"  mal,  Icel. 
maeli,  mdl  "speech,  discourse,  multitude,  assembly,  place  of 
meeting."  At  the  same  time  the  form  oixoXoyrjTTJs,  which 
produced  LLat.  hamallatus,  of  which  hamedius  is  obviously  a 
corrupt  form  for  hamedius  or  hameldus,  has  led  to  Crim- 
gothic  malihan,  Goth,  mapljan,  AS.  maedlan  "to  speak,  dis- 
course," Goth,  mapl  "conventus,  agora,"  AS.  medel  "dis- 
course, speech,  council,"  OHG.  madal  "concio,  sermo." 
Since  the  hamallus,  hamallatus  was  the  real  informer  and 
amallare,  therefore,  acquired  the  meaning  "to  denounce, 
inform,"  we  get  OHG.  meldon,  AS.  mddian,  ameldian  "to 
discover,  betray,  make  known,  inform  against,"  AS.  meld 
"evidence,  proof,  discovery,"  OHG.  melda  "delatura,  prodi- 
tio."  The  Slavic  languages  have  the  roots  modi-,  mold-, 
mol-,  to  express  the  idea  "to  request,  pray,"  Lith.  malda 
"prayer,"  and  that  this  group  is  derived  from  the  same 

1  ii.  1.  19.    See  note  2  on  p.  73. 


76       COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

source  is  proved  by  Judaeo-Spanish  meldar  "to  read  the 
prayers,  to  pray."  It  may  also  be  possible  that  Russ.  molvit' 
"to  speak"  is  derived  from  it,  for  this  root  occurs  only  in  the 
eastern  Slavic  languages  and  is,  therefore  certainly  bor- 
rowed. Ducange  records  even  as  late  as  the  thirteenth  cen- 
tury homologare  "to  make  a  vow,  promise,"1  which  may 
have  survived  in  the  language  of  the  church.  From  this 
homologare  was  formed  the  feudal  term  homolegius  "a  vas- 
sal," 2  which  was  popularly  related  to  homo  and  allegare 
and  produced  the  feudal  terms  homagium  and  allegancia, 
OFrench  homage  and  lige,  liege,  etc. 

1  "Pro  se  et  hominibus  suis  voluerunt  et  homologaverunt  Deo  et  B.  Mariae 
praedictas  decimas"  (1268),  also  amologare. 

2  "Sed  si  voluerit  unum  locare,  poterit  de  suis  vassallis  seu  homolegiis,  et 
coram  illo  secundum  terminos  praefixos  parare  potest"  (1156),  in  Ducange. 


EX  SQUALIDO  AND  VASTA 

Soon  after  the  Spanish  expedition  of  778  Spaniards  and 
other  fugitives  from  the  Arabic  West  began  to  settle  in  Septi- 
mania  and  southern  Aquitaine.  At  the  end  of  the  eighth 
century  Charlemagne  presented  a  certain  Johannes  with  the 
Villa  Fontes  in  the  Mark  of  Narbonne  and  with  other  lands, 
which  Johannes  was  to  hold  by  right  of  aprision,  working 
them  with  the  aid  of  his  own  men.1  In  812  all  lands  held  by 
the  immigrants  by  the  right  of  aprision  for  30  years  were 
turned  over  to  them  free  from  taxes.2  In  a  decree  of  Janu- 
ary 815  Louis  the  Pious  confirmed  the  privileges  of  the 
Spanish  settlers  in  the  waste  lands,  and  a  year  later  he  ex- 
panded the  law  in  such  a  way  as  to  grant  the  same  immuni- 
ties to  the  commoners.3  Charles  the  Bald  in  844  expanded  the 
grant  so  as  to  include  the  Spanish  Mark,  Septimania  and 
Aquitaine,  and  mentioned  specifically  that  the  Spaniards  could 
preserve  their  local  customs  in  the  territory  of  aprision.4 

In  all  these  decrees  the  Carolingians  refer  distinctly  to  the 
aprision  as  a  Spanish  custom,  which  is  correct,  for  it  may 

1  "Nos  vero  concedimus  ei  ipsum  villarem  et  omnes  suos  terminos  et  per- 
tinentias  suas  ab  integro  et  quantum  ille  cum  hominibus  suis  in  villa  Fonteion- 
cosa  occupavit,  vel  occupaverit,  vel  de  heremo  traxerit,  vel  infra  suos  terminos 
sive  in  aliis  locis  vel  villis  seu  villare  occupaverit,  vel  aprisionefecerit  cum  homini- 
bus suis,"  E.  Muhlbacher,  Die  Urkunden  der  Karolinger  (in  MGH.),  vol.  I, 
p.  241/. 

2  "  Demandamus,  ut  neque  vos  neque  iuniores  vestri  memoratos  Ispanos 
nostras,  qui  ad  nostram  fiduciam  de  Ispania  venientes  per  nostram  datam 
licentiam  erema  loca  sibi  ad  laboricandum  propriserant  et  laboratas  habere  viden- 
tur,  nullum  censum  superponere  presumatis  neque  ad  proprium  facere  permit- 
tatis,  quoadusque  illi  fideles  nobis  aut  filiis  nostris  fuerunt,  quod  per  triginta 
annos  habuerunt  per  aprisionem,  quieti  possideant  et  posteritas  eorum  et  vos 
conservare  debeatis,"  ibid.,  p.  290. 

3  MGH.,  Capitularia,  vol.  i,  p.  261  ff. 

4  "In  portione  sua  quam  aprisionem  vocant,"  ibid.,  vol.  u,  p.  259. 


78       COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

be  shown  by  documentary  evidence  that  the  Frankish  kings 
in  the  eighth  century  had  in  mind  the  Visigothic  method  of 
colonisation  which,  in  its  turn,  was  based  on  the  Roman  pro- 
cedure. Alfonso  I  of  Asturias  ascended  the  throne  in  739  and 
was  the  only  Gothic  ruler  who  maintained  himself  against 
the  victorious  Arabs.  After  these  had  devastated  Galicia, 
he  strove  to  repeople  the  devastated  region,  as  we  learn  from 
the  wills  and  donations  of  Bishop  Odoarius  and  his  men.  In 
745  Odoarius  returned  with  his  followers  from  Africa,  im- 
mediately setting  out  to  found  abbeys  and  resettle  the  coun- 
try about  Lugo.  Several  of  his  people  (famuli,  servitores, 
familia),  guided  by  Aloitus,  petitioned  Odoarius  to  turn  over 
to  them,  for  services  which  they  promised,  some  of  the  villas 
which  he  had  seized  (quas  ipse  prendiderat).  Of  this  prop- 
erty, held  by  presura,  Aloitus  gave  one  fifth  to  the  Church.1 
Two  years  later  Odoarius  wrote  his  will,  making  over  to  the 
Church  all  his  possessions  which  he  had  acquired  by  presura 
and  had  worked  with  his  familia.2  In  a  donation  of  757  Auza- 

1  "Nos  homines  humillimi,  ego  videlicet,  Aloitus,  et  uxor  mea  nomine  Ka, 
et  propinqui  mei  .  .  .  qui  omnes  simul  cum  caeteris  plurimis  ex  Africae  partibus 
exeuntes  cum  Domino  Odoario  Episcopo,  (cujus  eramus  famuli,  et  servitores) 
cum  ad  Lucensem  Urbem  Galleciae  Provinciae  ingressi  fuissemus,  invenimus 
ipsam  Civitatem  desertam,  et  inhabitabilem  factam  cum  suis  terminis.  Prae- 
fatus  vero  gloriosus  Odoarius  Praesul  ipsam  Urbem,  ut  universam  Provinciam 
studuit  restaurare,  ac  propria  familia  stipavit.  Nos  vero  supra  nominati,  qui 
ex  ejus  eramus  familia,  perseverantes  in  illius  servitio  per  multorum  curricula 
annorum  petivimus  cum  omni  subjectione,  ut  nobis  concederet,  et  donaret 
unam  Villain,  ex  ipsis,  quas  ipse  prendiderat,  quod  f  acere  misericordia  motus  non 
distulit;  et  dedit  nobis  unam  Villam  prenominatam  Villamarci,  quam  ipse  pren- 
diderat .  .  .  Hanc  itaque  Villam  nobis  donavit  pro  servitio  quod  ei  fecimus;  et 
veritate,  quoniam  ei  tenuimus  sub  tali  tenore,  et  pacto,  ut  cunctis  diebus  vitae 
nostrae  tam  nos  nominati,  quam  etiam  successores  nostri  jussionem  ejus  et 
voluntatem  successorum  ejus,  qui  in  eadem  Urbe  fuerint,  faciamus  in  per- 
petuum  .  .  .  Ego  ipse  Aloytus  quintam  de  omni  mea  hereditate,  quam  de  manu 
ipsius  Pontificis  per  presura  acceperat  die  dedicationis  super  altare  offero,"  Es~ 
pana  sagrada,  vol.  XL,  p.  353  ff. 

2  "Ego  supra  taxatus  verens,  et  timens,  ne  me  incauta  vitae  f alien te  inaniter 
rapiat,  decrevi,  ut  post  obitum  meum  de  paupertacula  mea  quicquid  potui 
ganare  vel  applicare  atque  apprendere,  et  familia  mea  populare,  prout  valui  .  .  . 
Deo  et  Patrono  meo  aliquid  presentare.  Offero »  * .  ipsam  praedictam  Civita- 


EX  SQUALIDO  AND  VASTA  79 

nus  tells  of  his  return  with  his  sons  from  Africa,  in  order  to 
take  up  land  on  the  basis  of  the  Alfonsinian  presura,  whereby 
we  learn  that  the  latter  was  of  three  kinds,  de  escalido,  de  ruda 
silva  and  de  suco  mortuorum.1  A  still  better  account  of  the 
whole  colonisation  scheme  is  found  in  a  donation  of  Odoarius, 
of  the  year  760.  He  tells  how  Alfonso's  representative, 
Pelagius,  had  invited  him  to  come  to  Lugo,  where  he  seized 
government  land  (praesimus  loca  Palatii)  and  planted  vine- 
yards and  gardens.  He  allowed  his  men  to  become  proprietors 
(possessores)  and  gave  them  work-oxen  and  other  cattle.  He 
settled  them  on  the  banks  of  the  Mino,  where  he  had  found 
villages  in  ruin  de  succo  mortuorum  and  de  ruda  silva,  and 
seized  the  land  as  his  presura.2 

tern  ab  omni  integritate  conclusa  intus  in  circuitu  murorum,  quam  ex  radice 
restauravi:  Villas  praenominatas,  quam  ex  presuria  adquisivi,  et  ex  stirpe,  et 
familia  mea  populavi  .  .  .  Monasterium  Sancti  Stephani  vallis  Athanae,  quod 
ex  propria  familia  extipavi,  et  ex  radice  fundamentavi,  et  ex  aliis  Ecclesiis 
dotavi,  quo  a  me  et  a  mea  familia  sunt  fundamentata  per  presuria  .  .  .  quas 
omnes  sunt  in  ipso  territorio  Liziniano,  et  Sabiniano  a  me  possessae  per  pre- 
suria .  .  .  Ecclesia  Sancto  Felice  de  Raymundi  cum  adjunctionibus  ejus  stipata 
de  familia  mea  .  .  .  Ecclesia  S.  Eolalia  et  S.  Maria  Alta,  et  ejus  familia  ab 
integro,  et  Ecclesia  S.  Joannis  de  Mera,  quos  predivit  germanus  meus  Ermiarius 
de  Escalido  .  .  .  Item  in  dexteris  Lucense  Villa  de  Benati  de  mea  pressura  stipata 
de  mea  familia,"  ibid.,  p.  356  ff. 

1  "Nos  omnes  pressores  degeneris  hereditarios  nominibus  Auzano  una  cum 
filios  meos  Guntino,  et  Desterigo  venientes  de  Africa  ad  pressuram  ad  Gallecia 
terra  sicut  et  alii  populi  ceteri  ingenui  per  jussionem  Domini  Adephonsis  Prin- 
cipis,  et  presimus  Villas,  et  hereditates  de  Escalido  et  de  Ruda  Silva,  de  Suco 
Mortuorum  .  .  .  idem  terris  quae  pro  justo  pretio  emimus,  et  per  nostras  pres- 
suras  presimus,  etjuri  possessa  retinemus,"  ibid.,  p.  362/. 

2  "In  territorio  Africae  surrexerunt  quidam  gentes  Hismaelitarum,  et 
tulerunt  ipsam  terrain  a  Christianis,  et  violaverunt  Sanctuarium  Dei;  et 
Christicolas  miserunt  in  captivitatem,  et  ad  jugo  servitutis,  et  Ecclesias  Dei 
destruxerunt,  et  fecerunt  nos  exules  a  patria  nostra,  et  fecimus  moram  per  loca 
deserta  multis  temporibus.  Postquam  Dominus  per  servum  suum  Pelagium 
in  hac  Religione  respicere  jussit,  et  Christianos  in  hac  patria  ditavit;  sive  etiam, 
et  divae  memoriae  Princeps  Dominus  Adephonsus  in  Sedem  ipsius  sublimavit 
qui  ex  ipsa  erat  de  stirpe  Regis  Recaredi  et  Ermegildi.  Dum  talia  audivimus 
perdue  ti  fuimus  in  Sedem  Lucensem  cum  nostris  multis  familiis,  et  cum  caeteris 
populis  tam  nobiles  quam  innobiles;  et  invenimus  ipsam  Sedem  desertam  et 
inhabitabilem  factam.  Nunc  denique  laboramus  ibidem,  et  aedificamus  domum 
Dei,  et  Ecclesiae  Sanctae  Mariae  et  praesimus  loca  Palatii,  et  ipsam  Civitatem 
restauramus  earn  intus  et  foris;  et  plantavimus  vineis  et  pomiferis.    Postea 


80       COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

The  German  bifanc  is  obviously  identical  with  this  pre- 
sura,  even  as  the  Latin  terms  comprehensio,  porprisum,  cap- 
tura  frequently  occur  in  German  documents,1  and  porprisum 
is  older  than  bifanc,  for  it  occurs  in  the  sense  of  "seizure  of 
property"  in  the  Germanic  laws.2  However,  it  is  obvious 
from  the  attitude  of  the  Frankish  kings  to  the  Spanish 
presura  that  the  center  of  Europe  at  that  time  possessed  no 
such  extensive  territory  for  colonisation  as  existed  in  the 
region  newly  settled  by  the  Spaniards.  We  shall  now  inves- 
tigate the  procedure  of  the  aprision. 

The  "seizure"  of  land  took  place  in  a  solemn  manner,  in 
presence  of  the  royal  banner  and  accompanied  by  flourishes 
of  the  trumpet,3  and  the  land  thus  seized  had  to  be  worked 
by  the  prospective  proprietor  or  his  men4  for  thirty  years. 
The  proof  had  to  be  given  that  land  had  been  reclaimed  from 
the  wilderness; 5  thus,  in  a  lawsuit  at  Gerona  in  844,  the  wit- 

vero  fecimus  de  nostra  familia  possessores  pro  undique  partibus,  et  dedimua 
illis  boves  ad  laborandum,  et  jumenta  ad  serviendum  eis.  Tunc  exivimus  per 
gyro  Civitates,  Villas,  et  hereditates  ad  inquirendum,  ut  laborassent  illas:  et 
invenimus  in  Ripa  Minei  Villas  destructas  de  Succo  Mortuorum,  et  de  Ruda 
Silva,  ubi  posuimus  nostra  familia  ad  portum  Minei,  quae  dicunt  Agari.  Super 
ipsum  portum  misimus  ibi  Agario :  et  in  ilia  villa  posuimus  Avezano,  et  misimus 
ad  earn  nomen  Avezani  de  nostra  praesura,"  ibid.,  p.  364  ff. 

1  W.  Arnold,  Ansiedlungen  und  Wanderungen  deutscher  Stamme,  Marburg 
1875,  p.  259  ff. 

2  "Nullus  praesumat  alterius  res  proprendere,"  Lex  Bajuw.  n.  12;  "si  quis 
caballum,  hominem,  vel  quamlibet  rem  in  via  propriserit,"  Lex  ribuar.  lxxv. 

3  "  Edificauimus  cum  cornam  et  albende  .  .  .  contestamus  ad  ipsa  eclesia  ilia 
hereditate  per  suis  terminis  que  habuimus  de  presuria  que  preserunt  nostros 
priores  cum  cornu  et  cum  aluende"  (870),  PMH.,  Dipl.  et  chart.,  vol.  i,  p.  3. 

4  They  are  called  familia,  famuli,  servitores,  homines,  and  they  are  also  known 
as  gasalianes.   Of  these  I  have  already  treated. 

B  "Villare  eremum  ad  laborandum"  (795),  Devic  and  Vaissete,  op.  cit.,  vol. 
ii,  Preuves,  col.  60;  "manifeste  verum  est  quod  ipsas  res  ego  retineo,  set  non 
injuste  quia  de  eremo  eos  tracxi  in  aprisione"  (852),  ibid.,  col.  228;  "qui  fuerunt 
per  illorum  aprisione  vel  ruptura  quod  illi  homines  hoc  traxerunt  de  heremo  ad 
culturam"  (875),  ibid.,  col.  380,  and  often;  "quae  deinceps  ex  locis  eremis  atque 
incultis  ad  eorum  usus  adpriserint"  (823),  Marca,  Marca  hispanica,  col.  768; 
"  res  quas  genitor  eorum  per  concessionem  patris  nostri  Caroli  praestantissimi 
Imperatoris  ab  eremo  in  Septimania  trahens  ad  villain  construct"  (833),  ibid., 
col.  771;  "terras  quas  sui  homines  ex  eremo  traxerunt"  (840),  ibid.,  col.  776; 


EX  SQUALIDO  AND  VASTA  81 

nesses  swore  that  they  "had  seen  and  heard  and  been  pres- 
ent" when  Emperor  Charles  had  given  fiscal  land  to  the 
abbot  and  when  the  abbot,  after  the  death  of  certain  Sara- 
cens, had  " seized"  the  land.1 

Gothofredus  has  long  ago  pointed  out  that  this  aprision 
was  nothing  but  the  occupation  of  the  agri  occupatorii,  as 
legalized  in  423  by  Honorius  and  Theodosius.  According  to 
this  law  the  veterans  were  to  possess  the  buildings  and  fenced- 
in  lots  on  state  land  if  they  were  not  claimed  by  previous 
owners.2  Such  public  land  was  called  ager  occupatorius,  be- 
cause it  was  occupied  after  the  expulsion  of  the  enemy,  as 
Siculus  Flaccus  thinks,3  but  his  own  use  of  occupare  shows 
that  it  was  a  technical  term  for  the  seizure  of  land  for  cultiva- 
tion.4 Long  before  the  law  of  423  veterans  could  seize  va- 
cant lands,5  and  in  a  decree  of  364  the  veterans  were  per- 

"aprisiones  quas  ex  eremi  vastitate  traxerunt,  simul  cum  iis  deinceps  quae  proprii 
laboris  sudore  trahere  et  excolere  ipsi  successoresque  eorum  potuerunt"  (850), 
ibid.,  col.  784;  "de  eremi  solitudine  ad  culturam  perductam"  (869),  ibid.,  col. 
791;  "cum  omnibus  apprehensionibus  quas  ipsi  monachi  propriis  manibus  de 
eremi  vastitate  traxerunt"  (869),  ibid.,  col.  793,  and  similarly  cols.  763,  769,  782, 
783,  787,  790,  etc.;  "stirpes,  vel  ut  vulgo  dicitur  exartes  quosdam,  quos  ex 
rebus  Tricassinensis  comitatus  ipsi  proprio  labore  de  heremo  ad  agriculturam 
perduxisse  noscuntur "  (864),  Ch.  Lalore,  Cartulaire  de  Vabbaye  de  Montieramey, 
Paris,  Troyes  1890,  p.  6. 

1  "  Nos  vidimus  et  audivimus  et  presentes  fuimus  quando  domno  gloriosissimo 
Carole  Imperatore  dedit  de  fischo  suo  Libentio  Abbate,  et  ad  suo  germano 
Assenario  monacho  Castro  Tolon  cum  fines  et  adjacentias  eorum  tali  pacto,  ut 
in  ipsas  valles  Leocarcari  plantent  et  edifficent  monasterium  Sancti  Cirici  et 
Sancti  Adree.  Item  postea  vidimus  et  audivimus  et  presentes  fuimus  quando 
Libentius  Abba  una  cum  Assenario  monacho  prendiderunt  primi  homines  post 
mortem  Galaffre  et  Biuxan  filio  eius  et  aliorum  Sarracenorum  die  to  castro 
Tolon  cum  fines  et  adjacentias  eorum,  et  ibi  dictas  valles  plantaverunt,"  etc., 
J.  Villanueva,  Viage  liter ario  &  las  iglesias  de  Espana,  vol.  xiii,  p.  226. 

2  Cod.  Theod.  n.  23.  1,  to  which  Gothofredus  attaches  a  long  discussion  on 
the  aprision. 

3  "Occupatorii  autem  dicuntur  agri  quos  quidam  arcifinales  vocant,  quibus 
agris  victor  populus  occupando  nomen  dedit,"  Lachmann  and  Rudorff,  Gro- 
matici  veteres,  p.  136. 

4  "Quoniam  non  ex  mensuris  actis  unus  quisque  miles  modum  accepit,  sed 
quod  aut  excoluit  aut  in  spem  colendi  occupavit,"  ibid. 

6  Cod.  Theod.  vn.  20.  3  (320). 


82       COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

mitted  to  take  their  servants  along  with  them,1  from  which 
it  may  be  concluded  that  the  land  worked  by  the  servants  was 
"seized"  for  the  proprietor,  exactly  as  in  Visigotbic  law.  A 
few  years  later  loca  absentium  squalida,  i.  e.,  deserted  lands 
that  had  reverted  to  the  state,  were  thrown  open  to  colonisa- 
tion.2 Loca  squalida  is  not  by  any  means  a  mere  poetic  ex- 
pression, but  a  technical  term,  for  loca  squalidiora  are  op- 
posed to  cultivated  land,3  and  even  Isidor  derived  squalidus 
from  "excolitus,"  because  the  field  was  not  "cultivated."4 
A  law  of  421  added  the  estates  (under  the  name  of  caduca 
mortuorum  bona)  which  were  left  without  heirs  or  had  been 
confiscated  from  criminals  to  those  which  might  be  seized  for 
occupancy.5 

If  we  compare  the  laws  of  the  Theodosian  Code  with  those 
of  Alfonso,  we  at  once  perceive  that  the  latter  contain  slav- 
ish, but  peculiarly  corrupted,  imitations  of  the  Roman  form- 
ulae. Caduca  mortuorum  has  changed  to  de  succo  mortuorum, 
the  well  known  technical  term  rudis  ager  6  appears  here  as 
ruda  silva,  while  loca  squalida  has  been  transformed  into  terra 
de  escalido.  Thus  the  hereditates  de  escalido  are  lands  re- 
claimed from  the  wilderness,  and  the  legal  seizure  of  these  is 
called  presa,  presura,  proprisum,  bifanc,  etc.;  hence,  for  ex- 

1  Cod.  Theod.  vn.  20.  8. 

2  "Conmoneat  Tua  Sinceritas  hoc  sanatione  Veteranos,  ut  loca  absentium 
squalida  et  situ  dissimulationis  horrentia,  de  solita  f ructuum  indemnitate  securi, 
quantum  vires  uniuscuiusque  patientur,  exerceant.  Namque  decernimus,  ut  his 
qui  soli  relicti  terras  sulcaverint,  sine  molestia  praeiudicioque  dominorum  pro- 
vectum  emolumenta  quaerantur:  nihilque  illis,  qui  messum  tempus  adsolent 
aucupari,  agratici  nomine  deferatur,"  ibid.,  vn.  20.  11. 

3  "Squalidiora  adque  ieiuna,  (in)culta  adque  opima,"  ibid.,  xiii.  11.  3. 

4  Gromatid  veteres,  p.  369. 

6  Cod.  Theod.  x.  10.  30.  "  Vacantia  mortuorum  bona,"  Cod.  Just.  x.  10.  4. 
"Caduca  bona  fisco  nostro  competere  legum  cauta  decreverunt,"  Cassiodorus, 
Variae,  v.  24;  "caduca  bona  non  sinis  esse  vacantia,"  ibid.,  vn.  7;  "quorundam 
etiam  substantias  mortuorum  sine  aliqua  discretione  iustitiae  nomine  caduci 
perhibent  titulo  vindicare,"  ibid.,  ix.  14. 

6  "Id  jus  datur  quod  est  lege  Hadrians  comprehensum  de  rudibus  agris  et 
iis  qui  per  x  annos  continuos  inculti  sunt"  (117-138),  F.  Girard,  Textes  de 
droit  romain,  4e  6d.,  Paris  1913,  p.  876. 


EX  SQUALIDO  AND  VASTA  83 

ample,  presa  may  as  well  refer  to  a  mill-pond,  in  so  far  as  it  has 
been  formed  on  land  that  has  been  "seized."  *  When,  there- 
fore, Charles  the  Bald  wrote  "quicquid  de  heremi  squalore 
excolere  potuerint"  and  "ex  deserti  squalore  habitabiles 
fecerunt,"  2  he  was  conscious  of  using  a  technical  term,  even 
as  ex  squalido  had  long  before  led  to  a  verb  exsqualidare,  scali- 
dare  "to  clear  the  wilderness  for  cultivation,"  which  lives  in 
the  Spanish  escaliar,  Navarrese  escachar,  French  deschaller.3 

1  "Sed  ad  aprehendendam  illam  aquam  pro  ad  illos  molinos  intra  ipsos 
terminos  et  ultra  istos  terminos  aprehendam  ipsam  aquam  pro  ad  ipsos  molinos 
per  cujuslived  hereditatem  tarn  de  rege  quam  de  infanzone  quam  de  quodlibed 
sicut  ego  jure  meo  usque  hodie  tenui"  (904),  R.  Escalona,  Historia  del  real 
monasterio deSahagnn,  Madrid  1782,  p. 377;  "et  adhuc damus  vobis medietatem 
de  illas  acenas  et  de  illas  piscarias,  quae  nos  apprehendiuimus  apud  uos  pro 
facere  in  illo  fluuio"  (1102),  A.  de  Yepes,  Coronica  general  de  la  Orden  de  San 
Benito,  vol.  vi,  p.  495a;  "si  quis  presas  suas  aut  aquas  istas  frangere  aut  uetare 
presumpserit"  (116S),  Mariano,  Trigita  y  Lasa,  Coleccidn  de  documentos  in- 
fditos  para  la  historia  de  Navarra,  Pamplona  1900,  p.  11;  "dua  presa  in  ipsu 
flumine  ubi  faciat  clausuria  pro  pisci  capiendum"  (1047),  E.  Gattola,  His- 
toria abbatiae  cassinesis,  vol.  i,  p.  43;  "prense  noue  si  in  aliquo  presis  ueteribus 
impendimentum  fecerint,  siue  sint  superius  siue  inferius  .  .  .  non  ualeant  .  .  . 
si  uero  aqua  de  prensa,  aut  de  molino,  aut  de  calice  emanauerit"  (1176),  Forum 
Turolij,  in  Coleccidn  de  documentos  para  el  estudio  de  la  historia  de  Aragon,  vol. 
n, p.  147/.;  "  f rangebant  violenter presam de  villa  Salit ad episcandum "  (1139), 
Indice  de  los  documentos  del  monasterio  de  Sahagun,  de  la  Orden  de  San  Benito, 
Madrid  1874,  p.  28. 

2  "Placuit  etiam  nobis  illis  concedere,  ut,  quicquid  de  heremi  squalore  in 
quolibet  comitatu  ad  cultum  frugum  traxerint  aut  deinceps  infra  eorum  apri- 
siones  excolere  potuerint,  integerrime  teneant  et  possideant,"  MGH.,  Capitu- 
laria,  vol.  n,  p.  259;  "quas  siquidem  aprisiones  praefatorum  Hispanorum  pro- 
genitores  per  licentiam  seu  concessionem  avi  nostri  Karoli  ac  post  obitum  illius 
genitoris  nostri  Ludovici  ex  deserti  squalore  habitabiles  frugumque  uberes 
proprio  labore  fecerunt,"  Devic  and  Vaissete,  op.  cit.,  vol.  n,  Preuves,  col.  228. 

1  "Per  manus  nostras  excalidavimus  et  domos  fecimus  et  presimus  in  monti- 
bus  et  fontibus"  (775),  Berganza,  Antiguedades  de  Espana,  vol.  ii,  p.  370; 
"ipsas  terras  omnes  descalido  donamus  "  (902),  ibid.,  p.  372;  "molinos  .  .  . 
quod  fecerunt  factos  de  stirpites  de  scalido"  (968),  ibid.,  p.  404;  "hunc  lo- 
cum squalidum  nomine  habitante  irrumpimus  "  (781),  Espana  sagrada,  vol. 
xxxvii,  p.  310;  "terras  quas  de  exqualido  primitus  prehenderunt,  egessierunt, 
vel  adhuc  cum  Deo  juvamine  prehendere  vel  egesiere  potuerint"  (835),  ibid., 
vol.  xl,  p.  380;  "quidquid  squalidavit  dominus  Seniorinus  tius  meus"  (842), 
ibid.,  p. 382;  "desqualido  aprehendistis  neminempossidentem"  (875), ibid.,  vol. 
xxxiv,  p.  431;  "presa  in  scalido  jacente"  (878),  ibid.,  vol.  xvii,  p.  244;  "quan- 
tumcumque  in  ispa  villa  per  ordinacione  dominica  de  squalido  apprehendimus  " 
(909),  Indice  de  documentos  del  monasterio  de  Sahagun,  p.  109;  "nos  illut  de- 


84       COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

If  we  now  turn  to  Italy,  we  find  here  the  royal  domain  ex- 
pressed by  gualdo  or  galo.  Italy  had  long  lacked  extensive 
public  lands  fit  for  colonisation,1  hence  the  state  could  come 
into  possession  of  territory  only  through  its  abandonment  by 
owners,  that  is,  of  territory  ex  squalido.  Indeed,  in  the  docu- 
ments of  the  Benedictine  Order  at  Benevento,2  which  go  back 
to  the  sixth  century,  we  frequently  hear  of  the  domain  in 
which  abbeys  are  founded  under  the  name  of  gualdo  and 
galo.z  Since  there  is  mention  of  a  forest  which  lies  in  the 
galo,4  the  two  are  not  identical  and  galo  does  not  mean 
''forest,"  but  only  includes  the  word.   We  similarly  hear  of 

squalido  de  gente  Barbarica  manu  propria  cum  pueris  nostris  adprehendimus 
tam  cultam  quam  etiam  incultum"  (909),  R.  Escalona,  Historia  .  .  .  de  Saha- 
gun,  p.  379;  "Suprafactum  locum  in  vetustatem  reductum,  pene  obliuioni 
deditum,  vepribus,  seu  densissimis  6iluis  opertum,  etqui  magnis  arboribus  ex 
immensitate  annorum  adumbratum,  auxiliante  Domino  cum  fratribus  re- 
stauraui,  aedificia  instruxi,  vinea  et  pomares  plantaui,  terras  de  scalido  eieci, 
horta,  et  omnia  quae  ad  vsum  Monasterii  pertinent  imposui  .  .  .  omnem  soll- 
tudinem,  omnemque  industriam,  erga  supradictum  terenum  exercens,  Ec- 
clesiam  Sancti  Petri,  quam  dudum  restauraueram,  miris  reedificaminibus  rebol- 
uens  ampliaui,  et  in  melius,  ut  potui  erexi"  (915),  Yepes,  Coronica,  vol.  iv, 
p.  447  b;  "neque  pascere  neque  scindere  uel  scaliare  nisi  de  uolunta  prioris 
jamdicti"  (1036),  Coleccidn  .  .  .  de  Aragon,  vol.  i,  p.  13;  "augmentare,  com- 
parare,  et  scalidare  vel  acaptare"  (1048),  ibid.,  p.  43;  "augmentare  acaptare 
comparare  et  scalidare"  (1044),  ibid.,  p.  54;  "comparare  examplare  et  excali- 
dare"  (1044),  ibid.,  p.  56;  "comparare  scalidare  augmentare"  (1045),  ibid., 
p.  64;  "in  scalio  quantum  possunt  rumpere"  (1083),  ibid.,  vol.  in,  p.  61;  "et 
que  podades  escaliar  en  la  dicha  Bardena  ho  a  vos  pluguiere  en  los  hyermos" 
(1062),  T.  Mufioz  y  Romero,  Coleccion  defueros  municipales,  p.  329; "  et  in  antea 
adquisierit  sive  emtione  sive  et  eschalido"  (1134),  Villanueva,  Viage  literario, 
vol.  xv,  p.  360;  "en  allant  icellui  suppliant  ainsi  exemplir,  essarter  et  deschaller 
les  terres  de  son  maistre"  (1477),  Godefroy. 

1  E.  Baudouin,  Les  grands  domaines  dans  Vempire  romain,  Paris  1899,  p.  9. 

2  TJghelli,  Italia  sacra,  vol.  vm,  1.  ed. 

3  "Ecclesia  quae  aedificata  est  in  galo  .  .  .  quae  sita  est  in  galo  nostro  Pa- 
line,"  ibid.,  col.  573;  "quae  aedificata est  in  ialo  nostro  Noceto  .  .  .  quaefundata 
est  in  ialo  nostro  Casa  Polluci  ...  ex  ipso  galo  Motula  ...  in  galo  nostri  palatij 
.  .  .  de  galo  nostro  territorium  ...  in  galo  nostro  Manere,"  ibid.,  col.  574;  "con- 
cessimus  in  eodem  galo  pascuum  ad  peculia,"  ibid.,  col.  575;  "in  gualdo  in  fine 
Consina,"  ibid.,  col.  577;  "in  galo  nostro  ...  in  praedicto  loco  de  galo  nostro 
.  .  .  necnon  gualdum  in  monte  Virgineo"  (774),  ibid.,  col.  578,  and  similarly 
cols.  581,  585,  587,  597,  598. 

4  "Sylva  cum  terra  vacua,  quae  fuit  de  galo  nostro  in  nominata  platea," 
ibid.,  col.  621. 


EX  SQUALIDO  AND  VASTA  85 

fishing  in  the  gualdo,  and  in  this  case  Troya  has  pointed  out 
that  at  the  time  mentioned  there  could  have  been  no  forest 
in  the  region  indicated.1  The  gualdo  is  generally  referred 
to  as  "noster"  or  "dominicus,"  i.  e.,  it  is  considered  as  be- 
longing to  the  prince  of  the  realm.  We  get  a  complete  pic- 
ture of  the  constitution  of  the  gualdo  by  limiting  ourselves 
to  its  mention  in  the  Regesto  di  Farfa  previous  to  the  middle 
of  the  ninth  century. 

Lupo,  the  Duke  of  Spoleto,  in  746  turned  over  to  the  abbey 
of  St.  Mary  in  Sabinian  territory  a  piece  uex  gualdo  nostro 
qui  dicitur  ad  sanctum  iacintum,"2  and  somewhat  later  the 
whole  of  the  gualdo  3  and  the  land  of  the  colonists  to  whom 
this  gualdo  belonged,4  either  because  the  property  was  part 
of  the  gualdo  without  having  become  private  or,  as  appears 
from  a  later  lawsuit,  because  the  colonists  remained  in  pos- 
session of  their  lots,  but  from  then  on  had  to  pay  to  the  ab- 
bey their  dues  and  for  the  common  use  of  the  gualdo.  All 
kinds  of  misunderstandings  immediately  arose  between  the 
colonists  and  the  abbey,  and  these  had  to  be  ventilated  be- 
fore the  courts.  The  colonists  asserted  that  they  were  in  full 
possession  of  their  casalia  in  the  gualdo  publico,  partly  be- 
cause they  had  been  preempted,  not  in  the  gualdo  of  St. 
Giacinto,  but  in  the  adjoining  one  of  Turre.  Arnolus  de- 
clared that  he  had  himself  cleared  (mundavit)  his  casale  in 
the  gualdo  and  that  he  owed  the  abbey  but  five  modii.  Mizi- 
cus  and  Lupulus  and  other  public  colonists  in  the  gualdo 

1  "Simul  etiam  et  concessimus  in  nostrum  venerabile  locum  waldum  nostrum 
de  fluvio  Calore,  hoc  est  usque  Vadum  Carrarum  Sancti  Marciani,  et  usque  sub 
casa  Valerii,  ut  annue  et  semper  homines  de  ipsa  Ecclesia  piscationem  faciant, 
et  nullus  sine  permissu  Sacerdotis  nominatae  Ecclesiae  in  ipsum  waldum  habeat 
licentiam  introire  ad  piscandum,"  Troya,  op.  cit.,  vol.  in,  p.  117. 

2  Regesto  di  Farfa,  vol.  n,  p.  29. 

3  "Gualdum  qui  nominatur  ad  sanctum  iacintum,  qui  est  terminatus  usque 
riuum  currisem,  et  pertransit  recte  in  aquam  transuersam,  deinde  in  gualdum 
pontianum,  per  riuum  de  ipso  pontiano  usque  in  tyberim,"  ibid. 

4  "Cum  terris  de  colonis  qui  ipsum  gualdum  possederunt,  seu  omnia  ad  ipsum 
gualdum  pertinentia,"  ibid.,  p.  30. 


86       COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

received,  in  exchange  for  the  land  donated  to  the  abbey, 
other  land  measured  out  to  them  with  the  rope  in  the  fol- 
lowing manner:  for  each  105  feet  of  the  old  they  received  83 
of  the  new  land,  because  it  was  cultivated  and  80%  of  it  was 
considered  an  adequate  exchange;  on  the  other  hand,  Lupu- 
lus  received  100  feet  for  each  92  feet  of  his  former  lot,  be- 
cause it  was  less  productive.  The  casale  of  Teodices  was  not 
changed,  but  he  had  to  pay  the  public  taxes  to  the  abbey. 
Similar  action  was  taken  in  the  case  of  two  other  proprietors, 
while  the  public  colonist  Campolus  had  to  turn  over  his 
casale  to  the  abbey.  Rinculus  Coccus  had  a  piece  of  land  in 
the  gualdo,  but,  being  very  poor,  was  allowed  to  fence  in 
another  lot  that  produced  22  modii. 

This  extremely  important  document  makes  it  clear  that 
we  are  dealing  in  the  gualdo  with  precisely  the  same  condi- 
tions as  confronted  us  in  the  Spanish  ex  squalido.  As  in  the 
aprision,  so  the  colonist  is  here  given  land  which  he  must 
himself  clear  and  cultivate,  and  the  gualdo  is  not  only 
forest  but  also  possesses  barren  and  cultivated  land  which 
in  some  way  has  reverted  to  the  state.  This  is  confirmed  by 
later  documents.  The  same  abbey  is  presented  with  one 
half  of  a  gualdo  and  a  chestnut  grove  in  the  other  half  that 
is  left  for  public  use.1  This  public  use  consists  in  the  right 
of  pasturage  2  and  hunting,  which  the  king  may  reserve  for 

1  "Ut  uobis,  uel  uestro  monasterio  cedere  deberemus  medietatem  de  gualdo 
nostro  qui  est  positus  in  finibus  ciculanis,  et  dicitur  ipse  gualdus  ad  sanctum 
angelum  in  flumine  .  .  .  ipsam  medietatem  de  nominato  gualdo  cum  ipsa  aec- 
clesia  sancti  angeli  quae  ibi  est,  cum  omnibus  adiacentiis  et  pertinentiis  suis  in 
integrum,  qualiter  ad  publicum  possessum  est,  in  ipso  sancto  loco  concedimus 
possidendum.  simul  et  concedimus  uobis  medietatem  de  castaneao  jui  dicitur 
sessiale,  quod  est  in  reliqua  medietate  praedicti  gualdi,  quam  nobis  ad  publicum 
reseruauimus "  (761),  ibid.,  p.  54. 

2  "Turmae  decern  debeant  aestiuo  tempore  communiter  cum  iumentis  pub- 
licis  reatinis  pabulare,  ubi  ubi  per  gualdos  publicos,  quo  consueta  sunt  ipsa 
iumenta  publica  ambulare.  Similiter  et  duo  millia  pecora  de  suprascripto 
monasterio,  cum  nostris  peculiis  publicis  reatinis  communiter  omni  tempore 
debeant  pabulare  in  monte  caluo,  et  in  riuo  curuo,  postquam  inde  iumenta  uel 
peculia  monasterii  praefati,  ut  diximus  amodo  in  suprascriptis  gualdis  uel  monti- 


EX  SQUALIDO  AND  VASTA  87 

his  own  use.1  In  place  of  gualdo  may  stand  terra  populi,2 
curtis,3  and  pascua  publico,,4  and  gualdo  soon  disappears  en- 
tirely, apparently  because  no  public  lands  were  left,  while 
for  " forest"  there  creep  in  the  expressions  cagio5  and  gaio,6 
which  had  long  been  in  use  at  Modena  7  and  at  Lucca,8  where 
also  the  longer  forms  gahagio,  cahagio,  cafagio  are  indis- 
criminately used  for  them.  It  is  obvious  that  in  case  of  these 
we  are  no  longer  dealing  with  the  ownerless  wilderness,  as 
in  Spain,  but  with  the  enclosed  common,  though  the  combina- 
tion gahagium  (gahaium,  gaaium,  gaium,  gagium)  regis  in 
Rothar's  laws  9  shows  that  the  fundamental  idea  was  the 
same  as  in  the  case  of  gualdo  at  Benevento  and  Reate.  This 
gualdo  had  existed  in  Lucca,  but  in  the  eighth  century  it  was 
superseded  by  the  gaio  forms,  to  survive  only  in  local  names.10 

bus,  cum  nostris  iumentis  publicia  siue  peculiis,  absque  alia  datione  securius 
debeant  pabulare"  (767),  ibid.,  p.  73. 

1  "De  ipso  suprascripto  gualdo  alegia  concessimus  in  ipso  sancto  loco,  uel 
ad  cunctam  congregationem,  omnia  in  integrum  quanta  ad  ipsum  gualdum 
pertinere  uidentur  .  .  .  excepta  uenatione  de  ipso  gualdo,  quam  nobis  reseruaui- 
mus  faciendam"  (772),  ibid.,  p.  76. 

2  "Et  ista  terra  est  secus  terra  populi,  quern  in  mea  reseruaui  po testate" 
(803),  ibid.,  p.  145. 

3  "In  ipso  sancto  monasterio  donauimus  a  die  praesenti  medietatem  de 
carte  seu  gualdo  "  (808),  ibid.,  p.  153. 

4  "Ut  in  pascua  publica  omni  tempore  debeant  pabulare  uel  nutrire"  (840), 
ibid.,  p.  238. 

6  "Portionem  meam  de  cagio  agonis"  (840),  ibid.,  p.  240. 
•  "Alpibus,  gais,  molendinis"  (829),  ibid.,  pp.  224,  229. 

7  "Silvam  unam  in  gajurn  Lamese"  (75.),  Marini,  /  pap.  dipl.,  p.  103; 
"concedimus  .  .  .  curtem  nostram,  quae  dicitur  Zena,  territorio  Motinensi, 
silva  jugis  numero  quingentis,  coherentes  ibi  a  tribus  partibus  gajo  noslro" 
(752),  Muratori,  Antiquitates,  vol.  n,  col.  152. 

8  "Parte  mea  de  cahagio  sub  monte"  (747),  Memorie  e  documenti  .  .  .  di 
Lucca,  vol.  v2,  p.  27;  "parte  mea  de  casa  et  cagio"  (761),  ibid.,  p.  43;  "por- 
tionem meam  de  gahagias"  (796),  ibid.,  p.  150;  "parte  mea  de  cafagio  nostro, 
quem  de  jure  parentorum  nostrorum  habere  videmur"  (778),  ibid.,  vol.  iv1, 
p.  138;  "una  petia  de  terra  mea,  quod  est  gahagio  illo  meo"  (747),  Troya,  op. 
cil.,  vol.  in,  p.  250;  "gagiolo  illo  prope  ista  curte  ora  presepe  circumdatum" 
(730),  F.  Brunetti,  Codice  diplomatico  toscano,  vol.  I,  p.  487. 

9  Leg.  319,  320. 

10  "Ubi  vocabulum  est  Ad  Waldo"  (783),  Mem.  e  doc.  .  .  .  di  Lucca,  vol. 
IV l,  p.  17;  "ubi  ejus  corpus  requiescit  in  Gualdo  "  (770),  ibid.,  vol.  v 2,  p.  68. 


88       COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

In  a  donation  of  772  we  find  a  waldeman,  "forester,"  in 
the  gagio,  but  with  the  Latin  name  Bonus,1  even  as  three 
other  waldatores  at  Volturno  in  778  bear  the  good  Latin 
names  Rodulus,  Albus,  and  Crispus.2  I  shall  at  another  time 
show  that  the  whole  system  of  land  measurement  in  the 
Middle  Ages  and  almost  all  the  agrimensorial  expressions 
have  arisen  from  the  Byzantine  gromatic  method.  Here  I 
wish  only  to  point  out  that  the  Langobard  waldeman,  wal- 
dator  has  survived  until  the  present  time.  In  Reggio  and 
Modena  he  was  called  gualdemano,3  in  Ravenna  and  Pesaro 
gualdario,4  and  elsewhere  gualdaro,  guallaro,  guallario.5  The 
confusion  of  gualdator  with  guardator,  from  guardia  " watch" 
was  too  natural,  hence  we  hear  at  Bologna  and  Carpo  of 
guardatorii,  guardatores  " foresters,"  and  at  Pisa  the  cafadi- 
arius  is  glossed  as  guardianus.6 

1  "  Largimur  in  Jura  de  ipso  Monasterio  ex  gagio  nostro  Regiense,  quae  nun- 
cupatur  Terra,  Siua,  Roncora,  et  Prata  insimul  ad  misura  iusta,  iuges  numero 
quatuor  millia,  per  designata,  et  determinata  loca,  a  Bono  Waldeman  supra 
scripti  Gagij  nostri,"  Troya,  op.  cit.,  vol.  v,  p.  657. 

2  "Et  propterea  venerunt  waldatores  ante  nos  Rodulus,  et  Albus,  et  Crispus, 
qui  ab  antiquis  guiratores  fuerunt,  et  dixerunt  quod  supradicta  loca,  quae  cum 
Episcopo  giravimus,  semper  de  waldo  fuerunt,"  Muratori,  Scriptores,  vol.  1 2, 
p.  363. 

'  "Castaldus,  Bubulcus,  Gualdemanus  siue  custos  cuiuslibet  ciuis  Mutinae," 
Statuta  civitatis  Mutinae  ad  iudices  Aquarum  pertinentia,  Mutinae  1575,  fol. 
78;  "et  qui  custodes,  Campari j  et  Gualdemani  teneantur,  et  debeant  custodire 
omnes,  et  singulas  terras,  res,  et  loca  existentia  intra  eorum  custodiam,  con- 
grue  referendo,  tarn  die,  quam  de  nocte,"  Statuta  magnificae  communitatis 
Regii,  Regii  1582,  fol.  202  ff. 

4  "Item  quod  gualdarij  constitutij  a  Comune  montis  Columbi  super  Rippa, 
Circuitu  et  Casaro  et  aliis  bonis  teneantur  acusare  omnes  dapnum  dantes  ab 
eis  inventos  in  predictis  bonis  Comunis  et  aliis  infra  octo  dies  Consulibus  dicte 
terre  sive  nuntio  curie;  alioquin  teneantur  emendare  dapnum  de  eorum  proprio, 
et  habeant  predicti  gualdarij  quartam  partem  condempnationum  factarum  de 
eorum  acusis"  (1276),  A. Tarlazzi,  Appendice ai Monumenti Ravennati, Ravenna 
1869,  vol.  i,  p.  309;  "gualdarii  Pisauri  teneantur  et  debeant  bene  custodire  et 
guardare  de  die  et  de  nocte  res  et  bona  possessionum  et  fructus  omnium  posses- 
sionum  existentium  in  curte  et  in  contrata  eis  designata,  ne  deuastentur  et  tol- 
lant  per  personas  et  animalia,"  Statuta  ciuitatis  Pisauri,  Pisauri  1531,  fol.  72  ff. 

6  Rezasco,  Dizionario  del  linguaggio  italiano  storico  ed  amministrativo,  sub 
gualdario. 

6  "Salvo  quod  potestas  possit  dare  licentiam  comunis  Guardatoriis  (guarda- 


EX  SQUALIDO  AND  VASTA  89 

In  Tuscany  cafagium,  cafaium  is  universal,  in  the  tenth 
century  to  designate  the  ancient  public  domain,  hence  one 
later  finds  at  Florence  a  number  of  localities  named  Caf- 
fagio,  Cafaio,1  by  the  side  of  Gaio,  Gualdum.2  In  Lucca  a 
Cafajario  is  mentioned  in  975  3  and  the  cafadiarius  at  Pisa 
proves  that  this  means  "a  forester."  The  older  writers  ex- 
plained this  caggio  as  an  abbreviation  of  campo  del  faggio  4 
or  casa  del  faggio, b  because  place  names  Faggia  occur,  but 
they  are  far  from  the  mark.  Cafaggio,  Gafaggio  was  con- 
ceived by  the  Langobards  as  derivations  in  ga-,  and  this  led 
to  faia  "forest,"6  and  in  the  thirteenth  century  to  fagiae  in 
Milan,  to  designate  certain  localities  which  obviously,  like 
the  cafagii  at  Lucca,  had  been  reclaimed  from  the  public 
domain.7 

toribus),  saltuariis  et  custodibus  prexonum  cum  erunt  exercuerint  eorum  officia 
portando  cultellos"  (1259),  L.  Frati,  Statuti  di  Bologna,  vol.  in,  p.  281;  "per 
consilium  generale  de  carpo  elligantur  saltarij  et  guardalores  suficientes  ...  ad 
custodiendum  ne  dampnum  detur  per  personas  uel  bestias  in  bonis  campestribus 
hominum  de  carpo  nee  super  terratorio  de  carpo  .  .  .  item  quod  ipsi  exercendo 
officium  saltarie  per  suam  guardam  possint  portare  arma"  (1353),  Monumenti 
di  storia  patria  delle  Provincie  Modenesi,  Statuta  Carpi,  Mutinae  1887,  p.  9; 
"Guardianos  sive  cafadiarios  pisani  districti,  per  nos  vel  per  alium  iurare 
f aciemus,  quod  guastum  sive  dampnum  quod  f uerit  factum  in  campis  aut  vineis, 
sive  sediis  vel  pratis,  aut  aliis  locis  et  in  quibuscumque  bonis  infra  guardiam 
in  qua  ipsi  sunt  guardiani,  a  bestia,  animali,  vel  pullis  aut  antheribus  alicuius 
civis  vel  foretanei,  vel  a  persona  aliqua,  renuntiare  et  debeant"  (1286),  F. 
Bonaini,  Statuti  pisani,  vol.  i,  p.  243. 

1  "Gafaggio"  (1187),  G.  Lami,  Sanctae  ecclesiae  florentinae  monumenta, 
Florentiae  1758,  p.  1448;  "in  loco  dicto  Cafaggio"  (1297),  ibid.,  p.  404;  "in 
quodam  petio  terre  posite  in  Cafaggio  apud  Burgum  Sancti  Lauren tii"  (1223), 
ibid.,  p.  804;  and  often;  "Cafaio"  (1097),  ibid.,  pp.  30,  1448. 

2  "Et  in  Gaio  villain  quae  dicitur  Aspo"  (1161),  ibid.,  p.  1159;  "Ad  Gual- 
dum, gualdum  nemus  significat,"  ibid.,  p.  540. 

3  "Quae  modo  regere  videtur  per  ipse  ^Cafajario"  Mem.  e  docum  .  .  .  di 
Lucca,  vol.  v 3,  p.  352. 

4  G.  Lami,  Lezioni  di  antichila  toscane,  Firenze  1766,  p.  xc. 

6  F.  L.  Del  Migliore,  Firenze  cittd  nobilissima  illustrata,  Firenze  1684,  p.  263. 

6  "Et  de  silva  nostra  qua  vulgo  appellatur  Faia  praepositalis,"  Ducange 
sub  faia. 

7  "Statuerunt,  providerunt  et  ordinaverunt  quod  locus  de  Villiono  plebis 
de  Locate  fagiarum  Porte  Vercelline,  qui  modo  non  est  locus,  sed  est  grancia 
monaeterii  Carevallis  Mediolani  et  tantum  per  ipsum  monasterium  teneatur, 


90       COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

All  the  Slavic  countries  possess  derivatives  from  Ital. 
gaio,  to  express  the  enclosed  domain.  In  Dalmatia  gaium 
occurs  early  in  the  sense  of  "  common  pasture  where  formerly 
there  was  a  forest."1  In  Servian  the  verb  gajim  means  "to 
fence  in,  clear  the  ground,  clean  the  forest."2  In  Poland 
gaj  had  the  primary  meaning  of  a  field,  forest  or  water  do- 
main, and  the  gaiowe  was  the  revenue  from  such  a  domain,3 
while  gaic  means  "to  open  up  a  forest,  to  cut  it  down,"  and 
similarly  Bohemian  hdjiti,  Russian  gait',  and  "the  forest" 
is  in  OBoh.  hay,  hag,  hayg,  hdj,  Russ.  gay,  Lith.  gojus.  In  the 
Slavic  sources  frequently  occur  the  forms  gades,  gadus,  for 
gaium.  In  the  Servian  documents  gadi  and  gai  interchange 
indiscriminately,4  while  in  Poland  gades  means  more  nearly 
"enclosure,  fence."5    Precisely  the  same  significance  is  at- 

tollatur  et  canzelletur  de  libris  et  actis  Communis  Mediolani"  (1286),  L.  Osio, 
Documenti  diplomatici  tratti  degli  archivij  milanesi,  Milano  1864,  vol.  i,  p.  37; 
"in  molendino  Credentie  fagierie  Communis  Mediolani  seu  domini  Mathei 
Vicecomitis  capitanei  Mediolani"  (1296),  ibid.,  p.  49;  "coram  domino  Gabardo 
Scroxato  jurisperito  consule  justitie  Mediolani,  camere  civitatis,  et  omnium 
fagiarum  Mediolani"  (1372),  ibid.,  p.  153. 

1  "Dictus  Lauren tius  habere  debeat  quartam  partem  totius  pasculi  sive 
gai  .  .  .  si  dictus  Laurentius  probare  poterit  coram  ipso,  quod  a  tempore  domini 
Albertini  Mauroceno,  olim  comitis  Jadre,  citra  quo  tempore  facta  fuit  divisio 
pasculorum  et  gaiorum  positorum  in  districtu  Jadre,  ipse  terre  fuerint  pasculum 
sive  gaium  et  disboscate  fuerint,  idem  Laurentius  debeat  libere  eas  habere 
quemadmodum  essent  pasculum  sive  gaium,"  Monumenta  spectantia  historiam 
Slavorum  meridionalium,  Listine,  vol.  i,  p.  405. 

2  "Gajim  extirpo, expurgo  sylvam,  foveo  nemora,  conservo lucum  collucando, 
ramos  inutiles  decidendo  ac  frutices  noxios  amputando  et  evellendo  .  .  .  im- 
pedio,  arceo  aquam  ne  exundet  .  .  .  arceo  ab  ingressu  foenilis  interposito  aliquo 
signo  baculi  signati,"  P.  Budmani,  Rjecnik  hrvatskoga  Hi  srpskoga  jezika,  u 
Zagrebu  1887-91,  sub  gaj. 

3  "Adiungimus  eciam  scultet  predicto  et  suis  successoribus  legittimis  de 
nostra  gracia  speciali  in  omnibus  siluis  et  fluuijs,  in  frucetis  omnibus  et  fructibus 
nobis  pertinentibus,  quod  dicitur  gaiowe,  terciam  partem"  (1360),  Monu- 
menta medii  aevi  historica  res  gestas  Poloniae  illustrantia,  vol.  in l,  p.  301 ;  "scol- 
tetis  et  successoribus  eorum  damus  quartum  denarium  de  pascuis  et  siluis 
wlgariter  gayowe,  racione  cuius  easdem  siluas  tenebuntur  custodire"  (1421), 
ibid.,  vol.  vin3,  p.  471. 

4  "Gadorum  Dolgnae  Blatae,  gai  in  Dolgna  Blate,"  J.  J.  Hanel,  Monu- 
menta historico-juridica  Slavorum  meridionalium,  Zagrabiae  1877,  vol.  i,  p.  91. 

6  "Kosciol  cum  gadibus  suis  inter  Dobrzycza  et  Kosciol,  incipientes  a  Do- 


EX  SQUALIDO  AND  VASTA  91 

tached  to  gades  in  the  German  documents,1  but  the  word  is 
neither  specifically  German  nor  Slavic,  since  gadi  "fence, 
protection,"  gadier  "forester"  are  also  recorded  in  the  Prov- 
ence.2 As  Ital.  cajagiario  has  led  to  cafadiario,  gagiarius  has 
produced  gadiarius,  gagium  has  given  Prov.  gadi. 

Before  investigating  the  fate  of  gaium  on  German  territory, 
we  shall  discuss  a  Gaulic  gloss 

caio  breialo  siue  bigardio 
ascribed  to  the  fifth  century.  Zimmer3  says  of  it:  "Hier  ist 
das  erklarte  Wort  (caio)  seinem  Ursprung  und  der  Bedeutung 
nach  fur  uns  fast  klarer  als  die  zu  seiner  Erklarung  (breialo 
siue  bigardio)  verwendeten.  An  der  Hand  liegen  namlich, 
wie  Stokes  sah,  fur  das  erstere  altbret.  caiou  gl.  munimenta, 
kymr.  cae  'inclosure,  hedge,  field,'  mittelbret.  quae  'haye 
despines'  (Catholicon),  neubret.  kae  (plur.  kae-ou)  'haie 
cloture  faite  d'6pines;  petit  mur,  moitie  pierres,  moitie  terre.' 
Dieses  kymr. -bret. Wort  gehort,  wie  Rhys,  Rev.  Celt.  I.  370 
sah,  zu  ahd.  hac,  ags.  hag,  haga,  altn.  hagi,  ags.  hege  (engl. 
hedge),  die  sowohl  den  eingehegten  Zaun  oder  Wall  als  auch 
Alles,  was  eingehegt  wurde  (septum,  urbs,  Weide,  junger 
Wald),  bezeichnen.  Die  Verwandschaft  macht  klar,  wie  zu 
demselben  keltischen  Stamm  kagjo-  auch  alti.  cae  'Haus'  in 
cerdchae  '  Schmiedehaus  (gl.  officina)  sowie  mittellat.  cayum 
'domus'  gehoren  .  .  .  Das  an  erster  Stelle  zur  Erklarung 
von  caio  verwendete  breialo  ist  offenbar  das  im  Mittellatein 
gebrauchliche  broialum,  brogilus,  broylus,  bruillius,  als  dessen 

brzycza  que  gades  ordinarie  currunt  per  terram,  per  rubetos,  per  paludines,  per 
silvas  usque  ad  Maluina,  cum  pratis  que  sunt  in  gadibus  dicte  ville  Kosciol" 
(13.  cent.),  Codex  diplomaticus  Majoris  Poloniae,  Poznaniae  1877,  vol.  I,  p.  45; 
"termini  autem  sive  gades  earundem  villarum"  (1237),  ibid.,  p.  175. 

1  Ducange,  sub  gades. 

a  "Item  sobre  la  forma  .  .  .  de  metre  gadis  e  bans  els  ortz,  els  blatz,  els 
verdiers,  e  elas  terras  .  .  .  e  sobre  lo  sagramen  de  baile  e  dels  gadiers  prestador," 
Levy ,  Provenzalisches-Supplemenl-  Wbrlerbuch . 

3  H.  Zimmer,  Keltische  Studien,  in  Zeitschrift  fur  vergleichende  Sprachfor- 
schung,  vol.  xxxn,  p.  230  Jf. 


92       COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

Grundbedeutung  'campus  arboribus  consitus  et  muris  aut 
sepibus  cinctus'  angenommen  wird,  was  ja  zu  der  fur  caio 
unter  Vergleich  der  brittanischen  Worter  und  der  Etymologie 
zu  erschliessenden  Bedeutung  stimmt.  Dieses  breialo,  broia- 
lum,  brogilus  ist  vermuthlich  selbst  gallischen  Ursprungs 
und  geht  auf  einen  Stamm  brogilo-  deminutiv  zu  brogi- 
zuriick."  In  this  statement  there  are  several  inaccuracies, 
as  we  shall  soon  see  from  an  investigation  of  documents  bear- 
ing on  breialo. 

In  Greek,  7repL/3o\o<;  is  frequently  used  in  the  sense  of 
"  enclosure,  wall,"1  and  in  the  sixth  century  the  formula 
eVros  ayioiv  TrepifioXoov  is  frequently  employed,  to  desig- 
nate the  property  lying  outside  the  church  enclosure.2  In 
Can.  76  of  the  Trullan  Synod  it  says  '  ov  xPV  evSov  to>v 
lepcov  TrepufioXcov  KairrjXelov,  rj  tol  Sict  dpcj/xaTajv  eior)  irpo~ 
TiOevai"  and  Balsamon  3  is  certainly  mistaken  in  referring 
TrepifioXoi  merely  to  walls  of  the  church  building.  In  the 
old  glosses  we  have  "  irepL/3o\o<s  consaeptum,  maceria, 
moenia,  territorium"  and  "peribulus  est  murus  extrinsecus, 
peribulus  id  est  in  circuitu  domus,  peribulum  deambulato- 
rium."  This  agrees  with  the  Modern  Greek  use  of  irepifio- 
Xlov,  as  repeatedly  recorded  in  mediaeval  documents.4  The 
current  use  of  this  word  in  Italy,  hence  among  the  Lango- 
bards,  is  attested  by  the  Greek  documents  of  Sicily  and 
southern  Italy.  In  the  south  of  Italy  irepifioXaiov  was  also 
written  rrepLavXiov,  as  though  it  were  "  that  which  lies  around 

1  "  TctTOVCS  VOTOV  djU7T€AwJ/  Ta0CJTlOS  T^S    <Pl(3lO<S,   fioppa.    JT]    IlaTOVTOS  TOV 

"fipou  Kal  twv  dSeX^wv,  air-qXiuyrov  7r€pi/3oXos  twv  afXTreXwvwv  "  (104  B.C.), 
L.  Mitteis,  Griechische  Urkunden  der  Papyrussammlung  zu  Leipzig,  Leipzig 
1906,  vol.  i,  p.  3. 

2  "  IlapaSuxru)  (tol  iv  Srjfxocriui  roirw  Iktos  dyiW  7T€pt/3oX(i>v  Kal  #eiW  xaPaK- 
T-qpwv"  (566),  F.  Preisigke,  Griechische  Papyrus  .  .  .  zu  Strassburg,  Leipzig 
1912,  vol.  i,  p.  166. 

3  Ducange,  sub  7rcpi/3o\os. 

1  "  IlcpifioXaiov  to  ttXtjo-iov  rov  oikov,  to  evpeOlv  vvv  Xi/BdSiov  iv  w  icrra- 
vrai  oWai  8vo  kol  d-ruSca  fxia"  (1073),  Miklosich  and  Muller,  Acta  et  dip- 
lomata  graeca,  vol.  I,  p.  6. 


EX  SQUALIDO  AND  VASTA  93 

the  house,"  *  and  the  garden  was  named  Trept(36Xy]<;,  in  Sicily 
7T€/)i/3oA.it£oi>.2  When  Charlemagne  wrote  in  his  Capitulare 
de  villis  "ut  lucos  nostros  quos  vulgus  brogilus  vocat,  bene 
custodire  faciant,"  he  had  in  mind  the  Greek  7r£/n73o\os, 
which  becomes  still  clearer  in  the  account  of  the  Langobard 
Luidprand  who  in  the  tenth  century  used  indiscriminately 
brolium,  briolium,  perivolium,  and  explained  it  as  being  a  deer 
park.3 

In  Italy  brolium  is  recorded  since  the  eighth  century.4  Be- 
ginning with  the  tenth  century  it  signifies  the  ducal  or  muni- 
cipal palace  with  its  surrounding  garden.  In  Brescia  we  hear 
in  the  thirteenth  century  of  such  a  broletto,5  and,  as  here,  so 
there  existed  at  Milan  a  new  and  an  old  broletto,  and  a  still 
older  brolio.6    These  Milanese  broletti,  with  their  market 

1  "  Ets  to  \mpiov  to  KaXovfxtvov  Xawiavov  TrepavXoia  \oipacpuoL  tottoc 
in  villain  quae  cognominantur  lanniano  Clausurie  territorie"  (1000),  F.  Trinch- 
era,  Syllabus  graecarum  membranarum,  Neapoli  1865,  p.  11. 

2  "  O  7repi/3o\r)<;  tov  Trpeo~(3vrepov  Acovtos  vorapiov,"  ibid.,  p.  94;  "  KaXXt- 
epyov  avrov  7T€pi/3dAiT£ov  "  (1234),  S.  Cusa,  Diplomi  greci  ed  arabi  di  Sicilia, 
Palermo  1868,  vol.  I,  p.  92;  "  p-era.  kclXov  rjp.wv  6z\r)p.aTO<;  TreTrpaKapev  rb  rjp.i- 
repov  Trepij36XiT^ov  <rvv  twv  per  avrov  cVtos  <pv(TKia<;  kcu  </>peaTos  "  (1239),  ibid., 
p.  95,  and  similarly  pp.  116,  557,  559,  679. 

3  "Sed  et  idem  Nicephorus  in  eadem  coena  me  interrogavit,  si  vos  perivolia, 
id  est  briolia,  vel  si  in  perivoliis  onagros  vel  caetera  animalia  haberetis?  Cui 
cum,  vos  brolia  et  in  broliis  animalia  onagris  exceptis,  habere,  affirmarem :  Du- 
cam  te,  inquit,  in  nostrum  perivolium,"  MGH.,  Scriptores,  vol.  in,  p.  355. 

4  "Cum  vineis  brolijs"  (724),  Troya,  op.  cit.,  vol.  in,  p.  376;  "vineis  broliis 
pascuis"  (768),  ibid.,  vol.  v,  p.  376;  "sala  cum  ipso  broilo  ibidem  adherente" 
(896),  Muratori,  Antiquitates,  vol.  i,  col.  154;  "casa  nova,  cum  curte  et  area 
in  qua  stat,  cum  brolio  uno  tenente,  cum  muro  circumdata,  seu  arboribus  et 
petras  infra  stante"  (913),  HPM.,  vol.  xin,  col.  782;  "sedimen  unum  cum 
broilo  uno  tenente"  (941),  ibid.,  col.  951. 

5  "Ut  quinque  porte  pallacii  seu  broletti  claudantur  et  aperiantur  omni  die 
et  de  die  stent  aperte  ita  quod  non  possint  claudi  occasione  consilii"  (1245), 
F.  Odorici,  Storie  bresciane,  vol.  vn,  p.  109;  "tenear  non  posse  facere  fieri  ali- 
quam  iustitiam  corporalem  seu  vindictam  in  broletto  novo  et  veteri"  (1285), 
ibid.,  p.  129. 

6  "Tunc  temporis  prope  murum  civitatis  consitum  fuit  pomerium  quod 
dicitur  brolium,  ex  omni  genere  arborum  et  fructuum  in  tanta  densitate,  quod 
nemoris  densitatem  incurreret,  ubi  nullae  personae  nee  habitare  nee  arare  licitum 
fuit,  in  medio  fuit  fons  vivus  ...  In  processu  temporis  parvum  pomerium  con- 
structum  fuit,  qui  diminutione  per  respectum  ad  brolium  magnum  dictum  est 
broletum"  (14.  cent.),  Miscellanea  di  storia  italiana,  vol.  vn,  p.  452. 


94       COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

places  and  avenues,  were  carefully  described  by  Flamma,  an 
author  of  the  fourteenth  century,1  who,  in  doing  so,  quoted 
an  old  poem  that,  like  Luidprand's  report,  told  of  onagers 
kept  in  the  park.2  As  early  as  the  eleventh  century  palaces 
and  courts  of  justice  were  located  there,3  and  in  the  twelfth 
century  they  are  mentioned  at  Como,  Pavia,  Mantua, Ver- 
celli,  Venice,4  while  at  Novara  the  park  and  palace  are  called 
bloretum.5 

These  brolii  are  confined  almost  exclusively  to  Lombardy 
and  Venice.  In  the  old  Liguria  and  on  the  western  side,  from 
Lucca  to  Salerno,  one  frequently  comes  across  a  perilassium, 
berolais,  which  has  heretofore  been  wrongly  identified  with 
the  Roman  amphitheater  and  learnedly  derived  from  a  Ger- 
manic bero-laz  "bear  den"6  or  a  Greek  7repieiAas.7  In  the 
Florentine  documents  of  the  eleventh  and  later  centuries 
reference  is  frequently  made  to  a  perilasium  majus  and  a 
perilasium  minus  or  picculum,  as  the  name  of  some  locality.8 

1  Miscellanea  di  storia  italiana,  vol.  vii,  p.  452  ff. 

2  "Brolettis  binis  vetus  novatur  ab  imis, 
Excedit  meniis  faustis  in  coclea  fanis, 
Distinctis  horis  onager  miratur  in  illis." 
s  "Cum  in  Dei  nomine  Civitate  Mediolanium  aBrolito  Domui  Sancti  Am- 
brosii  ...  in  judicio  residerent  Dominus  Ugo  Marchio,  et  Comes  Comitatu 
istius  Mediolanensis,  singulorum  hominum  justiciam  faciendam  ac  deliberan- 
dam"  (1021),  G.  Giulini,  Memorie  .  .  .  di  Milano,  Milano  1854,  vol.  n,  p.  112/. 
4  Statuti  del  comune  di  Vicenza  1264,  Venezia  1886;  G.  Robolini  Notizie 
tenenti  alia  storia  della  sua  patria,  Pavia  1826,  vol.  n,  p.  238  ff. 

6  A.  Ceruti,  Statuta  communitatis  Novariae  anno  1277  lata,  Novariae  1879, 
p.  8. 

6  Friedlander,  Darstellungen  aus  der  Sittengeschichte  Roms,  Leipzig  1910, 
vol.  ii,  p.  561  ff.;  R.  Davidsohn,  Forschungen  zur  dlteren  Geschichte  von  Florenz, 
Berlin  1896,  p.  15  if. 

7  C.  Lupi,  SulV  origine  e  significato  della  voce  Parlascio,  in  Archivio  storico 
italiano,  Ser.  4,  vol.  vi,  p.  492  .ff. 

8  "Excepta  quadam  parte  terrae,  in  qua  hortus  esse  videtur,  et  est  posita 
prope  Perilasium  mains,  et  iuxta  hortum  nostri  Monasterii"  (1070),  Lami, 
Lezioni  di  antichitd  toscane,  p.  81;  "prope  Perilasio  piccido"  (1071),  ibid.,  p.  96; 
"terrae  peziam  unam,  totam  ad  unam  tenens,  quae  posita  est  in  loco,  qui  no- 
minatur  Perilasium,  et  iuxta  ipsum  Perilasium,  quae  terra  decernimus,  de  una 
parte  decurrit  ei  via,  et  finis  praedictum  Perilasium"  (1085),  ibid.,  p.  81; 
"prope  perlasio"  (1018),  Davidsohn,  I.  c;  "prope  perilasium  majorem"  (1031) 


EX  SQUALIDO  AND  VASTA  95 

Pirolascio,  Perilascio  occur  often  at  Lucca,  from  963  on,1 
and  "prope  Perilasium' '  is  used  at  Arezzo  as  early  as  936, 2 
while  at  Reate  "ad  Perilasium"  is  recorded  in  791. 3  In  the 
south  are  given  the  forms  Burlasco,  Borlasco,  Vorlasco,  Vir- 
lasco,4  at  Salerno  one  hears  in  994  of  a  Mons  Berolasi  or 
Berolasi,5  and  in  Capua  a  quarter  of  the  city,  which  Her- 
chempert  identified  with  the  amphitheater,  was  in  the  ninth 
century  called  Berelais.6 

The  assumption  that  perilasium  is  identical  with  the  am- 
phitheater is  invalidated  by  the  existence  of  two  perilasia 
at  Florence,  and  Davidsohn's  identification  of  perilasium 
minus  with  the  dramatic  theater  is  not  proved  by  documen- 
tary evidence,  in  fact,  Lupi  has  shown 7  that  in  some  places 
the  perilasium  was  too  far  away  from  the  city  ever  to  have 
served  such  purposes.  There  cannot  be  the  slightest  doubt 
that  perilasium,  berelais  are  merely  corrupted  forms  of  Greek 
77-ept/3oXo?,  which  was  in  common  use  in  Italy  and  which  is 
even  to  be  found  in  Aramaic  parvila  "the  open  space  about 
a  city  which  generally  served  as  a  pasture."  Herchempert 
was  not  entirely  wrong  in  his  equation  of  berelais  and  amphi- 
theater, for  the  first  generally  arose  there  where  originally 
stood  a  Roman  public  building.  In  Langobard  times  the 
Roman  theaters  were  in  ruins,  and  the  space  they  occupied 
was  taken  by  the  city  for  public  parks  and  municipal  halls. 
Thus,  for  example,  the  Milan  brolium  arose  where  formerly 

ibid.;  "prope  ■perilasium  quod  dicitur  picculo  iuxta  civitate  Florentia"  (1069), 
ibid.  A  large  number  of  quotations  for  the  forms  pratolasei,  pratolascio,  per- 
lascium,  pierlascium,  pierlasium,  perlasium,  perlagium,  piarlagio,  parlagio,  par- 
lascio  may  be  found  in  Lupi,  I.  c. 

1  Lupi,  I.  c. 

2  U.  Pasqui,  Documenti  per  la  storia  della  citta  di  Arezzo,  Firenze  1899,  pp. 
85,  95. 

3  Regesto  di  Farfa,  vol.  n,  p.  125.  4  Lupi,  I.  c. 

5  Codex  dipl.  cavensis,  vol.  in,  p.  15. 

6  "Veniens  Berelais,  hoc  est  Amphitheatrum,"  Muratori,  Scriptores,  vol. 
II,  p.  247. 

7  Op.  cit.,  p.  499  /. 


96       COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

stood  the  amphitheater  and  ergasterium,1  and  the  brolium 
in  northern  Italy  was  not  only  the  park,  but  also  the  public 
buildings  in  it.2 

In  Lombardy,  Venice,  and  Ravenna,  where  the  old  build- 
ings could  easily  be  destroyed,  in  order  to  use  the  stone  for 
the  new  palaces,  the  memory  of  antiquity  was  easily  ob- 
literated, and  brolium  remained  only  as  the  name  for  the 
new  garden  and  buildings;  but  in  the  south,  where  the  amphi- 
theaters had  occupied  steep  and  inaccessible  hillsides,  the 
ruins  survived  for  a  longer  time,  and  berelais,  perilasium, 
derived  from  TrepLJSoX-qq  or  irepifioXos,  was  not  only  the  name 
for  the  hill  where  the  amphitheater  had  been  located,  as  in 
Capua  and  Salerno,  but  was  intimately  connected  with  the 
amphitheater  in  the  memory  of  the  people.  The  identity  of 
perilasium  and  brolium  becomes  an  absolute  certainty  from 
the  use  of  the  word  parlascio  at  Pisa  for  "city  garden  where 
the  municipal  building  stood,"3  in  which  sense  it  is  also 
recorded  in  the  other  Ligurian  cities,4  while  at  Ivrea  par- 
lacium  was  a  park  surrounded  with  hedges  and  moats.5 

In  Germany,  brogilus  originally  meant  " grove,"  but  it  has 
produced  German  Bruhl  "a,  well  watered  meadow,"  the 

1  "Erat  autem  istud  hedifitium  (amphitheatrum)  fundatum  ubi  nunc  est 
brolium.  Ergasterium  fuit  hedifitium  altissimis  muris  circumseptum  diversis 
cameris  et  stabulis  distinctum,  in  quibus  erant  tauri  indomiti,  leene,  ursi  et 
tygrides.  ...  In  isto  loco  nunc  est  ecclexia  sancti  Nazarii  in  brolio"  Misc.  di 
storia  ital.,  vol.  vn,  p.  468. 

2  "Broletum  est  edifitium  quadrum  alto  muro  circumdatum,"  ibid.,  p.  452; 
"  in  alia  parte  civitatis  est  alia  curia  comunis,  que  dicitur  broletum  vetus,"  ibid., 
p.  453. 

3  "Corse  scapigliata  e  come  forsennata  al  Parlascio,  dove  abitavano  i  con- 
soli  e  gli  altri  che  reggevano  la  repubblica"  (for  the  year  1005),  R.  Roncioni, 
Delle  istorie  pisane  libri  XVI,  Firenze  1844,  p.  61. 

4  Rezasco,  Dizionario  del  linguaggio  italiano  storico  ed  amminislrativo,  sub 
parlagio.  From  a  confusion  of  this  parlagio  with  parlare  "to  speak"  has  arisen 
the  vulgar  Latin  parlamentum,  originally  "city  council,"  then  "parliament." 

6  "  Cum  toto  parlacio  inter  et  foris  et  omnibus  fossatis  et  pendinis  in  circuitu 
ipsius  parlacii;  coheret  a  monte  uia  que  currit  ante  iam  dictam  ecclesiam  et 
ipsum  parlacium;  a  meridie  carectum  qui  est  in  piano  subter  costadum  iamdicti 
parlacii"  (1075),  HPM.,  Chartae,  vol.  i,  col.  649. 


EX  SQUALIDO  AND  VASTA  97 

semantic  change  of  which  has  been  correctly  stated  by 
Staub  and  Tobler: x  "  place  or  suburb  where  formerly  there 
was  a  grove  or  pasture,  but  which  has  either  been  trans- 
formed into  a  meadow  or  has  been  thrown  open  for  building 
purposes."  The  word  occurs  in  OHG.  as  broil,  bruil  and 
is  used  early  in  England,  where  it  is  written  broel  and  con- 
ceived, not  as  an  Anglo-Saxon,  but  as  a  Latin  word  meaning 
"deer  park."  2  We  find  it  in  Raeto-Roman  brol  "garden," 
Prov.  bruelh,  bruelha,  bruoilla  "grove,  bush,"  OFr.  broil, 
broel,  broal,  bruel  "deer  park,"  broillet,  bruillet,  breullet,  etc., 
"small  forest." 

If  we  now  turn  to  the  Gaulish  gloss  "caio  breialo  bigar- 
dio"  we  conclude,  since  breialo  is  obviously  our  7rept/3oXo5, 
that  caio  must  also  designate  an  enclosed  place,  especially  a 
grove.  This  is  made  certain  by  kahei,  kaei,  kei,  kahai,  kahe, 
kabei  (?)  of  the  Bavarian  3  and  gahagio  (gahaio,  gaaio,  gaio, 
gagio)  regis  of  the  Langobard  laws.  If  we  now  compare 
Bavarian  kahei  with  Carolingian  brogilus,  we  get  the  same 
equation  as  in  caio  breialo.  The  additional  gloss  bigardio  is 
easily  explained.  At  Bayonne  and  Bordeaux  cayum,  cay  a 
has  survived  in  the  sense  of  "outhouse,  cellar,"  but  the 
identical  OHG.  cadum,  gadum  "domus,  aedes,  septa,"  obiz- 
gadem  "pomarium,"  Low  German  gadem,  gam  "appendix, 
booth"  show  that  the  original  is  again  "enclosure."  These 
words  all  express  "penthouse  attached  to  a  house,  enclosure 
next  to  the  house,"  hence  bigardio  is  nothing  but  OHG. 
bigard  "enclosure  next  to  another."  Thus  the  Gaulish  gloss 
is,  with  the  exception  of  the  last  word,  nothing  but  Low  Latin, 
and  cannot  possibly  be  of  the  fifth  century.  It  is  not  earlier 
than  of  the  seventh  century. 

1  Schweizerisches  Idiotikon,  Frauenfeld  1905,  vol.  v,  sub  bruel. 

2  "Broel  edisc  deortuun,"  Th.  Wright,  Anglo-Saxon  and  Old  English  Vocab- 
ularies, col.  9;  "broel  hortus  cervorum,  deortuun,  uel  edisc,"  ibid.,  cols.  196, 
275;  "broelarius  ediscweard,"  ibid.,  cols.  275,  359. 

3  "Si  vero  de  minutis  silvis,  de  luco  vel  quacumque  kaheio  (kaeio,  keio, 
kahaio,  kaheo,  kabeio)  vegitam  reciderit,"  xxn.  6. 


98       COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

Thus  it  appears  that  the  Byzantine  Trepifio\o<;  has  given 
way  to  Gothic  gualdo  and  Langobard  gaio,  and  we  shall  now 
see  how  this  change  has  taken  place. 

In  OHG.  the  word  wald  does  not  mean  only  "forest"  '  but 
also  " wilderness/'2  hence  wuast-waldi  is  glossed  with  "de- 
sertum."3  ONorse  vollr  "unworked  field,"  AS.  weald,  Engl. 
wold,  weald  " forest,  field"  show  that  the  fundamental  idea 
was  ex  squalido  and  not  "forest,"  even  as  gualdo  in  Italy  re- 
ferred to  the  royal  domain  in  general,  inclusive  of  cultivated 
ground.  The  gualdo  nostro  or  publico  of  the  earliest  documents 
and  the  gaio  regis  of  the  Langobard  laws  prove  conclusively 
that  the  basic  idea  of  gualdo,  according  to  its  derivation  from 
ex  squalido,  was  that  of  dominium  "royal  domain."  In 
Frankish  documents  gualdo  appears  only  after  Charlemagne's 
Italian  conquest,  hence  this  word  became  popular  in  Ger- 
many in  the  sense  of  "forest"  only  through  Langobard  in- 
fluence, although  it  must  popularly  have  been  present  in  the 
sense  of  "domain"  long  before.  In  Spain,  where  ex  squalido 
has  survived  in  its  original  form  and  meaning,  gualdo  is 
totally  wanting.  So,  too,  in  Gothic  there  does  not  exist  a 
similar  word  for  "forest,"  because  this  idea  has  developed 
at  a  comparatively  late  time,  but  waldan  has  the  original 
meaning  "to  rule,  exercise  dominion,"  because  gualdo  meant 
"dominium,  royal  possession."  This  waldan  has  been  derived 
from  Lat.  valeo,  but  Uhlenbeck  has  pointed  out  the  impos- 
sibility of  this  connection  on  account  of  Lith.  galeti  "to  be 
able,"  which  corresponds  to  Lat.  valeo,  while  Goth,  waldan 
corresponds  to  Lith.  valdyti.*  The  only  objection  that  could 
be  brought  against  such  a  derivation  from  ex  squalido  would 

1  Steinmeyer  and  Sievers,  Althochdeutsche  Glossen,  vol.  i,  p.  298,  vol.  in, 
p.  91. 

2  "In  eremi  vastitate  in  des  uualdes  uuasti,"  ibid.,  vol.  i,  p.  469,  and  Graff, 
Althochdeutscher  Sprachschatz,  sub  wald. 

3  Graff,  I.  c. 

*  Kurzgefasstes  Etymologisch.es  Worterbuch,  Amsterdam  1900,  p.  166. 


EX  SQUALIDO  AND  VASTA  99 

be  the  appearance  of  the  names  Cariovalda,  Catualda  in  the 
first  century,1  but  this  objection  would  be  valid  only  if  one 
knew  what  the  ending  ualda  in  these  words  meant.  Slav. 
vlad-,  which  goes  back  to  an  older  vald-,  means  "to  rule," 
Lith.  valdyti  "to  rule,  wield,  direct,"  OPrussian  waldnika 
"king."  In  none  of  these  languages  can  a  trace  of  the  mean- 
ing "forest"  for  this  group  be  found,  while  gaio  in  all  of  them 
has  that  connotation,  which  at  once  shows  that  the  former 
is  by  far  the  older  word  and  must  have  entered  into  the  Balto- 
Slavic  family  of  languages  before  the  seventh  century.  But 
gaio  is  wanting  in  Gothic;  the  word  arose  independently 
from  it  and  at  a  later  date.  German  walten  cannot  be  sepa- 
rated from  Goth,  waldan  and  gualdo  "forest,"  because  in 
OHG.  names  -wait  and  -wald  interchange  indiscriminately. 
But  if  Goth,  waldan  has  arisen  from  ex  squalido,  then  Goth. 
wilpeis,  OHG.  wildi  "wild"  is  a  derivative  from  it,  with  an 
even  closer  approximation  to  the  original  meaning  than  in 
waldan.  Precisely  the  same  semantic  relationship  is  to  be 
found  in  the  Celtic,  where  we  have  Welsh  gwyllt  "wilder- 
ness, overgrown  place,  wild,  insane,"  OBret.  guelenes  "waste 
island,"  Corn,  gwylls  "wild,"  guelfos  "desert,"  guel  "field," 
Ir.  geilt  "terror,  wild,"  while  the  form  vlad,  vlat  expresses 
the  idea  "dominium,"  Welsh  gwlad  "country,"  Corn,  gulat 
"fatherland,"  Bret,  gloat  "kingdom,"  Ir.  flaith  "prince, 
dominion,"  but  the  change  from  vald  to  vlad,  which  is  parallel 
to  the  transformation  in  Slavic,  is  of  the  same  nature  as  the 
one  from  farst  to  frast,  of  which  I  speak  later  on. 

Bavarian  kahei  has  survived  as  Gehai  and  Kai,  not  only  in 
the  sense  of  "forest,"  but  also  of  "meadow,  fishpond,"2  and 
OHG.  hac  "urbs,  saeptum,"  hagjan  "to  enclose,"  which 
occur  only  late,  have  developed  from  gahagio  by  dropping 
what  appeared  to  be  a  prefix,  ga-.  ONorse  hagi  "pasture," 

1  E.  Forstemann,  Alldeutsches  Namenbuch,  Bonn  1900,  col.  1496. 

2  Schmeller,  Bayerisches  Worterbuch,  vol.  i,  col.  1022. 


100     COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

Dan.  have  "garden,"  AS.  haga  "fence,  house,  villa"1  have 
been  borrowed  from  OHG.  In  the  Romance  languages  only 
French  haie  "hedge"  has  been  derived  from  the  German; 
Provencal  and  Italian  know  only  derivatives  of  gaio.  We 
have  seen  how  gaio  has  in  the  Langobard  documents  suc- 
cessively lengthened  into  gaaio,  gahaio,  gahagio,  gafagio, 
finally  to  produce  the  briefer  forms  fagia,  faia,  and  we  have 
been  able  to  observe  the  gradual  disappearance  of  the  royal 
domain  from  the  eighth  to  the  eleventh  century,  when  the 
place  names  Cafaggio,  Fagia  alone  were  left  to  indicate  the 
existence  of  such  public  lands.  It  now  remains  to  be  shown 
how  ex  squalido  may  have  given  gaio,  caio. 

It  may  be  assumed  that  the  word  gaio  of  the  documents 
at  Benevento  is  a  miswritten  gaio,  but  as  it  occurs  very  fre- 
quently this  is  not  probable.  That  a  gaio  should  have  existed 
by  the  side  of  gualdo  is  not  to  be  wondered  at,  for  we  have 
not  only  the  phrase  ex  squalido  but  also  ex  squalore,  which 
would  produce  a  form  gualora,  galora,  for  which  a  singular 
gaio  would  be  a  back  formation.  But  this  is  merely  hypo- 
thetic and  so  must  be  omitted  from  our  consideration.  We 
shall,  therefore,  have  to  show  that  gaio  may  have  proceeded 
from  ex  squalido  independently  from  such  an  assumed  trans- 
formation, that  is,  we  shall  have  to  show  that  squalido  or 
qualido  may  have  produced  gaio,  caio.  Now,  the  Spanish 
scaliar,  scalio  show  that  a  form  squalio  must  have  existed  at 
an  early  time.  Fortunately  we  have  another  Spanish  word, 
cayo  "sand  bank,"  Fr.  quais  "quay,"  where  its  derivation 
from  a  word  scalio  may  be  proved  by  documentary  evidence. 

Lat.  scala,  Gr.  cncaXa  has  from  the  beginning  of  the  Chris- 

1  "Se  haga  binnan  port  the  aegelric  himsylfan  getimbrod  haefde"  (1044), 
J.  Earle,  A  Handbook  to  the  Land-Charters,  and  other  Saxonic  Documents,  Ox- 
ford 1888,  p.  244,  and  similarly  pp.  194,  239,  289,  294;  "dabo  unam  villain, 
quod  nos  Saxonice  an  haga  dicimus"  (855),  ibid.,  p.  336,  and  similarly  pp.  374, 
447;  "nouem  praefatae  ciuitatis  habitataculis,  quae  patria  lingua  Hagan  ap- 
pcllari  solent"  (996),  ibid.,  p.  403. 


EX   SQUALIDO   AND   VASTA  101 

tian  era  been  used  for  "quay,"  and  the  Byzantines  called  the 
landing  dues  crKakidriKov.  In  the  pacts  made  between  the 
Venetians  and  Pisans  on  the  one  hand  and  the  Byzantine 
emperors  on  the  other  there  is  frequent  mention  of  scala  1 
and  scalaticum,  scaliaticum,2  and  the  Genoese  have  also  de- 
rived their  wharf  system  from  Constantinople.3  In  modern 
Genoese  sea  is  "quay,"  which  form  obviously  passed  through 
a  previous  scaia,  from  a  still  older  scaria,  scarius  4  recorded 
at  least  since  1001. 5  This  scala  passed  early  into  Arabic 
hallo1 6  and  iskdla,  isqdla.  We  have  at  Barcelona  scharum,7 
at  Marseilles  scare,8  which  leads  to  Ital.  squero  "wharf."  In 
France  we  get  in  the  twelfth  century  caium  for  it,9  while 

1  "Ad  hoc  donat  eis  et  ergasteria  .  .  .  et  maritimas  ni  scalas"  (1082),  Tafel 
and  Thomas,  Urkunden  zur  dllern  Handels-  und  Staatsgeschichte  der  Republik 
Venedig,  vol.  i,  p.  52,  and  again  pp.  110,  191,  208,  and  G.  Miiller,  Documenli 
suite  relazioni  delle  citta  toscane  coll'  oriente  fino  all'  anno  MDXXXI,  Firenze 
1879,  p.  57. 

2  "Naves  omnes  venientes  de  Pisa  permanent  in  scala  Pisanorum  sine 
ecalatico  usque  ad  duos  menses,  si  vero  plus  morari  voluerint  dent  scalaticum 
ad  voluntatem  scalarii"  (1162),  G  .  Miiller,  op  cit.,  p.  10;  "pro  commercio,  uel 
passagio,  uel  samariatico,  uel  scaliatico"  (1199),  Tafel  and  Thomas,  op.  cit., 
p.  272,  also  p.  257. 

3  HPM.,  Leg.  iur.  reip.  genuen.,  vol.  i,  col.  499  /. 

4  "Redditum  de  ripa  et  de  scariis  comunis  ianue"  (1149),  ibid.,  col.  141  ff.; 
"novi  scarii"  (1163),  ibid.,  col.  215/.;  C.  Desimoni,  Statuto  dei  padri  del  Comune 
della  Repubblica  Genovese,  Genova  1885,  p.  321;  A.  Jal,  Glossaire  naulique, 
Paris  1848,  sub  scarium. 

5  "Tota  ipsa  plagia  de  regiminis  Minoris,  quantum  continet  de  cantu  in 
cantum  ubi  scaria  fuerunt,"  E.  Pansa,  Istoria  dell'  antica  repubblica  d'Amalfi, 
Napoli  1724,  p.  45;  "si  nave  o  legno  .  .  .  sia  varata  o  levata  da  scario,"  Tab. 
Amalf.,  in  N.  Alianelli,  Delle  antiche  consuetudini  e  leggi  maritime  delle  provincie 
napolitane,  Napoli  1871,  p.  132. 

6  "Kalla'  a  station  of  ships,  near  the  bank  of  a  river;  the  bank  of  a  river," 
Lane. 

7  A.  de  Capmany  y  de  Montpalau,  Memorias  historicas  sobre  la  marina 
comercio  y  artes  de  la  antigua  ciudad  de  Barcelona,  Madrid  1779,  vol.  n,  p.  25. 

8  L.  Mery  et  F.  Guindon,  Histoire  analytique,  et  chronologique  des  actes  et  des 
deliberations*du  corps  et  du  conseil  de  la  municipalite  de  Marseille  depuis  le  Xm 
sieclejusqu'  a  nos  jours,  Marseille  1842,  vol.  n,  p.  325. 

9  " Consuetudines  caiagii"  (1145),  A.  Thierry,  Recueil  des  monuments  in- 
edils  de  V histoire  du  tiers  etat,  Premiere  serie,  vol.  i,  p.  57;  "redditum,  quern  in 
portu  fluminis  Somene  de  navibus  obtinebat,  vulgo  appellatum  caiagium" 
(1149),  ibid.,  p.  58;  "porro  Johannes  de  Cruce  in  predicto  portu  terram  con- 


102     COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

in  England  scaliaticum  appears  as  scavagium,  as  though  from 
the  AS.  sceawian  "to  show." 

Spain  has  preserved  more  clearly  the  tradition  of  the 
Roman  law,  so,  while  it  possesses  direct  derivatives  from 
ex  squalido,  it  has  neither  gualdo  nor  gaio.  In  a  similar  way 
Spain  has  been  free  from  the  corruption  of  another  technical 
term  which  is  placed  in  the  Theodosian  Code  by  the  side  of 
ex  squalido  and  which  has  produced  a  remarkable  series  of 
words  in  the  rest  of  Europe.  In  390  Valentinianus  published 
an  edict  relegating  the  monks  to  the  "vast"  solitudes,  vastae 
solitudines.1  The  sentence  "deserta  loca  et  vastae  soli- 
tudines"  which  is  used  in  it  is  based  on  the  classical  juxta- 
position of  "desertum  et  vastum,"  but,  although  the  law  was 
partially  repealed  in  392,  this  vastum  remained  as  the  expres- 
sion for  monastic  solitudes.  Vastae  solitudines  occurs  with 
great  frequency  during  the  founding  of  monasteries  2  and 
similar  expressions  may  be  quoted  in  endless  number.3  Most 

tiguam  flumini  habebat,  quam  postmodum,  ecclesia  jam  per  elemosinam  pos- 
sidente,  ad  naves  recipiendas  idem  Johannts  preparabat,  et  ibi  caium  facere 
disponebat  .  .  .  et  redditus  ipsorum  caiorum,  sive  multi  sive  pauci  sint,  sive 
quocunque  modo  diminuti,  communes  in  alterutrum  concesserunt  .  .  .  custos 
redditum  tarn  caiagii  quam  granariorum  communiter  eligetur"  (1151),  ibid., 
p.  60. 

1  "Quicucque  sub  professione  Monachi  repperiuntur,  deserta  loca  et  vastas 
SGlitudines  sequi,  adque  habitare  iubeantur,"  xvi.  3.  1. 

2  "Est  praeterea  locus  silvaticus  in  heremo  vastissimae  solitudinis  in  medio 
nationum  praedicationis  nostrae,  in  quo  monasterium  construentes,  monachos 
constituimus  sub  regula  sancti  patris  Benedicti  viventes"  (751),  S.  Bonifati 
epistola,  in  MGH.,  Epistolae,  vol.  m,  p.  368;  "apparuit  eidem  Saviniano  angelus 
Domini,  qui  demonstravit  locum  vaste  solitudinis  coherentem  fluvio  Sivolis, 
ubi  deberet  proficere  amore  matris,  sororis  et  caste  coniugis  caste  Menelei, 
sicut  consilium  dederat,  domum  orationis,"  Vita  Menelei,  in  MGH.,  Scrip,  rev. 
merov.,  vol.  v,  p.  142. 

3  "Quod  cenubium  aliquo  infra  regna  nostra  vasto  in  loco  que  dicitur  Haireul- 
fisfelt  super  fluvium  Fulda  monasterium  aedificasset"  (775),  MGH.,  Dip. 
Karol.,  vol.  I,  p.  129;  "huius  tempore  per  Galliarum  provincias  agmina  mona- 
chorum  et  sacrarum  puellarum  examina  non  solum  per  agros,  villas  vicosque 
atque  castella,  verum  etiam  per  heremi  vaslitatem  ex  regula  dumtaxat  beatorum 
patrum  Benedicti  et  Columbani  pullulare  eoeperunt"  (9.  cent.?),  ibid.,  Scrip, 
rer.  merov.,  vol.  v,  p.  54;  "observabam  quodam  per  vaste  Vinciacensis  silve 
lucos"  (11.  cent.?),  ibid.,  p.  151;  "arrepto  itinere,  cum  iam  per  vastam  heremum 


EX   SQUALIDO   AND   VASTA  103 

popular  was  the  expression  vastina,1  hence  vasta  "  uncultivated 
territory  subject  to  settlement"  2  gives  way  to  wastina,3  of 
which  the  largest,  the  Wastina  of  Vendome,  is  mentioned  as 
early  as  834, 4  while  a  great  number  of  localities  in  France  are 
named  Gastina,  Gastinetum,  Gastinesium,  Gastineti,  Vastina, 
Vastum.b 

The  words  vasta,  vastina  have  entered  into  OHG.  in  al- 
most unchanged  forms,6  but  there  are  also  many  variant 
forms,  wuosti,  wosti,  wuostinna,  wuastinna,  wostinna,  wuos- 
tunna,  wostenja,  wostinni,  wostunnja,  OSaxon  wosti,  wostun- 
nia,  OFrisian  woste,  wostene,  western,  AS.  weste,  westen. 
From  OHG.  wuosti,  wostunnja,  etc.,  we  get  OSlavic  pusta, 
pustyni,  pustynja  "wilderness,"  to  which  belongs  a  large 
group  of  words  in  all  the  Slavic  languages,  including  the  verb 
pustiti  "to  let."  Lettish  posts " devastation,"  Prussian  pausto 
"wild"  show  that  OHG.  wuosta  must  have  had  an  inter- 
mediate form  fosta,  to  produce  post-,  pust-  of  the  Balto- 
Slavic  languages.  That  such  a  form  actually  existed  is  proved 

Vosacum  nomine  iter  caperet"  (before  11.  cent.),  ibid.,  p.  237;  "quod  ibidem 
gaudii  fuerit,  quod  tale  miraculum  per  famulum  suum  Preiectum  in  heremi 
vastitatem  subito  aeger  recepisset  salutem,"  ibid.,  p.  238;  "cum  sanctus  Fili- 
bertus  semper  desideraret  heremi  vastitatem"  (9.  cent.),  ibid. 

1  "Dono  .  .  .  et  castrum  ipsum  de  Monteplano  cum  toto  monte  et  ecclesia 
ibi  dicata  S.  Laurentio  cum  omni  jure,  mancipiis,  vastinis,  molendinis,  censu, 
Bilvis,  aquagiis  altis  et  bassis"  (863),  Ducange,  sub  vastum. 

«  "Vasta  Ardinna"  (770),  MGH.,  Dip.  Kami.,  vol.  i,  p.  71;  "vasta  Bo- 
chonia"  (775),  ibid.,  pp.  148,  149,  190,  191,  196. 

8  "Extirpare  fecit  de  foresta,  quae  dicitur  Wastina"  (1007-1050),  Ch. 
M6tais,  Cartulaire  de  Vabbaye  cardinale  de  la  Trinite  de  Vendome,  Paris  1893, 
vol.  i,  p.  3;  "cum  veniret  ad  forestam  de  Waslino,  videns  earn  pluribus  in  locis 
extirpatam"  (1032),  ibid.,  p.  16,  and  often;  "dimidium  habeamus  pasnatici  is 
silva  Guastinensi"  (1050),  Tremault,  Cartulaire  de  Marmoutier,  Paris,  Ven- 
dome 1893,  p.  128,  and  again  pp.  193,  335. 

4  "Wastina  in  Windoninse  pago,"  Gesta  Aldrici,  Ch.  Metais,  op.  cit.,  p.  16. 

6  Chevin,  Dictionnaire  Latin-Francais  des  noms  propres  des  lieux,  Paris  1897. 

6  Steinmeyer  and  Sievers,  op.  cit.:  "Uastantes  uastanti,"  vol.  I,  p.  294; 
"uastasolitudineuitasiemtteinotte,"  p.  295 ;  " uastabat  uuosta,"  p.  356;  "deua- 
stantes  uuostinti,"  p.  383;  "uastitas  uuasti,"  p.  468;  "in  eremi  uastitate  in  des 
uualdes  uuasti,"  p.  469;  "uastans  uuostandi,"  vol.  n,  p.  21;  "vasta  uuostin," 
p.  59. 


104     COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

by  the  Celtic  languages.  In  Olr.  fas  "desert"  shows  its 
direct  descent  from  vasta,  but  in  the  other  Celtic  languages 
the  long  a  has  caused  the  insertion  of  an  r.  In  Welsh  we  have 
gorest,  gores  "what  lies  open,  unenclosed,  waste,"  in  Breton 
frost,  fraost  "deserted,  waste,  uncultivated."  That  forst, 
frost  is  very  old  in  Celtic  is  proved  byFrankish/oresfe's  which 
is  first  recorded  in  the  year  556  in  a  donation  of  Childebert  I, 
where  forestis  refers,  not  to  the  forest,  but  to  the  fisheries  1 
and  is,  like  gualdo  and  gaio,  connected  with  nostra.2  The 
forestarii  who  held  sway  in  the  forestis,  however  different 
they  may  have  been  from  the  gualdatores,  like  these  had  the 
same  charge  of  the  fisheries,  the  capture  of  poachers,  super- 
vision of  borders  .3  Gualdus  made  its  appearance  in  Germany 
only  after  Charlemagne's  Italian  expedition  in  776,  and  at 
first  in  a  document  written  at  Vicenza,4  after  which  it  took 
the  place  of  vasta  and  forestis.5  Like  gualdus,  so  also  for- 
estis became  finally  identical  with  "forest." 

The  Germanic  languages  have  no  words  derived  from 
forestis  except  OHG.  forst,  uorst,  which  in  itself  shows  that 
it  is  a  borrowed  word.  From  OHG.  it  has  passed  into  all  the 
Slavic  languages,  OSlav.  hvrast  "sarmentum,  bush,  oak," 
Bulg.  hrast,  hrastalek,  hraste  "bush,"  fraste  "noise,"  Pol. 
chrost  "noise,  bushes,  faggots,"  chwrastac  "to  rustle,"  hence 
Magyar  haraszt  "oak  forest,"  Rum.  hrest  "bush."  6 

1  "Has  omnes  piscationes,  quae  sunt  et  fieri  possunt  in  utraque  parte  fluminis 
eicut  nos  tenemus  et  nostra  forestis  est,  tradimus  ad  ipsum  locum,"  MGH., 
Diplomatum,  torn.  I,  p.  7. 

2  The  quotations  for  forestis  in  Merovingian  and  Carolingian  documents  are 
given  in  full  in  H.  Thimme's  Forestis  (Archiv  fur  Urkundenforschung,  vol.  n, 
pp.  101-154),  to  which  I  refer  the  reader. 

3  Thimme,  I.  c,  p.  120  if. 

4  "  Predictus  Hildebran  dus  duxgualdum  ad  prefatum  monasterium  tradi- 
disset,"  MGH.,  Dip.  Karol.,  vol.  I,  p.  157. 

5  "In  ualdo  Bochonia"  (779),  ibid.,  p.  169;  "infra  ualto  qui  vocatur  Vircun- 
nia"  (786),  ibid.,  p.  206;  "infra  waldo  nostro"  (791),  ibid.,  p.  227. 

6  F.  Miklosich,  Etymologisches  Worterbuch  der  slavischen  Sprachen,  Wien 
1886. 


EX   SQUALIDO   AND  VASTA  105 

On  Romance  territory  France  is  especially  rich  in  such 
derivatives.  Breton  frost,  fraost  is  strongly  represented  in 
the  north,1  occurring  in  the  Latinized  form  frostum  in  the 
eleventh  century 2  and  somewhat  later  as  frussatum  in  Eng- 
land.3 Since  the  fourteenth  century  we  have  the  French 
forms  fro,  frau,  fros,  froc,  frox,  frouz,  flot,  flos,  etc.  "  terre  in- 
culte  et  abandonnee,  chemin  rompu,  large  chemin  public 
pres  d'une  ville,  place  communale  plus  large  que  le  chemin 
mais  soumise  a  la  meme  police,"  4  and  frestiz,  fraitis  "terre 
en  friche,  terre  qui  n'est  pas  cultivee."  5  Fr.  floe  has  pro- 
duced Spanish  llueco,  lleco  in  the  same  sense.  In  northern 
Italy  we  in  the  eighth  century  meet  with  frascarium  "  un- 
cultivated, overgrown  land"6  and  later  with  frasca ta,  fras- 
chetum  in  the  same  sense,  while  frasca,  both  in  Italy  and  the 
Provence,  is  equivalent  to  "  faggots."  7  The  change  from 
frast-  to  frasc-  is  the  same  as  from  frostum  to  frusca*  In 
France  there  is  a  great  variety  of  derivations  from  this  frasc-, 
frescherium,  frescheium,  fresceium,  freschium,  frecum,  frichia, 
frichium,  friscum,  fresca,9  which  have  survived  in  Ft.  friche 

1  "  Les  maisons  frostes  et  desherbregees,"  Archives  de  Bretagne,  vol.  vi,  p.  171. 
Similar  combinations:  "froustes  et  inhabitees,"  ibid.,  vol.  v  2,  p.  132;  "frost  et 
inhabite,"  ibid.,  pp.  214,  37,  40,  116;  "sallines,  fossez,  vasseres,  frostz,  baulles," 
ibid.,  pp.  41,  54.  I  quote  these  from  E.  Ernault,  Glossaire  moyen-breton,  Paris 
1895.  See  also  Godefroy,  sub  frost. 

2  "  Aimericus  Saporellus  dedit  absque  censu,  in  alodo,  vineale  quod  fuit 
Gosleni  prefecti,  et  ipse  Aimericus  quiete  possidebat  quia  a  prioribus  posses- 
soribus  in  frostum  deciderat,"  Archives  historiques  du  Poitou,  vol.  n,  p.  36. 

3  "Quod  venit  de  frussato  praedicti  Rogeri"  (1196),  Jones  and  Macray, 
Charters  and  Documents  illustrating  the  History  .  .  .  of  Salisbury,  London  1891, 
p.  58. 

4  Godefroy,  sub  fro.  B  Ibid.,  sub  fraitis. 

6  "Cum  pratis  vineis  silvis  frascareis  molendinis"  (710),  Cod.  Langob.,  col. 
7;  "Expensum  predeis  rusticis,  idest  frascario  in  casale  Caualionano"  (735), 
Bulleltino  delV  istituto  storico  italiano,  vol.  xxx,  p.  53. 

7  "  Ligna  exinde  excidere,  aut  animalia  ibidem  pascere,  vel  frascas  aut  perti- 
cas  aut  circla  exinde  tollere"  (944),  B.  Capasso,  Monumenta  ad  Neapolitani 
Ducatus  historiam  perlinentia,  vol.  n2,  p.  7;  "aliquam  personam  incidentem 
arborem  vel  frascas"  (1170),  HPM.,  Leg.  Gen.,  p.  22;  "sive  sit  accusatio  de 
guastis  vel  incisione  arborum  et  frascarum,"  ibid.,  p.  25. 

8  Ducange,  sub  fraustum.  9  Ducange. 


106     COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

''uncultivated  ground,"  but  the  old  vastum,  guastum,  changed 
to  gascum,  has  produced  the  more  popular  gascaria,  gascheria, 
gasquerer,  now  jachiere,  jacherer.  The  dialects  have  a  very 
large  number  of  words  which  are  derived  from  frast-,  frasc- l 
and  Jura  frachous  "bois  cassant  pour  allumer  le  feu,"  Mor- 
van  freucher  "battre,  froisser,  rouler,"  Ital.  frascare  "to 
strike,"  esser  per  lefratte  "etre  dans  la  frape,"  show  that  Fr. 
fracas,  f rapper  are  developments  of  this  group,  semasiologi- 
cally  evolved  from  the  idea  of  beating  the  bush,  and  identical 
with  the  Slavic  group,  where  hvrast  mean  both  "bush" 
and  "noise." 

The  connotation  "fresh"  has  been  evolved  from  this 
group  in  an  interesting  manner.  The  public  domain  and 
private  forests  had  since  earliest  times  been  used  for  the  pas- 
turage of  swine  and  sheep,  the  owner  of  such  domain  or  forest 
claiming  for  this  right  a  yearly  tithe.  The  Visigothic  laws 
speak  of  the  swine  tithe  in  the  seventh  century  in  a  law 
quoted  as  Antiqua,2  and  as  early  as  the  sixth  century  this  de- 
cima  porcorum  was  turned  over  by  the  Merovingians  to  the 
Church,3  while  in  653  it  was  distinctly  mentioned  that  this 

1  "Frdte  branchages  d'un  arbre,  usite  dans  les  exploitations  forestieres  du 
pays,  Bourg.  frat  fragile,  Poitou  frette  petite  branche,  freter  clore  avec  des 
branches  entrelacees,  Jura  frachous  bois  cassant  pour  allumer  le  feu,  Suisse- 
rom.  fratzi,  fratschi,  frachi  rompre,  briser,  couper,  Ital.  fratta  broussaille,  haie, 
buisson,  esser  per  lefratte  etre  dans  la  frape ;  frdteiller  faire  du  bruit  en  marchant 
ou  en  remuant  dans  les  feuilles  seches,  freuche  friche,  terre  inculte,  couverte  de 
bruyere  de  genevriers,  Berry  frau,  frou,  defrau  terre  inculte,  Norm,  frau  place 
publique,  emplacement  libre,  vide,  Champ,  friez  friche,  Guernesey  frie  gazon, 
friquet  pre&u,  fro  lieu  inculte ;  freucher  battre,  froisser,  fouler,  Pic.  frusser  presser, 
Berry  froucher  battre,  froisser,  a  Metz  freuchie  se  dit  d'un  leger  pietinement 
d'un  bruit  continu  et  sourd;  frocher  froisser,  Wallon  frohi  frayer  en  brisant, 
action  de  frayer,  Wallon  de  Mons  froncher,  Luxembourg  frouchir"  E.  de 
Chambure,  Glossaire  du  Morvan,  Paris,  Autun  1878. 

2  "Qui  porcos  in  silva  sua  tempore  glandis  invenerit,  primum  custodi  ali- 
quid  velut  pigneris  tollat  indicium  et  domino  pastoris  vel  parentibus  mandet, 
ut,  si  convenerit,  usque  ad  tempus  decimarum  porcos  in  silva  sua  permittat  .  .  . 
ut  porcos  suos  in  silvam  eius,  si  voluerit,  introducat  et  decimum  juxta  con- 
suetudinem  solvat,"  vm.  5.  1,  2,  3,  4. 

i  "Agraria,  pascuaria,  vel  decimas  porcorum  Ecclesiae  pro  fidis  nostrae  de- 


EX  SQUALIDO  AND   VASTA  107 

decima  porcorum  of  the  Church  was  collected  from  the  swine 
pasturing  in  the  forestis.1  This  tithe  was  levied  on  the  in- 
crease of  the  flock,  as  is  distinctly  mentioned  in  the  em- 
phyteutic contracts  at  Lucca,  where  the  pigs  and  lambs  so 
delivered  were  to  be  one  year  old.2  If  we  compare  the  obliga- 
tions of  the  peasants  of  Saint  Gall  with  those  of  the  Lucchese 
documents,  we  find  a  very  close  resemblance,  only  that  in- 
stead of  "porco  annotino"  we  here  get  the  expression  fris- 
kinga.3 The  etymologists  derive  this  friskinga  from  G.frisch, 
but  the  latter  is  entirely  wanting  in  Gothic,  occurs  but  late 
in  OHG.  as  frisc,  in  AS.  as  fersc,  is  in  ONorse  fersk,  frisk 
unquestionably  borrowed  from  the  German,  just  like  Lith. 
preskas,  Slavic  pres'n  "fresh,  unleavened."    At  the  same 

votione  concedimus,  ita  ut  actor  et  decimator  in  rebus  Ecclesiae  nullus  ac- 
cedat"  (554),  Bouquet,  Recueil  des  historiens  des  Gaules  et  de  France,  vol.  iv, 
p.  116. 

1  "Ut  de  omnes  fructus  terre  infra  pago  Spirense  quantumcumque  fiscus 
noster  continet,  tarn  de  annona  quam  de  vino,  mel,  sive  jumenta,  de  porcos, 
quam  de  omni  reliquia  solucione  ad  nos  aspiciencia  sic  et  homines  fisci  faciant 
decimas  porcorum  qui  in  forestis  insaginantur,"  Pardessus,  Diplomata,  vol.  n, 
p.  424. 

2  "Uno  porco  et  uno  animale  annotino  et  angaria  ad  curtem  vestram  .  .  . 
facere  debeamus"  (777),  Mem.  e  doc  .  .  .  di  Lucca,  vol.  iv  1 ,  p.  IS;  "gregisequo- 
rum,  armentorum,  ovium  seu  porcorum,  omnia  qui  nati  fuerent  a  callendas 
J  armaria,  inditione  quarta  in  ipso  sancto  loco  idem  d.ecimas  dare  debeas"  (721), 
ibid.,  p.  68;  "cum  jam  dictas  decimas  in  ipso  supra  scripto  loco  permaneant, 
et  perennis  temporibus  mihi  offerantur  a  nobis,  vel  heredibus  atque  actoribus 
nostris"  (729),  ibid.,  p.  71;  "ad  misso  vestro,  seu  ad  actorem  vestrum  de  curte 
vestra  in  ipso  loco,  tempore  consueto,  reddere  debemus  grano  modio  quattuor, 
vino  puro  decimatas  sex,  porco  annotino,  angaria  quanta  utilitas  ad  ipsa  curte 
vestra  facienda"  (770),  ibid.,  p.  118;  "et  porco  uno  per  omnes  Nativitates  Do- 
mini" (798),  ibid.,  p.  176;  "uno  animale  annutino  in  mense  magio,  porco  uno 
annutino  in  octammio  .  .  .  et  ipse  animal  nos  et  porco  usque  in  Rosellas  minare 
debeam"  (762),  ibid.,  vol.  v2,  p.  48;  "in  omnem  mense  magio  uno  annotino" 
(776),  ibid.,  p.  147. 

3  "In  anno  reddamus  carram  de  vino  et  friskingam"  (720),  H.  Wartmann, 
Urkundenbuch  der  Abtei  Sanct  Gallen,  vol.  i,  p.  3;  "et  pro  istas  res  proservire 
volo  annis  singulis,  hoc  est  xxx  seglas  cervisa,  xl  panis,  frischenga  tremesse 
valiente  et  xxx  mannas  et  arare  duos  juchos  in  anno  et  recollegere  et  intus 
ducere  et  angaria,  ubi  obus  est "  (754),  ibid.,  p.  22;  "  et  annis  singulis  persolvam 
censum  inde,  id  est  cervisa  siclas  xxx,  panes  xl,  friskinga  trimissa  valente" 
(759),  ibid.,  p.  28,  and  often. 


108     COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

time  OHG.  friscing,  fruschinc,  frinscing,  frinskinga,  etc., 
means  "victima,  hostia,  holocausta,"  where  there  is  not  the 
slightest  reference  to  "fresh."  Friscing  is  the  "fresh,"  one 
year  old  pig,  offered  as  a  tithe  to  the  owner  of  the  forest  and 
later,  when  the  tithe  was  turned  over  to  the  church,  as  "offer- 
ing to  the  church."  Its  name  was  derived  from  frisca, 
frusca,  etc.,  "wasteland,"  (which,  as  we  have  seen,  took  the 
place  of  forestis,)  because,  according  to  the  law  of  653,  the 
decima  porcorum  was  collected  from  the  pigs  pasturing  in  the 
forestis.  But  friscing,  a  German  derivative  from  friscum 
"wasteland"  is  identical  with  annotino  of  the  Lucchese  docu- 
ments, that  is,  it  was  at  the  same  time  considered  to  mean, 
"one  year  old,  fresh  pig."  Thus  frisco,  fresco,  frasco  (Fr. 
frais)  came  to  mean  "fresh,"  not  only  in  the  Romance  lan- 
guages, but  also  in  German. 


ARBUSTUM  VITATUM 

Pliny  tells  in  his  Natural  History  the  following  about  the 
cultivation  of  the  vine:  "The  experience  of  ages  has  suffi- 
ciently proved  that  the  wines  of  the  highest  quality  are  only 
grown  upon  vines  attached  to  trees,  and  that  even  then  the 
choicest  wines  are  produced  by  the  upper  part  of  the  tree, 
the  produce  of  the  lower  part  being  more  abundant;  such 
being  the  beneficial  result  of  elevating  the  vine.  It  is  with  a 
view  to  this  that  the  trees  employed  for  this  purpose  are 
selected.  In  the  first  rank  of  all  stands  the  elm,  with  the 
exception  of  the  Atinian  variety,  which  is  covered  with  too 
many  leaves;  and  next  comes  the  black  poplar,  which  is 
valued  for  a  similar  reason,  being  not  so  densely  covered  with 
leaves.  Most  people,  too,  by  no  means  hold  the  ash  in  dis- 
esteem,  as  also  the  olive,  if  it  is  not  overshadowed  with 
branches.  .  .  .  They  must  not  be  touched  with  the  knife  be- 
fore the  end  of  three  years,  and  the  branches  are  preserved, 
on  each  side  in  its  turn,  the  pruning  being  done  in  alternate 
years.  In  the  sixth  year  the  vine  is  united  to  the  tree.  In 
Italy  beyond  the  Padus,  in  addition  to  the  trees  already  men- 
tioned, they  plant  for  their  vines  (arbustat  agros)  the  cornel, 
the  opulus,  the  linden,  the  maple,  the  ash,  the  yoke-elm,  and 
the  quercus;  while  in  Venetia  they  grow  willows  for  the  pur- 
pose, on  account  of  the  humidity  of  the  soil."  x  Columella 
is  more  specific  as  regards  the  purpose  of  planting  certain 
kinds  of  trees:  "The  Atinian  elm  thrives  much  better,  and 
is  much  taller,  than  our  Italian  elm;  and  yields  a  sweeter 
leaf,  and  more  agreeable  to  oxen;  which  if  you  feed  cattle 

1  xvii.  35. 1  quote  from  Bostock  and  Riley's  translation  (London  1855,  vol. 
in,  p.  512). 


110     COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

constantly  with,  and  afterwards  begin  to  give  them  leaves 
of  that  other  kind,  it  makes  the  oxen  nauseate  their  food. 
Therefore,  if  it  can  be  done,  we  will  plant  all  our  land  with 
this  one  kind  of  the  Atinian  elm;  but,  if  this  cannot  be  done, 
we  will  take  care,  in  laying  out  our  rows,  to  plant  an  equal 
number  of  our  own  Italian,  and  of  Atinian  elms  alternately: 
so  we  shall  always  make  use  of  mixt  leaves;  and  the  cattle, 
being  allured  by  this  seasoning,  as  it  were,  will  more  eagerly 
eat  up  that  due  quantity  of  food,  which  is  allotted  them. 
But  the  poplar  tree  seems  to  nourish  the  vine  most  of  any; 
next  to  that  the  elm;  and,  after  that,  the  ash  tree  also.  The 
poplar  tree  (opulus)  is  rejected  by  most  people,  because  it 
yields  a  thin  leaf,  and  not  proper  for  cattle.  The  ash  tree, 
which  is  most  acceptable  to  goats  and  sheep,  and  not  useless 
for  oxen,  is  rightly  planted  in  rough,  rugged,  and  mountain- 
ous places,  where  the  elm  thrives  but  indifferently.  The  elm 
is  preferred  by  most  people,  because  it  both  suffers  the  vine 
without  any  inconveniency  to  it,  and  yields  a  most  agreeable 
fodder  for  oxen,  and  comes  up  and  thrives  very  well  in  various 
kinds  of  soils.  Therefore  let  him,  who  has  a  mind  to  plant 
a  great  number  of  trees  for  supporting  vines,  prepare  nurser- 
ies of  elms  and  ashes  in  that  manner  I  have  described."  1 
"The  vines  must  be  set  in  the  farthermost  part  of  the  trench, 
and  their  firm-wood  stretched  along  the  trench,  and  erected 
to  the  tree,  and  fenced  with  rails  against  the  injuries  of 
cattle." 2 

Such  a  plantation  was  known  as  arbustum,  and,  because  of 
its  use  in  trailing  vines,  it  is  very  frequently  mentioned  to- 
gether with  vitis.3  The  same  method  is  still  pursued  in  Italy, 

1  De  re  rustica,  v.  6.  Quoted  from  L.  Junius  Moderatus  Columella  Of  Hus- 
bandry, London  1745,  p.  226/. 

2  Ibid.,  p.  231. 

3  "Arbusta,  ubi  traduces  possent  fieri  vitium,"  Varro,  De  re  rustica,  i.  8.  3; 
"cum  me  arbustum  videre  .  .  .  atque  .  .  .  vitis  incidere  falce  novellas,"  Ver- 
gilius,  Eclogae,  m.  10;  "jam  vinctae  vites,  iam  falcem  arbusta  reponunt,"  Ver- 
gilius,  Georgica,  n.  416;  "De  arbustivis  vitibus  ...  si  arbustum  te  habere  delec- 


ARBUSTUM  VITATUM  111 

and  up  to  the  twelfth  century  arbustum  vitatum  remained  a 
common  expression  in  the  documents  of  southern  Italy  as 
a  description  of  a  vine-covered  grove.1  That  this  is  not 
merely  a  stereotyped  phrase,  such  as  is  common  in  the  docu- 
ments of  that  time,  is  proved  by  the  very  definite  description 
of  the  duties  required  from  a  tenant  who  took  possession  of 
land  on  the  basis  of  an  emphyteutic  contract.  Not  only  was 
he  to  take  care  of  the  existing  trees,  of  whose  fruits  he  was  to 
furnish  the  owner  a  certain  part,  but  he  was  also  to  plant 
new  groves  and  take  care  of  them.2 

About  Naples  we  find  since  the  tenth  century  the  expres- 
sions terra  arbustata,  pecia  de  arbusto,  originally  in  exactly 
the  same  connotation  as  arbustum  vitatum,3  but  in  the  eleventh 

tat,"  Palladius,  in.  10.  More  quotations  are  to  be  found  in  the  Thesaurus 
linguae  latinae,  sub  arbustum  2. 

1  (t  Arbustu  vitatu"  (801),  Codex  diplomaticus  cavensis,  Neapoli  1873,  vol.  I, 
p.  5  (803),  p.  6;  "terra  mea  qui  est  arbustu  et  vitatu"  (824),  ibid.,  p.  15;  "cum 
arbustu  bitatus"  (848),  ibid.,  p.  34;  "terra  mea  qui  est  arbustu  bitatu"  (848), 
ibid.,  p.  35  (850),  p.  40;  "  ipsa  terra  cum  arbustu  vitatu"  (853),  ibid.,  p.  45,  etc. 

2  "Ut  a  die  presenti  incipiamus  exinde  cappilare  ipsos  arbores  et  laborare 
eos,  et  ipsum  laborem  quod  exinde  fecerimus  demus  vobis  exinde  medietatem 
in  predicto  loco,  ipsa  vero  alia  ligna  que  non  sunt  de  laborem  quodcumque 
exinde  fecerimus  medietatem  vobis  exinde  demus.  ipsa  vero  terra  incipiamus 
cultare  et  pastinare  adque  implere  eos  Mum  de  tigillis  et  insurculare  debeamus 
de  ipsa  zinzala"  (10.  cent.),  Camera,  Memorie  storico-diplomatiche  dell'  antica 
citta  e  ducato  di  Amalfi,  Salerno  1871,  vol.  I,  p.  164/.:  "quomodo  vinea,  et 
terrua  vacua  se  meruerit  laborare,  et  cultare,  et  ipsi  arborea  vitati  qui  jam.  ibi- 
dem plantati  sunt,  quomodo  arbores  vitati  se  meruerint  cultare  et  conciare  .  .  . 
Et  presente  debeant  arbustare  integra  superius  dicta  indicata  prima  petia  de 
terra  juxta  rationem,  et  arbores  ipsae  vitare  vites  arbusti,  excepta  ipsa  praefata 
Curte.  Et  amodo  usque  in  decern  anni  completi  nostri  Monasterii  integra  jam 
dicta  de  terra  prima  petia  arbustata  rationabiliter,  et  arbores  ipsos  vitatos,  ex- 
cepto  ipsa  praefata  Curte,  cum  ipsis  arbores  in  ipsa  vinea  levaverint  licentiam 
et  potestatem  habeant  incidere.  Etiam  in  antea  vinum,  quod  de  ipsum  arbus- 
tum Deus  annualiter  dederit,  et  frugium  de  subter  dividere  debeant  cum  parte 
suprascripti  nostri  Monasterii"  (973),  Muratori,  Scriptores,  vol.  1 2,  p.  457;  and 
similarly  pp.  454,  455;  "et  siat  factum  et  plenum  amodo  et  usque  ad  com- 
pletis  annis  tres  et  factus  siat  arbustus  seu  ipsa  .  .  .  nemus  et  pergula  et  ubive 
terre  de  dicto  pastinemus  tigillos  et  insurculemus  eos  de  ipsa  castanea  zenzala" 
(1104),  C.  Minieri  Riccio,  Saggio  di  codice  diplomatico  formato  sulle  antiche 
scritture  dell'  archivio  di  stato  di  Napoli,  Napoli  1878,  vol.  I,  p.  16. 

3  "Quale  tempore  ipse  arbustum  fuerit  totus  pastenatus  et  vitatus,"  Regii 
Neapolitani  archivi  monumenta,  Napoli  1849,  vol.  in,  p.  158;  "  vene  et  diligenter 


112     COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

century  they  are  used  more  generally  in  the  sense  of  "wood- 
land," as  opposed  to  fields,1  while  in  the  north  of  Italy  we 
never  hear  of  arbustum,  arbustata,  but  only  of  buscalia,  bus- 
chiva,  which  is  there  common  from  the  beginning  of  the  tenth 
century. 2  Boscalea  is  already  mentioned  in  a  document  of  the 
year  753,  but  this  document  is  from  an  apograph  of  the  elev- 
enth century  and  certainly  spurious.3  In  the  documents  of  the 
tenth  and  eleventh  centuries  buscalia  refers  to  plots  that  are 
neither  fields,  forests,  nor  wastelands,  and  since  a  terra  bus- 
coliva  is  especially  mentioned  as  being  wooded,  it  is  certain 
that  buscalia  is  a  generic  name  for  a  brush  grown  tract  of  land.4 

lavorare  et  excolere  debemus  .  .  .  et  vites  in  memorata  petia  de  terra  arbustata 
omni  annuo  ponere  et  plantare,"  ibid.,  p.  157:  "laborandi  et  arbustandi  quam- 
que  seminandi  cacuminas  et  vites  ibidem  ponendi  et  plantare,"  ibid.,  p.  32. 

1  "  Terra  arbustata  et  campores"  (1015),  ibid.,  vol.  rv,  p.  75;  "petia  arbustata 
et  campese"  (1021),  ibid.,  p.  157. 

2  This  in  itself  should  suffice  to  prove  the  derivation  of  the  first  from  the 
second,  but  the  law-mad  philologists  do  not  recognise  documentary  evidence. 
They  insist  that  Ital.  bosco  is  to  be  derived  from  Gr.  Boo-K-f],  which  is  not  only  at 
variance  with  documentary  facts,  but  also  contradicts  the  phonetic  laws  which 
they  maintain.  Boo-Krj  means  "fodder,  grazing  ground"  and  never  "grove." 
In  a  Byzantine  papyrus  of  the  year  616  Boo-ktj  stands  for  "meadow  grass," 
"  [xrrre  /xrjv  8vvaar9a.i  tov  clvtov  iwavvrjv  cpayeiv  ck  T77S  /Joctkt/s  tcov  olvtwv 
apovpwv  cnropifiwv  yr)8i(nv  a\\  em  tco  Ta  K-rqvr]  tov  avrov  jxovao'T'qpiov  <payeiv 
tt)v  avrrjv  fioo-K-qv  "  (F.  G.  Kenyon,  Greek  Papyri  in  the  British  Museum,  Lon- 
don 1898,  vol.  II,  p.  238  /.),  and  this  prohibition  is  strikingly  like  the  very 
ancient  one  from  Amorgos  "  irpofiara  8k  pJq  Boo-kuv  cts  to  tc/xcvos  p.rj8ev  " 
(Dareste,  Haussoulier,  Reinach,  Recueil  des  inscriptions  juridiques  grecques, 
Paris  1895,  p.  205  n.).  In  the  Basilica  the  caption  "De  pascuis  publicis  et 
privatis"  is  once  rendered  by  "Uepl  J3octkwv  kcu  \iBd8wv,  kou.  Aet/xwvwv," 
and  once  by  "  Hepl  vop,wv  t/toi  ySocrKwv."  (G.  G.  E.  Heimbach,  Basilicorum 
libri  lx,  Lipsiae  1850,  vol.  v,  p.  147),  and  it  is  clear  from  the  juxtaposition  of 
fioo~Kri  and  Aet/xwv,  XiBds,  vopi-q  that  the  reference  is  to  meadows,  even  as  Boo-k-tj 
and  \i3d8i  are  identical  in  Modern  Greek.  Besides,  the  Greek  word  having 
entered  the  west  only  in  the  ninth  century,  it  should  have  appeared  there 
as  vosca,  not  as  boscus.  Hence  the  derivation  of  bosco  from  (3ocrKrj  is  a  sheer 
impossibility. 

*  Cod.  Langob.,  col.  30  n. 

4  "Silvas  stalarias  et  busgeas"  (910),  ibid.,  col.  751;  "petiola  terre  cum  bus- 
calia super  se"  (961),  ibid.,  col.  1107;  "cum  aeris  suarum  seu  terris  arabilis  et 
pratis  silvis  et  buscaleis  atque  gerboras"  (1009),  Codex  diplomaticus  Cremonae 
(HPM.,  ser.  n,  vol.  xxi),  Augustae  Turinorum  1895,  vol.  i,  p.  45,  and  again 
pp.  48,  49,  59  (boscalea)  et  passim;  "de  silvis  e  stellariis  seu  castanetis,  bus- 


ARBUSTUM   VITATUM  113 

Another  form  for  it  is  buscaria,1  and  at  the  same  time  busco, 
bosco  makes  its  appearance  in  Sardinia  and  in  the  north,2 
and  the  juxtaposition  of  this  with  "silva"  shows  that  it  again 
means  "brush  grown  land."  But  as  there  is  also  mention 
of  plowed  land  lying  in  the  bosco,  it  apparently  was  some- 
times reclaimed,  but  the  usual  reference  is  to  "bosco  co- 
muno,"  the  common  pasture  land. 

In  pre-Carolingian  times  not  the  slightest  trace  of  bosco 
is  to  be  found  anywhere  in  Italy.  It  is  first  recorded  in  the 
north  in  910  and  slowly  spreads  as  far  as  Naples.  In  the  be- 
ginning of  the  tenth  century  the  word  was  still  new,  and  in 
904-5  we  hear  for  the  first  time  of  certain  obligations  in  the 
arbustum  called  arbustaria,  arbustericia.3  It  is  clear  that 
these  produced  the  chronologically  later  recorded  buscaria, 
buscalia,  busco,  bosco,  but  this  may  be  proved  even  without 
the  presence  of  these  laws.  The  laws  being  written  in  Frank- 
cafe's  adque  gerbosas"  (941),  Bullettino  dell'  istituto  italiano,  N°  21,  p.  160; 
"de  silvis  e  stellariis  seu  gerbosas,  busgalias"  (943),  ibid.,  p.  158;  "de  silvis  et 
stellareis  et  buscaleis"  (1015),  Codice  diplomatico  padovano  dal  secolo  sesto  a 
tutto  Vundecimo,  Venezia  1877,  p.  135,  and  again  pp.  140,  155,  197;  "petia  una 
de  terra  buscoliva  cum  silva  superabente  "  (1096),  ibid.,  p.  343 ;  "  terras  arabiles 
et  prata  et  garbas  et  buscalivas"  (1100),  ibid.,  p.  358;  "una  pecia  de  terra  cum 
buscalia  super  se"  (961),  F.  Odorici,  Storie  bresciane,  vol.  v,  p.  14;  and  again 
pp.  38,  51  et  passim;  "petiam  terrae  aratoria,  olivatae,  et  buschivae"  (1221), 
ibid.,  vol.  vii,  p.  97;  "terris  arabilibus  cultis  et  incultis  silvis  buschilibus"  (991), 
MGH.,  Dip.  reg.  et  imp.  Ger.,  vol.  I,  p.  447;  "vineis  buscalibus  pratis"  (1016), 
ibid.,  p.  497  and  again  p.  585. 

1  "Silvis  insulis  buscariis"  (969),  MGH.,  Dip.  reg.  et  imp.  Ger.,  vol.  I,  p.  540; 
"prata  salecta  buscaria"  (1020),  ibid.,  vol.  in,  p.  549;  "silvis  frascariis  bus- 
cams"  (1038),  Muratori,  Antiq.,  vol.  i,  col.  447. 

2  "Cum  terris  cultis  et  discultis,  buschis  et  silvis"  (1002),  Codex  diplomaticus 
Sardiniae  (in  HPM.,  vol.  x)  vol.  i,  p.  147;  "terris  cultis  et  incultis,  agrestis  et 
domesticis,  silvis  sive  boschis"  (1009),  ibid.,  p.  148;  "in  parte  aratoria  in  parte 
bosco"  (1005),  Odorici,  op.  cit.,  vol.  v,  p.  21;  "bosco  comuno"  (1005),  HPM., 
Chartae,  vol.  n,  col.  92;  "pecia  una  de  bosco"  (1040),  ibid.,  col.  137. 

3  "Venationes  ac  arbusta,"  L.  Schiaparelli,  /  diplomi  di  Lodovico  III  e  di 
Rodolfo  II,  Roma  1910,  p.  60;  "nee  ullas  publicas  arbustarias  aut  redibitiones 
vel  illicitas  occasiones  sive  angarias  super  inponere  audeat  vel  inf erre  presumat," 
L.  Schiaparelli,  I  diplomi  di  Berengariol,  Roma  1903,  p.  139;"  atque  districtum 
seu  arbustericiam  aut  quamcumque  redibitionem  publicam  quoque  modo  exi- 
gere,"  ibid.,  p.  176. 


114     COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

ish  style,  we  shall  have  to  look  to  France  for  the  origin  of  the 
words  and  the  development  of  their  meanings. 

In  a  French  document  of  870  we  find  a  locality  Arbustellum1 
and  soon  after  Ad  ilium  Boscum,  Alboscum,2  while  in  the  tenth 
century  and  later  mention  is  almost  exclusively  made  of 
places  Bosco,  Boscaria,  Boschetto,3  not  only  in  France  but 
also  in  Spain.4  Ad  ilium  Boscum  is  merely  an  amplification  of 
Alboscum,  and  this  is  a  corruption  of  Arbustum,  but  this  can- 
not be  insisted  upon,  since  local  names  ad  ilium  (locum)  are 
not  uncommon.  These  localities  lay  in  or  near  the  arbustum, 
and  we  must  now  ascertain  how  -bustum  came  to  be  changed 
to  boscum. 

Abbo,  of  the  Church  of  S.  Germain  of  Paris,  wrote  towards 
the  end  of  the  ninth  or  in  the  beginning  of  the  tenth  cen- 
tury, a  poem  "De  bellis  Parisiacae  Urbis,"  where,  referring 
to  the  year  886,  he  speaks  of  the  enormous  masses  of  cattle 
which  were  gathered  in  the  aula  of  S.  Germain,  which  was 
thus  turned  into  a  bostar.  The  aula  here  means  the  yard  or 
enclosure  of  the  church,  and  what  Abbo  means  to  say  is  that 
the  yard  was  changed  into  a  cattle  enclosure.5  Bostar  stands 
for  bustaria,  as  a  result  of  a  confusion  with  bos  "ox"  and 

^Bouquet,  Recueil  des  historiens  des  Gaules  et  de  la  France,  vol.  vin,  p.  628. 

2  "Villam  nostram  quae  vocatur  Ad  ilium  Boscum"  (893),  M.  Deloche, 
Cartulaire  de  I'abbaye  de  Beaulieu,  Paris  1859,  p.  217;  "in  loco  qui  dicitur 
Ad  Mo  Bosco"  (891),  ibid.,  p.  210;  "Alboscum"  (970),  A.  Bernard,  Cartulaire 
de  I'abbaye  de  Savigny,  Paris  1853,  p.  184. 

3  "Villa  quae  vocatur  Boscus"  (1059),  Deloche,  op.  cit.,  p.  135;  "Bosco" 
(1061),  ibid.,  p.  152;  "mansum  de  Bosco"  (1100),  ibid.,  p.  74;  "Boscaria" 
(960),  Devic  and  Vaissete,  op.  cit.,  vol.  v,  col.  238;  "Boscheto"  (961),  ibid.,  col. 
245. 

4  "Locum  de  Bosco  Tellentis"  (963),  A.  de  Yepes,  Coronica  general  de  la 
orden  de  San  Benito,  vol.  vin,  app.  2a;  "aplicat  ad  Busco  de  Cortecas"  (1010), 
F.  Sota,  Chronica  de  principes  de  Asturias  y  Cantabria,  Madrid  1681,  p.  654. 

6  "Haec  oculis  equidem  petii  sistens  super  urbia 
Moenia,  nee  visu  claudebantur  neque  ritmo: 
At  quoniam  cingi  nequeunt  pratis,  nee  ab  agris, 
Efficitur  bostar  Germani  Antistitis  aula, 
Completur  tauris,  suculis,  simisque  capellis," 
Bouquet,  Recueil,  vol.  vin,  p.  15. 


ARBUSTUM   VITATUM  115 

stare  "to  stand"  and  Greek  fiovo-racnov,1  while  Papias con- 
fused bostar  with  bustum  "a  place  where  cattle  are  burned,"  2 
but  Matthew  of  Paris  in  the  thirteenth  century  employed 
bostar  correctly  in  the  sense  of  "  cattle  yard."  3  In  Spain  we 
occasionally  find  in  the  eighth  century  arbusta  for  such  an 
enclosure,4  but  far  more  frequently  we  meet  there  with  bus- 
tum and  bustellum,  a  forest  enclosure  on  the  outskirts  of  the 
estate,5  generally  surrounded  by  a  hedge  6  and  used  as  a 
cattle  yard.7  The  herds  pasturing  in  such  a  corral  were  of 
a  given  size,  for  the  tax  for  pasturing  was  figured  by  the 
busto.8  There  were,  however,  also  very  extensive  bustos,  with 

1  "Bostar,  creche  Gallice,  a  bos  et  stare.  Bouverie,  bostar,  estable  a  buefs. 
Bostar,  stabulum,  quasi  boves  stantes,"  Ducange,  sub  bostar. 

2  "Bostar,  locus  ubi  comburebantur  corpora  bourn,  vel  statio  bourn." 

3  "  In  vallibus  videlicet  Moriani  quaedam  villae,  scilicet  quinque,  cum  suis 
bostaribus,  caulis,  et  molendinis  adjacentibus,  obrutae  sunt,"  Chronica  majora 
(in  edition  of  H.  R.  Luard,  vol.  v,  p.  30). 

4  "Arbusta  cum  suis  hibernates"  (862),  R.  Escalona,  Historia  del  real  mo- 
nasterio  de  Sahagun,  Madrid  1782,  p.  631. 

6  "  De  fonte  Sombrana  usque  ad  foz  de  busto,  de  foz  de  busto  usque  ad  pinnam 
rubeam"  (804),  Espana  sagrada,  vol.  xxvi,  pp.  442,  445;  "cum  montibus,  fonti- 
bus,  azoreras,  bustis,  pratis,  aqueductibus,  etc."  (823),  ibid.,  vol.  xxxvn,  p. 
321;  "Eclesiam  Sancti  Emeterii  cum  Semis  et  Bustis  de  monte  Pelio  .  .  .  et 
Bustos  praenominatos  Loarrio,  et  Longe  Braneas,  et  Arrium,  et  Translectum; 
in  Riosa  Ecclesiam  Sanctae  Mariae,  seu  Bustos  praenominatos  tam  de  tempore 
verani,  quam  de  tempore  iberni  usque  Portum"  (827),  ibid.,  p.  324/.;  "bustello 
in  ilia  carrale  antiqua"  (891),  ibid.,  p.  338;  "addicimus  etiam  Ecclesiae  vestrae 
busta  praenominata,  in  territorio  Asturiensi,  id  est,  in  monte  Aramo  bustum 
quod  dicunt  foios,  etc."  (891),  ibid.,  p.  341 ;  "item  in  portus  de  Caso  adsignamus 
eglesie  uestre  bustum  quern  dicunt  Troniscum  .  .  .  et  alium  bustum  in  fonte 
Fascasia"  (905),  Indice  de  los  documentos  del  monasterio  de  Sahagun,  de  la 
orden  de  San  Benito,  Madrid  1874,  p.  2;  "bustum  .  .  .  Tronisco  in  summa  por- 
taria  ...  id  est  terminos  de  parte  orientali  bustum  Mencii"  (923),  ibid.,  p.  4; 
"bustum  quem  uocitant  Pinzon  qui  iacet  circa  alium  quern  dicunt  Troniscum" 
(934),  ibid.,  p.  5;  "in  loco  quod  dicunt  busto  de  Picones"  (930),  ibid.,  p.  113; 
"in  loco  quod  dicunt  busto  de  Dulcidio"  (956),  ibid.,  p.  137;  "in  Bustello  in 
Villa  noua"  (1181),  ibid.,  p.  387. 

6  "Bustello  medio  de  sepe"  (906),  PMH.,  Dipl.  et  chart.,  p.  9. 

7  "Bustos  in  monte  Lene  duos  cum  bacas  tres,  bustos  in  Nalare  a  Sancto 
Martino  in  Lotani  quatuor,  busto  in  Monte  Nigro  cum  vaccas"  (998),  Espana 
sagrada,  vol.  XL,  p.  409. 

8  "Et  omnes  qui  quesierint  pausar  cum  suo  ganado  in  terminos  de  Elbora 
prendant  de  illis  montadigo  de  grege  das  oues  im  or  carneiros,  de  busto  de 


116      COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

their  own  appurtenances  and  lands.1  We  also  find  the  forms 
bustare,2  bustaria,z  and  bustarega,4  and  in  the  latter  case  it  is 
distinctly  mentioned  that  they  were  enclosed  pastures. 

If  we  now  compare  the  Spanish  forms  bustum,  bustare, 
bustello,  bustariega  with  the  Italian  busco,  buscaria,  buscalia, 
and  with  arbusta,  arbustaria,  arbustericia  of  the  Italian  docu- 
ments of  904-5,  the  identity  of  these  becomes  at  once  obvi- 
ous, and  it  is  clear  that  arbustaria,  arbustericia  refer  to  the 
tax  for  pasturing  which  the  proprietor  of  the  forest  may  ex- 
act. Fortunately  we  possess  in  the  Fuero  general  of  Navarra 
a  detailed  account  of  the  organisation  of  such  a  pasture. 
Although  the  Fuero  was  written  down  in  the  thirteenth 
century,  the  laws  and  practices  described  there  refer  to  Visi- 
gothic  times.  The  first  title  of  the  sixth  book  deals  with  the 
pasture,  which  is  here  called  vedado  and  bustalizia.b 

A  vedado  was  a  horse  or  cow  pasture  in  what  formerly  had 
been  meadow  land.  It  was  laid  out  by  common  consent  of 
the  infanzons  and  peasants,  by  measuring  off  the  land  twelve 
times  in  all  four  directions  with  the  perch  "of  the  royal  see." 

uaccas  I  uaca"  (1166),  PMH.,Leg.  et  consuet.,  vol.  i,  p.  392,  et  passim.  See 
Index  generalis,  sub  busto. 

1  "In  portu  de  casso  adsignamus  Eclesiae  vestrae  Bustum,  quern  dicunt 
Troniscum,  cum  suis  pascuis  vel  paludibus,  et  suis  furnis  ratione  servata" 
(905),  R.  Escalona,  op.  cit.,  p.  378;  "juxta  Pireneum  quoque  bustum  vaccalem 
quod  de  Regenda  nuncupatur;  alium  bustum  quod  Caulinos  dicitur  cum  suis 
propriis  terris;  alium  bustum  vaccalem  quod  Maccabes  nuncupatur,  cum  suis 
pisceis,  furnis,  et  utilitatibus  suis;  etiam  quartum  bustum  ovile  juxta  ipsam" 
(951),  Espana  sagrada,  vol.  xxxiv,  p.  454. 

2  "Serra  bustare  de  hac  Torubio"  (912),  Yepes,  Coronica  general  de  la  orden 
de  San  Benito,  vol.  I,  p.  38. 

3  J.  Santa  Rosa  de  Viterbo,  Elucidario,  Lisboa  1865,  sub  busto. 

4  "Et  si  fluvius  Sancti  Dominici  levaverit  bustaregas  abbatis  vel  espinare, 
integret  se  abbas  pro  eo,  et  aliud  remaneat  pro  pasto,  et  dominium  sit  abbatis" 
(1209),  M.  Ferotin,  Recueil  des  chartes  de  Vabbaye  de  Silos,  Paris  1897,  p.  123; 
"que  habia  antes  soto  y  bustariegas  en  que  solian  pacer"  (1253),  ibid.,  p.  203; 
"que  el  soto  con  las  otras  bustariegas  queden  enteramente  al  abad  para  siem- 
pre"  (1254),  ibid.,  p.  207. 

6  "Aqui  conpieza  el  libro  vi°  en  quoal  fabla  de  paztos,"  P.  Ilarregui  y  La- 
puerta,  Fuero  general  de  Navarra,  Pamplona  1869,  p.  123  ff. 


ARBUSTUM  VITATUM  117 

Such  a  perch  was  seven  cubits  and  a  clenched  fist  long,  and 
was  at  the  end  provided  with  an  iron  point  weighing  two 
pounds.1  If  the  land  was  really  measured  with  the  perch, 
it  produced  an  enclosure  of  about  an  acre;  but  if  echar  means 
"to  throw,"  the  enclosure  would  become  many  times  larger. 
Such  a  vedado  was  closed  from  beginning  of  February  until 
the  end  of  December  and  afterward  was  open  for  all  cattle. 
The  common  ground  in  the  forest  between  two  villages  where 
the  pigs  and  the  cattle  pastured  was  called  puerto,  and  the 
enclosure  itself  was  known  as  busto  or  bustalizia,  which  was 
produced  in  the  same  way  as  the  vedado,  only  that  it  was  de- 
termined by  the  hammerthrow  in  the  following  manner:  The 
measurer  sat  down  in  the  middle  of  the  space  set  aside  for  an 
enclosure  and  threw  a  sharp  axe  with  a  handle  a  cubit  long 
twelve  times  in  each  direction.  It  is  not  likely  that  each  throw 
netted  more  than  twenty  feet  for  it  was  accomplished  under 
the  acrobatic  feat  of  holding  the  right  ear  with  the  left  hand 
and  casting  the  axe  from  between  that  arm  and  the  breast.2 

The  hammerthrow  has  been  frequently  recorded  in  Ger- 
many since  the  twelfth  century,  and  since  Grimm 3  a  poetic, 
religious  or  legal  German  custom  has  been  theorised  out  of  it. 
The  identical  Navarrese  custom  goes  back  to  a  sensible 

1  "  Si  todos  los  vezinos  quisieron  fer  vedado  de  nuevo,  vayan  a  la  sed  del  Rey 
et  retiengan  el  amor  del  iuvero  del  Rey  et  ganen  la  piertega  con  su  fierro  .  .  . 
Toda  piertega  de  sied  deve  ser  vn  cobdos  rasos,  el  ocheno  el  puyno  cerrado  en 
luengo;  et  deve  aver  en  el  fierro  dos  libros,  en  el  fust  de  espesura  quanto  i  ombre 
puede  alcanzar  con  el  dedo  somero  el  pulgar  cabo  el  fierro.  Et  aqueylla  piertega 
sea  daveyllano,  drecha  et  lisa  et  sin  corteza,  como  nasze  en  el  mont;  et  aqueilla 
piertega  deven  aver  por  los  prados  de  cavayllos  et  de  los  buyes.  Este  ombre 
que  ha  a  echar  la  piertega,  nos  deve  remeter  nin  mover  el  un  pie  del  logar  onde 
tiene,"  ibid.,  p.  124. 

2  "Toda  bustalizia  deve  ser  al  menos  quoanto  I  ombre  puede  echar  xii  vezes 
a  iiii0  partes  la  segur,  devese  asentar  arecho  en  el  medio  de  la  bustalizia  ;  et  esta 
segur  que  es  a  echar  deve  aver  el  mango  un  cobdo  raso,  et  el  fierro  deve  aver  de 
la  una  part  agudo  et  de  la  otra  part  esmochado,  et  teniendo  la  oreylla  diestra 
con  la  mano  siniestra,  deve  passar  el  brazo  diestro  entre  el  pezcuezo  et  el  brazo 
einiestro,  et  eche  quoanto  mas  podiere  echar  esta  segur,  come  dicho  es  de  suso," 
ibid.,  p.  128. 

3  Deutsche  Rechtsallerlumer,  pp.  55  ff.,  527  ff. 


118     COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

Roman  method  of  measurement  by  the  decempeda  pertica. 
Twelve  perticae  of  ten  (or  twelve)  feet  square  formed  in 
Rome  the  unit  of  surface,  two  of  which  were  equal  to  a 
iugerum.1  In  the  Navarrese  custom  we  have,  therefore  a  sur- 
vival of  the  Roman  law  which  was  intended  for  the  provinces. 
Here  as  there  the  " decempeda"  had  to  be  "cast"  twelve 
times,  as  in  the  Roman  measurement,  and  seven  cubits  were 
just  about  ten  feet.  In  Navarre  the  perch  had  to  be  obtained 
from  the  sied  del  Rey  "the  royal  see,"  but  in  reality  this  is  a 
popular  transformation  of  the  Roman  regio,  the  local  court, 
where  the  land  questions  were  settled.2  Where  the  ignorant 
peasants  could  not  help  themselves  with  straight  measure- 
ments, in  the  forest  or  the  swamp,  there  they  had  recourse 
to  the  hammerthrow,  and  by  the  employment  of  the  acro- 
batic feat  they  managed  to  obtain  a  fairly  equitable  men- 
suration. Hence  the  hammerthrow  is  as  much  a  Roman 
institution  as  the  Scandinavian  solskipt,  which  has  been 
shown  to  be  the  Roman  solis  divisio.3 

We  have  an  Aragonese  law  of  the  year  1247  which  coincides 
with  the  law  of  the  busto,  but  here  busto,  understood  as 
bostar,  has  further  been  corrupted  to  boalare,*  that  is,  bostar 
"a  place  for  oxen,"  has  produced  boale  and  boalare.  In  the 
Limousin  this  boalare  has  in  the  ninth  century  given  rise 

1  Blume,  Lachmann,  und  Rudorff,  Die  Schriften  der  romischen  Feldmesser, 
Berlin  1852,  p.  355,  and  C.  Lachmann,  Gromatici  veteres,  Berolini  1848,  p.  367/.; 

cxx 

"Actus    quadratus   undique  finitur    pedibus  cxx,  ita  cxx  I ]  cxx.    Actus 

cxx 
duplicatus  iugerum  facit  .  .  .  iugerum  autem  constat  longitudine  duocentorum 

ccxl 
xl,  latitudine  cxx;  ita  cxx  i        i  cxx." 
ccxl 

2  "  Regiones  enim  dicimus  intra  quarum  fines  singularum  coloniarum  aut 
municipiorum  magistratibus  ius  dicendi  coherdendique  est  libera  potestas," 
Gromatici  veteres,  p.  135. 

3  Alti  del  Reale  i  stituto  veneto,  vol.  lxii,  p.  1039;  Vierteljahrschrift  fur  Socio- 
logie  und  Wirtschaftsgeschichte,  vol.  n,  p.  421  ff. 

4  Fueros  y  observancias  del  Reyno  de  Aragon,  Zaragoca  1667,  p.  56b. 


ARBUSTUM   VITATUM  119 

to  baccalaria,1  as  though  it  were  a  place  for  cows.  These 
baccalariae  naturally  lay  far  away  from  the  village  and  were 
left  in  charge  of  the  poorer  or  unmarried  peasants,  hence  we 
get  baccalarius  "bachelor,"  which  has  spread  over  Europe 
from  the  south  of  France.  That  this  derivation  is  the  real 
one  is  proved  by  the  synonymous  German  Hagestolz,  OHG. 
hagustalt,  AS.  hagusteald  "bachelor,"  ONorse  haukstalda 
"famulus,  mercenarius,  agricola  liber,"  where  the  first  part 
of  the  word  has  distinct  reference  to  "forest,"  that  is,  the 
"bachelor"  was  he  who  lived  in  the  forest,  where  the  busto 
was  located.  It  is  not  easy  to  ascertain  what  the  second  half 
of  the  word  is  derived  from,  but  it  looks  as  though  in  German 
it  proceeded  from  the  same  Spanish  bustalizia  which  pro- 
duced a  form  bustalt,  understood  as  bus-stalt,  in  which  the 
first  part,  for  buscus,  gave  way  to  the  popular  haga.  It  is 
certainly  remarkable  that  there  should  be  in  German  a 
similar  confusion  as  there  is  in  the  Romance  busto,  bustal, 
bostar,  boale,  boalaria,  baccalaria. 

Thus  it  appears  that  the  Roman  institution  of  the  arbustum 
vitatum  has  survived  in  Spain  only  as  an  enclosure  which  was 
not  thrown  open  to  all  in  the  summer.  Arbustum,  here  con- 
tracted to  bustum,  has  the  special  meaning  of  "closed  vine- 
yard," because  any  other  pasture  was  free  for  all  neighbors, 
according  to  the  Roman  custom,  while  the  vineyard  could 
be  held  against  others  so  long  as  the  grapes  were  not  yet 
gathered  in.  This  institution  of  "enclosures"  has  been  of 
enormous  economic  consequences  in  Spain,  whence  it  passed 
over  to  the  rest  of  Europe,  bringing  with  it  an  exceedingly 
large  linguistic  family.  Unfortunately  there  are,  in  this  group, 
a  number  of  contaminations  which  make  it  the  most  pro- 
lific and  the  most  difficult  of  any  to  treat.  I  shall  confine 
myself  only  to  the  most  obvious  derivations. 

1  "Baccalaria  indominicata "  (866),  Deloche,  Cartulaire  de  Vabbaye  de  Beau- 
lieu,  p.  10,  and  again  pp.  73,  202,  210,  270. 


120     COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

In  Basque  we  have  host-,  brost-,  brosk-  for  "  bush  "  —  "  bosta 
buisson,  brosta  haie,  broussaille,  et  aussi  fourre,  lieu  couvert 
de  broussailles  de  bruyeres,  broka  detritus,  debrit  d'objets 
sans  valeur,  qu'on  passe  dehors  avec  le  balais."  Here  and  in 
the  Romance  languages  we  find  not  only  the  original  bust-, 
but  also  brust-,  etc.  This  latter  form  may  have  arisen  in  the 
same  way  as  frost  from  vast,  or  from  arbust-  by  metathesis. 
We  shall  now  turn  to  the  Latin  sources  in  France.  We  have 
already  seen  that  buscus,  boscus  here  takes  the  place  of  Span. 
bustum,  and  to  this  must  be  added  buschus,  buschetus,  boccus, 
bochetus,  which  appear  only  late.  There  arose  very  early  the 
necessity  of  distinguishing  the  standing,  green  timber  from 
the  firewood  and  the  faggots,  since  one  of  the  privileges  in  the 
forest  consisted  in  the  permission  to  cut  a  certain  number  of 
trees  a  year  for  building  purposes  and  to  gather  dead  wood  for 
fuel.  Hence  such  a  right  is  called  boscairare,  buscare,  buscal- 
hare,  boscare.1  The  building  timber  was  called  boscus  viridis 
or  vims,  to  distinguish  it  from  the  faggots,  boscus  siccus  or 
mortuus,  which  also  included  certain  standing  trees  that  were 
used  for  fuel,2  hence  we  get  the  specific  statement,  u  boscus 

1  "Qui  in  bosco  boscauerint  possint  pascere  in  ea  prata"  (1145),  HPM.,  Lib. 
jur.  reip.  gen.,  vol.  i,  col.  108;  "piscari  uenari  et  boscare  usque  in  riuum"  (1219), 
ibid.,  Chartae,  vol.  I,  col.  1255;  "teneantur  ipsi  potestates  quod  per  aliquos  vel 
aliquibus  sue  potestacie  non  f aciant  trahi  seu  boschari  aliquod  lignamen  ad  opus 
ipsorum  potestatum  et  iudicum  vel  scribarum"  (13.  cent.),  ibid.,  Leg.  gen.,  col. 
23;  "et  tenent  vasalli  ipsius  Ogerii  communem  et  pasculare  et  buscare  in  ipsa 
curte  Plazano"  (1129),  C.  Vignati,  Codice  diplomatico  laudense,  Milano  1879, 
vol.  i,  p.  121;  "tagliando  buscum  scilicet  frascas  et  ramas  .  .  .  pascere  debent 
et  segare  et  buscare  .  .  .  buscare  de  ramis  et  foliis  omni  tempore  eis  liceat,  omnea 
tamen  erba  scilicet  et  ligna  ad  dorsum,  non  cum  plaustro  ferant"  (1156),  ibid., 
p.  (1151),  p.  165  /.;  "nedebeant  .  .  .  paschare  buschare  nee  pischare"  (1215), 
P.  Sella,  Statuta  comunis  Bugelle,  Biella  1904,  vol.  n,  p.  3;  "ut  extranea  per- 
sona non  debeat  boscare  seu  pascare  super  terra  communis,"  A.  Valsecchi,  Gli 
statuti  di  Albenga,  Albenga  1885,  p.  29;  "  interrogatus  qualiter  scit,  quod  ho- 
mines Arelatis  visi  fuerint  boscairare  in  dicto  territorio,  dixit  quod  vidit  ibi 
Stephanum  Gaillardum,  qui  faciebat  inscidi  ligna  in  deffenseto  .  .  .  dixit  quia 
vidit  homines  Castillonis  lignerare  sive  boscairare,  et  laborare  et  pascere  ani- 
malia  sua,  et  ejicere  avere  de  Arelate,  et  boscadeiros  "  (1265),  Ducange. 

2  "  Dedi  etiam/lomui  et  omnibus  pertinentiis  suis,  quantascumque  habuerit, 
in  eilva  mea  de  Lesga  usuarium  ad  omnia  necessaria  sua  etiam  tarn  viridi  quam 


ARBUSTUM  VITATUM  121 

vims  ad  aedificandum,  mortuus  ad  calefaciendum,  comburen- 
dum,  ardendum."  x  The  laws  distinctly  mention  that  the 
dead  wood  is  carefully  to  be  " sought"  with  wooden  hooks, 
in  order  to  break  down  the  dead  branches,  hence  we  get  in 
Spain  buscare  "to  seek."  To  separate  more  clearly  and 
briefly  the  standing  timber  from  the  dead  wood,  boscus  was 
employed  only  for  the  first,  while  the  latter  became  known  in 
the  feminine,  as  bosca,  busca,  buschia,  buca,  bucha,  buchia, 
buga,  but  more  commonly  bruscale,  bruscia,  brozia,  brossa, 
brossia,  brucia,  broca,  bruga,  brua,  broa,  bruera,  brueria, 
brugeria,  brugaria,  and  even  bronda,  branda,  bropa,  branca, 
branchia.  It  is  not  difficult  to  explain  this  great  variety  of 
forms. 

From  the  tenth  century  on  we  find  bruscus  and  brusca 2  for 
buscus  and  busca,  but  in  the  northwest  of  Italy  bruca  and 
bruga  became  the  most  popular  words  for  "faggots,  fuel  wood, 
twigs,"  while  in  France  we  have  the  fuller  forms  bruscia, 
broca,  etc.  Where  formerly  buscalia,  buscaria  was  used,  we 
find  in  the  south  brucaria,  bruguera,  bruaria,  brueria  for 
"  brush  grown  country."  This  group,  spreading  to  the  north 
into  regions  where  there  was  no  forest,  has  been  applied  to 
heathergrown  land.  The  Welsh  brwg  "forest,  brush,  ferns," 
which  is  borrowed  from  the  English,  shows  the  meaning  "for- 
est" and  "fern"  side  by  side,  because  the  underlying  mean- 
ing is  deserted  land,  brush  grown  land,  etc.  The  early  loss  of 
s  in  bruscus,  brusca  is  explained  by  the  influence  of  Lat.  broc- 
chus,  broncus,  bronchus  "provided  with  teeth,"  while  Lat. 

in  sicco"  (1083),  M.  Prou,  Recueil  des  actes  de  Philippe  7er,  Paris  1908,  p.  278; 
"quoniam  a  predecessoribus  suis  tres  cotidie  quadrigatas  in  suis  nemoribus 
de  bosco  mortuo  ad  opus  coquine  sive  pistrini  et  elemosine  ibidem  monachi  pos- 
sidebant,  hoc  ille  cupiens  majorare,  quartam  quoque  de  vivo  bosco  perpetualiter 
concessit"  (1101),  ibid.,  p.  354. 

1  Ducange,  sub  boscus  mortuus. 

2  "Brusca  Marcofeldis"  (949),  Bouquet,  op.  cit.,  vol.  ix,  p.  382;  "Pumar 
cum  toto  caverso  usque  in  toto  Brusco"  (1042),  Munoz  y  Romero,  Coleccion 
defueros  municipales,  p.  191. 


122     COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

branca  "paw"  produces  branca,  branchia  "fuelwood,  fag- 
gots" *  and  then  "branch."  Similarly  bropa  results  from  a 
crossing  of  brosca  with  Lat.  scopa  "thin  twig,"  2  and  under 
the  influence  of  Lat.  frondem  arises  bronda.3  But  brusca 
"firewood"  has  produced  bruscare,  bruxare,  brusare,  and 
French  bruler,  from  an  older  brusculare. 

We  now  can  treat  the  Romance  representatives  of  the 
group  in  a  summary  manner.  We  have  "OFr.  boschaille 
bois,  boscheer,  bouchoyer,  bocheyer  couper  du  bois,  boschel, 
bochal,  etc.,  buisson,  bosquet,  bocage,  petit  bois,  bouche  botte 
fagot,  bouchage  tas  de  fagots,  boissier  boisier,  boichier  qui 
travaille  le  bois,  buschier  abattre  du  bois  et  en  faire  des 
buches,  couper  des  branches  d'arbres,  busche,  boize  buche." 
If  we  keep  in  mind  that  boscare  was  the  act  of  finding  and 
knocking  down  the  dry  branches  with  the  wooden  stick,  we 
see  at  once  why  we  get  "OFr.  buschier,  busquer,  bucquier, 
bucquer,  busser  frapper,  heurter,  boucheter  emouter,  battre, 
mal  traiter,  busquer  chercher."  Forms  with  inserted  r  are: 
"broce,  broche,  brousse,  brouce,  brouse,  etc.,  broussailles,  hal- 
lier,  petit  bouquet  d'arbres,  broceron,  brocheron  petite  branche 
courte,  brogon,  touffe,  brogonner  bourgeonner,  reverdir, 
broisson  rejeton."  As  early  as  the  tenth  century  brustum 
means  "forest  fodder,  young  leaves,  food  for  goats,"4  and 
from  this  comes  "OFr.  brost,  brout,  jeune  pousse  des  arbres 

1  "Brancas  etiam  de  Leia,  quantum  necesse  fuerit  ad  focum  monachorum  " 
(1073),  Prou,  Recueil  des  actes  de  Philippe  Ist,  p.  168;  "in  saisina  habendi 
usagium  suum  subscriptum,  videlicet  percipiendi  brueriam,  fulgeriam,  et  folium 
quod  cecidit  de  arboribus,  pasnagium  ad  3,  denarios  pro  porco,  pasturam  ad 
animalia  sua  in  vallibus,  secando  herbam  a  festo  S.  Joannis  usque  ad  Assump- 
tionem  B.  Mariae  virginis  in  defensis  etiam  forestae  .  .  .  percipiendi  etiam 
branchas  siccas  cum  croceo  ligneo  sine  ferro"  (1271),  Ducange,  sub  branca. 

2  "Statu turn  est,  quod  aliquis  laborator  .  .  .  non  audeat  aportare  aliquas 
sarmentas,  vel  bropas,  vel  alia  ligna  absque  expressa  licentia  illius  cujus  la- 
borat,"  Ducange,  sub  bropa. 

3  "Brondae  olivariorum,  vel  aliarum  arborum,"  Ducange,  sub  bronda. 

4  "Capreae  quoque  ad  sotularia  monachorum  facienda  brustum  habeant  per 
totum  boscum,"  Ducange. 


ARBUSTUM  VITATUM  123 

au  printemps,  broster  brouter,  brotage  droit  qu'on  payait 
pour  faire  brouter  ses  betes  quelque  part,  brotel,  broteau 
taillis,  broterie,  brouterie  lieu  ou  broutent  les  animaux."  From 
brusculum  are  derived  "OFr.  bruliau  fagot,  broussaille, 
brulis  portion  de  foret  incendiee,  de  champs  dont  les  herbes 
ont  ete  brulees,  brusler  bruler."  Burjon  "  bourgeon,"  like 
"Prov.  burca,  burga,  burja  fourgonner,  tisonner,  aiguilloner, 
pousser,  taquiner,  cogner,  heurter,  bourjouna,  broujouna, 
brouchona,  brounchouna  fourgonner,  patrouiller,  bousculer, 
Centre  broquer,  bruquer  heurter,  choquer"  owes  its  origin 
to  a  contamination  with  Lat.  brocchus,  bronchus. 

A  similar  wealth  of  forms  is  to  be  found  in  the  Provencal: 
"bos,  bosc,  boch,  box,  bo,  etc.,  bois,  bousca  rechercher,  queter, 
gagner  les  bois,  d£guerpir,  bouscaia,  bouscalha  ramasser  du 
bois,  bouscaio,  bouscalho  bois  en  general,  toute  sorte  de  bois, 
bouscaren,  bouissaren  forestier,  bouscas  grand  bois,  futaie, 
6paisse  foret,  foret  affreuse,  mauvais  bois,  sauvage,  batard, 
bousco  recherche,  bois  en  general,  bousquet  bosquet,  petit 
bois,  bousa  boiser,  couvrir  de  bois,  batonner,  rosser,  boustiga 
remuer,  fouiller,  bouleverser,  busc  broutilles  ou  brussailles 
6pineuses,  busca  busquer,  bucher,  buscaia  glaner  des  buchet- 
tes,  buscaio  broutille,  brindille  de  bois  mort,  busqueja  ramas- 
ser du  bois,  bussa  cosser,  heurter  de  la  tete;  bro,  broc,  brot, 
hoc  branche  morte,  scion,  buchette,  epine,  dard,  buisson, 
baton,  broco  buchette,  broutille  seche,  brous  broussaille, 
broussa  balayer,  broussaio  broussailles,  bruyere  en  general, 
brousso  bruyere  a  balais,  touffe  de  broyere,  broust  brout, 
pousse  d'un  taillis  ramee,  brousto  pousse,  ramee,  branche, 
taillis,  pousse  de  chou,  chou  brocoli,  brout  brout,  jeune 
pousse  des  arbres  et  des  plantes,  brouta  pousser,  vegeter, 
brouto  rejeton,  nouvelle  pousse,  broutouna  pousser,  bour- 
geonner,  brusc  bruyere  commune,  tige  de  bruyere,  brusquei- 
rolo  petit  champ  de  bruyere,  brusquie  taillis  de  bruyeres, 
brusquiero  champ  couvert  de  bruyere,  bruyere,  bruga  taillis 


124     COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

de  bruyeres;  broundas  rameau  dont  on  se  sert  en  guise  de 
balai,  brounditoun,  broutihoun  petite  broutille,  petit  rameau, 
brounca,  abrounca,  brouncha,  brunca,  bruca,  breca,  ruca  bron- 
cher,  heurter,  bruia,  brulha,  broulha  pousser  germer,  reverdir, 
bruioun,  brulhou,  brellou,  broulhou,  bourlhou,  orboulhou  bour- 
geon, rejeton  de  chou,  brula,  brusla,  brunla,  burla,  bourla, 
brouda  bruler,  incendier,  bruscla,  baruscla,  bourouscla,  brucla, 
bristoula,  brounzi,  brousi,  brausi,  abrausi,  brusi,  brui,  broui 
haler,  bruler,  brusa,  bruza,  bruisa  bruler." 

Since  the  corresponding  Italian  words  have  evolved  out 
of  the  French  terms,  we  naturally  find  them  at  first  in  the 
north.  Beginning  with  the  twelfth  century  we  find  recorded 
broco  "twig,  faggot" l  and  crossing  with  frasca  we  get  frusca,2 
so  that  later  Ital.  bruscolo,  fruscolo  fuscello  are  synonymous, 
while  broco  develops  further  into  sbrocco,  sprocco.  The  forms 
with  and  without  r  interchange  in  the  dialects,  hence  Genoese 
busca  busca  =  buscare  "to  seek"  and  bruscare  "to  brush," 
while  Friul.  busca  =  busca,  busco,  brusco,  bruscolo,  and  brus- 
cha  and  buschd  =  dibruscare,  bruscare,  buscare.  If  we  now  con- 
sider that  Ital.  busso,  buscio,  fruscio  at  the  same  time  mean 
"noise,"  it  becomes  at  once  clear  that  not  only  all  these  be- 
long to  the  busco  group,  but  that  also  French  bruit  is  to  be 
included  in  it.  The  development  of  "noise"  is  universal  in 
Europe,  as  has  been  seen  under  vasta.  Spanish  brotar  "to form 
buds,"  brote  "bud,"  bruza  "brush,"  buscar  "seek"  have  de- 
veloped from  the  French,  and  a  careful  search  will  in  the 
Romance  languages  reveal  a  much  larger  number  of  words 
that  belong  to  this  group. 

I  now  turn  to  the  second  part  of  the  expression  arbustum 
vitatum.  In  Langobard  Italy  terra  vitata  is  opposed  to  "terra 

1  "Ramos  et  brochas  cuidam  alboris  pini"  (1289),  P.  Monti,  Vocabolario  dei 
dialetti  delta  citta  e  diocesi  di  Como,  Milano  1845;  "fructus  a  brochis  separatis" 
(1176),  ibid)  "  pecia  una  campi  cum  brugis"  (1269),  ibid. 

2  "Fruscas  vel  ramos  de  arboribus"  (1313),  Statuti  di  Brescia,ln  HPM., 
vol.  xn,  col.  1720. 


ARBUSTUM  VITATUM  125 

campiva,  aratoria,  prativa,  ortiva,"  to  field  and  garden  land, 
and  also  to  "terra  olivata,  selvata,"  olive  grove  and  forest.1 
Much  older  and  much  more  popular  is  the  use  of  vitis  in  the 
sense  of  terra  vitata,  "vites  meas  petia  una  in  fundo  bonate 
quern  ego  emmi"  (745). 2  Although  now  and  then  the  com- 
bination terra  cum  vitibus  occurs,3  from  which  may  be  as- 
sumed that  it  has  the  original  meaning  of  vine-covered  land, 
such  expressions  as  "ipsa  petiola  est  de  uites  et  uacua  ter- 
rola,"4 "  petiola  unade  terrola  cum  uite  et  uacuum,"5  show 
that  vites  means  "brush  grown  land." 

This  vitis,  which  occurs  in  Langobard  documents  since  the 
beginning  of  the  eighth  century,  occurs  at  least  as  early  in 
Frankish  documents.  In  a  spurious  Merovingian  document 
of  the  sixth  century,  which  is,  no  doubt,  not  earlier  than  of 
the  eighth  century,  the  pertinence  runs  as  follows,  "haec 

1  "De  suprascripta  terra  vidata  me  nihil  reservo"  (785),  Cod.  Langob.,  col. 
113;  "pecia  prativa  .  .  .  pecia  vidata,  pecia  campiva"  (857),  ibid.,  col.  337; 
"eatas  cum  curte,  orto,  area  et  terra  vidata"  (859),  ibid.,  col.  346;  "una  vitata  et 
alia  campiva  et  vitata  uno  tenente"  (867),  ibid.,  col.  405;  "terra  campiva  et 
prativa,  vitata  et  silvata"  (915),  ibid.,  col.  803;  "terrola  aratoria  seo  et  vidata" 
(869),  Muratori,  Antiq.,  vol.  i,  col.  721;  "petia  una  de  terra  vitata  cum  campo" 
(878),  F.  Odorici,  Storie  bresciane,  vol.  iv,  p.  65;  "duas  pecias  terras  uni  in 
parte  vidata  et  in  parte  aratoria  et  alia  aratoria"  (961),  ibid.,  vol.  v,  p.  14; 
"pecias  septe  de  terra  tres  vidates  cum  quadtuor  arbores  olives  supabete,  et 
tres  aratorias  setima  ortiva"  (1016),  ibid.,  p.  27;  "una pecia  terre  arative  vidate 
et  prative"  (1104),  ibid.,  vol.  vi,  p.  14;  "terrae  aratoriae,  vitatae,  et  olivatae 
et  vegrae"  (1221),  ibid.,  vol.  vii,  p.  98. 

2  Cod.  Langob.,  col.  26.  "Curtes  terras  vites  pratas  et  silvas  .  .  .  terra  vitis, 
prata"  (761),  ibid.,  col.  49/.;  "terra  aratoria  seu  vitis"  (768),  ibid.,  col.  69; 
"media  juge  de  terra  aratoria"  (769),  ibid.,  col.  76;  "campis  pratis  vidibus  et 
selvis"  (799),  ibid.,  col.  130;  "secunda  petiola  vitis  cum  castenellum  in  simul 
ee  habente"  (812),  ibid.,  col.  163;  "petia  de  vites"  (867),  ibid.,  col.  411  /.; 
"quarta  pecia  de  vites  jacet  ad  vinea  Vicana"  (974),  ibid.,  col.  1314;  "vites  et 
oliveta"  (983),  Cod.  dip.  pad.  dal  sesto,  etc.,  p.  66,  and  similarly  pp.  85, 116, 117, 
124,  136,  218,  278;  "vineis  .  .  .  et  ortos  duos  duasque  petias  de  vite"  (1033), 
ibid.,  p.  162;  "pecia  una  de  terra  cum  vitibus"  (1073),  ibid.,  p.  245;  "terra  una 
de  vite  et  alia  de  terra  arva"  (795),  M.  Lupi,  Codex  diplomaticus  civitatis  et 
ecclesiae  Bergomatis,  Bergomi  1784,  vol.  I,  p.  606. 

3  Troya,  op.  cit.,  vol.  iv,  p.  469  (753). 

4  Bullettino  dell'  istituto  storico  italiano,  N°  30,  p.  64  (758). 
6  Ibid.,  p.  69  (762). 


126     COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

omnia  cum  mancipiis  desuper  manentibus,  mansis,  domibus, 
aedificiis,  curtiferis,  vridis,  campis,  vineis,  silvis,  pratis,  pas- 
cuis,  aquis  aquarumve  decursibus," *  and  again,  "  tarn  mansis, 
colonicis,  aedificiis,  silvis,  ingrediciis,  vridis,  campis,  pratis, 
pascuis,  aquis  aquarumve  decursibus." 2  Pardessus  reads 
incorrectly  for  it  unidis,  campis, z  while  Quantin  has  the 
significant  reading  vuidis,  campis.*  In  another,  most  likely 
spurious,  document,  which  is  said  to  be  of  the  year  499,  but 
which  exists  only  in  a  copy  of  the  thirteenth  century,  we  find 
the  same  pertinence,  "haec  omnia  cum  mancipiis  desuper 
manentibus,  mansis  domibus  aedificiis  cultiferis  mudiscapis 
vineis  silvis  campis  pratis  pascuis  aquis  aquarumve  des- 
cursibus," 5  where,  of  course,  mudiscapis  is  a  misread  vuidis 
campis  or  vridis  campis.  The  position  of  this  vuidis  campis 
between  curtiferis  and  vineis  does  not  permit  any  doubt  that 
we  are  dealing  here  with  some  kind  of  a  plantation,  and  the 
identical  juxtaposition  of  iritis  and  campum  of  the  Lango- 
bard  documents  shows  that  what  in  Italy  formed  two  dis- 
tinct words  and  concepts  here  begins  to  be  conceived  as  one 
idea,  so  that  in  the  last  quoted  document,  but  not  in  the  first 
two,  campis  is  once  more  repeated  before  pratis.  The  con- 
stant use  of  vuidis  campis  in  the  pertinence  has  led  to  regard- 
ing this  as  a  compound.  Now,  as  vasta  has  led  to  forestis,  and 
bustum  to  bruscus,  etc.,  and  uacatum  to  vacartum,6  so  widis 
campis  has  changed  into  widriscapis,7  wadriscapis,8  watris- 

1  MGH.,  Dipl.  imp.,  vol.  i,  p.  133.  2  Ibid.,  p.  134. 

8  J.  M.  Pardessus,  Diplomata,  vol.  i,  p.  132. 

4  M.  Quantin,  Cartulaire  general  de  V  Yonne,  Auxerre  1854,  vol.  i,  pp.  3  and  4. 

6  MGH.,  op.  tit.,  p.  116. 

6  "Que  conjacet  in  vuacatis  ipsius  villae"  (954-986),  C.  Ragut,  Cartulaire 
de  Saint-Vincent  de  Mdcon,  Macon  1864,  p.  179;  "que  conjacet  in  vacartis 
ipsius  villae,"  ibid.,  p.  178. 

7  "Hoc  sunt  sessi  cum  widriscapis,  casis"  (722),  Martene  and  Durand, 
Veterum  scriptorum  et  monumentorum  collectio,  vol.  I,  col.  19. 

"Cum  domibus,  edificiis,  curtiferis,  cum  wariscapis  (waris  campis),  terris," 
MGH.,  Formulae,  pp.  266,  268,  269,  270,  175,  179,  Martene  and  Durand,  op. 
tit.  (837),  vol.  i,  col.  127,  D.  Haign6r<§,  Les  chartes  de  Saint-Bertin,  Saint  Omer 
1886,  vol.  i,  p.  20  (975),  Monumenta  Boica,  vol.  xxvm,  p.  59  (796). 


ARBUSTUM  VITATUM  127 

capis,1  watriscafis,2  vatriscafis,3  wardi  scampis,4  uuatriscapud,5 
wardriscapis,6  warescapiis,7  wariscapiis,8  quadriscapis,9  quad- 
ris  campis,™  wastris  campis,11  votris  campis.12  Ducange  also 
records  wadiscabum  and  waskium.  From  this  variety  of 
forms  have  arisen  OFr.  warescais,  warescait,  warescape,  ware- 
schel  "tierres  vagues,  lieux  destines  a  la  paturage  publique,"13 
and  to  these  are  to  be  added  Wallon.  warechais,  wareschaix, 
Liege  wercha,  Mont,  warescaix,  warechaix,  wareskaix  "patur- 
ages  communaux,  vaines  patures." 

All  these  words  belong  to  the  north  of  France.  Otherwise 
the  older  form  widis,  vuidis  has  spread  over  a  very  large  ter- 
ritory. In  the  Chanson  de  Roland  we  have  once  voide  place,14 
and  once  voide  terre.n  In  the  latter  case  we  have  a  precise 
rendering  of  Ital.  terra  vidata,  and  from  a  large  number  of 
documents  of  the  thirteenth  century  we  know  that  wide, 
voide  terre  was  the  technical  expression  for  " wasteland.' ' 
This  is  also  the  case  in  the  Chanson  de  Roland,  where  the 
word  never  occurs  again,  although  one  would  expect  it,  if 
it  already  had  the  current  meaning  of  "  empty."  Besides,  the 
last  quoted  verses  sound  like  an  imitation  of  the  documentary 

»  Pardessus,  vol.  n,  p.  289  (711).  2  Ibid.,  p.  293  (713). 

s  Ibid.,  p.  291  (712). 

4  F.  Dahn,  Die  Konige  der  Germanen,  Leipzig  1905,  vol.  ix,  div.  2,  p.  85. 

5  Warnkoenig  (Gheldolf),  Histoire  de  la  Flandre,  Paris  1835,  vol.  i,  p.  326 
(839). 

6  Ch.  Piot,  Carlulaire  de  I'dbbaye  de  Saint  Trond,  Bruxelles  1870,  vol.  i,  p.  2 
(741). 

7  Ibid.,  p.  5.  8  MGH.,  Scriptores,  vol.  x,  p.  371  (745). 

9  D.  Haignere,  op.  cit.,  p.  9  (800). 

10  D'Achery,  Spicilegium,  vol.  in,  col.  342  (850),  J.  B.  Mittarelli,  Annales 
camadulenses  Ordinis  Sancti  Benedictini,  Venetiis  1755,  vol.  i,  col.  22. 

11  W.  Ritz,  Urkunden  und  Abhandlungen  zur  Geschichte  des  Niederrheins  und 
der  Niedermaas,  Aachen  1824,  p.  7  (824). 

i2  Ibid.,  p.  14  (895). 

13  Godefroy  gives  an  extremely  large  number  of  citations  for  these  words. 

14  "Que  mort  l'abat  en  une  voide  place"  (v.  1668). 

15  "U  n'en  i  ad  ne  veie  ne  senter, 

Ne  voide  terre  ne  alne  ne  plein  pied 

Que  il  n'i  ait  u  Franceis  u  paien."   (v.  2399-2401). 


128     COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

pertinence  "cum  viis  et  semiteriis  et  vidis  terris  et  arboribus 
et  planis."  Godefroy  quotes  several  passages  in  which  wide 
terre  means  "pasturage."  *  However,  the  wides  terres  are  not 
exactly  pastures,  but  fallow  land  overgrown  with  brush, 
used  as  pastures.  They  are  opposed  to  pleines  terres  "culti- 
vated lands,"  as  may  be  seen  from  a  discussion  of  Philippe 
Beaumanoir  in  the  thirteenth  century.2 

For  vuide  terre  we  also  find  vaine  et  vuide.z  This  vaine  is  only 
a  learned  adaptation  to  vana,  but  has  in  reality  arisen  from 
gain.*  Gain  means  "extraordinary,  unexpected  gain."  In 
Godefroy  there  are  a  number  of  quotations  in  which  he  falsely 
translates  gain  by  "fruit  de  la  terre,  recolte,"  where  it  should 
have  been  rendered  by  "  regain,  rowen."  In  the  lines 

Si  a  veu  en  une  pleigne 

Berbiz  qui  paissoient  gain  {Renart  vm.  175). 

gain  can  refer  only  to  "grass."  For  "autumn"  Godefroy 
records  waym,  wain,  vain,  win,  gayn,  gain,  vayng,  gaain,  and 

1  J  "Les  pasturages  de  toutes  les  wides  terres  qui  sient  (1284);  de  laquelle 
wide  terre  vendue  si  com  dit  est  li  dis  venderes  se  devestit  en  la  main  du  prevost 
de  Maisieres  (1336);  asqueles  in.  quartiers  il  ne  prist  nul  pourfit  a  le  premiere 
anee,  et  les  doit  laisier  a  wides  (1360)." 

2  "S'il  avient  que  li  mors  muire  avant  que  le  ble  soient  seme\  mes  les  terres 
ont  leur  roies  ou  aucunes  de  leur  roies,  ou  les  vignes  sont  fouies  ou  taillies  ou 
provignies,  mes  les  grapes  n'i  aperent  pas  encore,  en  teus  cas  ne  vienent  pas 
des  despueilles  qui  puis  i  sont  mises  en  partie,  mes  li  labourages  tant  seulement 
de  tans  passe:  si  comme  se  les  jaschieres  sont  fetes  au  vivant  du  seigneur  et  li 
douaires  a  la  dame  li  est  assis  en  terres  vuides,  se  les  jaschieres  furent  fetes  du 
sien  et  du  son  seigneur  it  est  bien  resons  que  ce  qui  i  fu  mis  de  sa  partie  li  soit 
rendu  de  ceus  qui  en  portent  les  jaschieres  toutes  fetes.  Voir  est  quant  il  con- 
vient  que  li  douaires  soit  essieutes  de  la  partie  as  oirs,  la  coustume  est  tel  que  la 
dame  qui  veut  avoir  le  douaire,  fet  la  partie  et,  quant  ele  a  la  partie  fete,  l'oirs 
du  mort  prent  laquele  partie  qu'il  li  plest;  et  pour  ce  est  il  bon  a  la  dame,  s'ele 
met  les  terres  vuides  d'une  part  et  les  pleines  d'autre,  qu'ele  face  retenue  que,  se 
li  oir  ou  li  executeur  prenent  les  terres  pleine  (terres  wides  ou  pleines),  que  sa 
partie  de  muebles  li  soit  sauvee;  car  s'ele  lessoit  courre  la  partie  simplement 
sans  fere  retenue,  ele  n'avroit  nul  restor  des  terres  pleines,  pour  ce  qu'il  sem- 
bleroit  qu'ele  avroit  tout  avalue  l'un  contre  l'autre,"  Am.  Salmon,  Philippe  de 
Beaumanoir,  Coutumes  de  Beauvaisis,  Paris  1899,  vol.  i,  p.  220  /.  (chap,  xin, 
458  and  459). 

1  In  Gaston  Phebus,  quoted  by  La  Cume  de  la  Sainte-Palaye,  sub  vuit. 

*  See  the  chapter  on  Quovis  genio. 


ARBUSTUM   VITATUM  129 

he  adduces  a  large  number  of  forms  from  the  dialects.1  As 
the  original  meaning  of  gain  was  forgotten  and  it  meant  any 
kind  of  a  gain,  there  was  formed  in  French,  first  recorded  in 
Littre  in  the  sixteenth  century,  the  pleonastic  regain  for 
"rowen,"  for  which  we  have  the  dialectic,  Picard.  reguin, 
rouain,  Wallon  rigain.  To  these  are  to  be  added  Morvan 
"regamer  repousser,  pousser  de  nouveau,  Normand  revouin 
regain,  revouiner  possuer  comme  le  regain,  revoiner  reverdir, 
Comtois  (Fourges)  ruwain,"  2  Berry  "reguiner  pousser  en 
regain."3  From  the  Norman  revouin  comes  Engl,  rowen. 
later  popularized  to  roughings. 

The  distribution  of  this  word  in  the  south  is  particularly 
interesting,  because  it  shows  to  what  wild  transformations, 
utterly  baffling  philology  and  phonetics,  a  word  may  be  sub- 
jected. Levy  records  gaim  in  the  Provence.  In  Berry  we  al- 
ready find  regouiver  for  reguiner.  In  the  south  the  case  is  much 
worse.  In  Lyons  we  get  the  forms  reviouro,  revioulo,  revuro, 
revivro,  revioro,  reviula  "regain."  4  After  this  one  will  not  be 
surprised  at  the  extravagances  recorded  in  Mistral.  Here  we 
get  revieure,  rouibre,  rouire,  rouibre,  rebouibre,  reboulbre, 
roubibre,  roudibre,  gouibre,  reboulibre,  rebouribre,  reboulume, 
relubre,  rebouchouire,  reboujouire,  reboussouire,  rourieu,  bou- 
rieu,  abourieu,  aurieu,  bouirieu,  vourieu,  vouri,  voueiri.6  One 

1  "Lorr.,  Fillieres  wayin,  culture  d'automne  pour  semer  le  ble.  S.-Dizier, 
semer  le  vain:  'Quand  nous  serons  en  vain  nous  payerons  les  domestiques.' 
Apres  le  vain,  on  fait  le  chien.  Fr.-Comte,  vahin,  vaihin,  vouaihin,  vouain,  vain, 
automne;  vahin,  voyain,  vouyain,  regain.  Gain,  guien,  synonyme  de  regain  dans 
le  departement  des  Deux-Sevres  et  dans  le  H.-Maine.  Centre  de  la  France, 
Issoudoun,  aller  au  gain,  aller  en  vendanges.  Poitou,  gain,  guiain,  regain,  sec- 
onde  coupe  des  prairies."  Besides,  Godefroy  cites  gaaigneau,  gaigneau,  gaynau, 
ganneau,  guimeau,  guimau,  waymal,  "qui  se  joint  habituellement  avec  le  mot 
pr6  pour  designer  un  pre  a  regain,  un  pre  qui  se  fauchait  deux  fois  par  an"  and 
"en  Touraine,  l'on  disait  gaimau,  en  Saintonge  gueymaulx." 

2  E.  de  Chambure,  Glossaire  du  Morvan,  Paris,  Autun  1878. 

3  H.  Moisy,  Dictionnaire  de  patois  normand,  Caen  1887. 

4  N.  du  Puitspelu,  Dictionnaire  etymologique  du  patois  lyonnais,  Lyon  1890. 

6  To  these  must  be  added  Vosges.  woye,  woeye,  r'woye,  N.  Haillant,  Dic~ 
tionnaire  phonetique  et  etymologique,  Epinal  1885. 


130     COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

sees  plainly  how,  beginning  with  gain  in  the  north  of  France, 
the  forms  get  worse  and  worse  as  they  proceed  south.  If  we 
turn  to  the  Atlas  linguistique  de  la  France  (N°  1139),  one 
can  get  a  clear  idea  how  it  has  happened.  Gain  occurs  only 
sporadically  in  the  northwest,  in  C6tes-du-Nord,  Orne,  D.- 
Sevres, while  in  Belgium  forms  arising  from  wain  are  uni- 
versal. If  a  straight  line  is  drawn  from  Bordeaux  to  Chalons- 
sur-Saone,  we  get  to  the  north  of  it  the  regain  group.  From 
Belgium,  where  the  rewain  forms  are  exceptional,  the  rewain 
words  go  straight  south,  here  and  there  alternating  with 
wain.  Towards  Switzerland  begin  the  corruptions  which 
produce  the  Provengal  forms.  In  Doubs  regain,  rewain,  wain 
meet.  In  the  southwest  of  Switzerland  we  get  rekwai,  while 
in  Jura  and  Doubs  we  have  rewain.  Towards  the  east  rise 
the  forms  rekwa,  rekwar,  rekor,  reko,  and  these  go  south  to 
Savoie  and  Ain.  In  Isere  rekor  stands  side  by  side  with  revur, 
and  the  latter  explains  the  other  corruptions  of  the  south.  In 
the  south,  along  the  coast,  and  along  the  Pyrenees,  in  Landes 
and  Gironde,  that  is,  at  the  periphery,  derivations  from 
regain  are  exceptional.  Here  we  have  the  freely  formed 
reprin  or  retaille,  and  Covarubias  was  certainly  right  when 
he  derived  Span,  retono  from  the  synonymous  retallo.  If  this 
map  may  be  safely  trusted  as  representing  a  historic  tradi- 
tion, and  there  is  nothing  to  contradict  such  an  assumption, 
the  whole  group  must  have  had  its  birth  in  the  north,  spread- 
ing in  two  streams,  one  directly  to  the  south,  the  other  along 
the  western  border,  equally  to  the  south  and  towards  Switzer- 
land, taking  from  there  a  westerly  direction.  We  are,  there- 
fore, compelled  to  assume  that  an  intensive  use  of  the  rowen 
proceeded  from  the  north.  French  gaim,  waim  has  entered 
Italy  in  the  form  guaime,  and  guimeau,  waymal  has  produced 
there  gomireccio,  grumereccio,  again  proving  the  assumption 
that  the  group  proceed  from  the  north  of  France.  The  same 
confirmation  is  found  in  Germany.  MHG.  amat,  ilemet,  Swiss 


ARBUSTUM   VITATUM  131 

amad,  German  Emde,  Oehmd,  Ohmet,  Ohmt  "rowen"  are 
transformations  of  the  French  waim,  with  a  leaning  towards 
MHG.  mat  " mowing,"  and  as  Fr.  guimeau  has  led  to  Ital. 
grumereccio,  so  it  has  also  produced  German  Grummet,  with 
a  possible  popular  derivation  from  "grim"  and  "Mahd." 

The  expression  terre  vaine  et  vague,  which  becomes  more  and 
more  popular,  contains  a  tautology.  In  Normandy  terra  vacua 
was  originally  the  expression  for  terre  vaine,  for  we  are  dis- 
tinctly told  in  the  Summa  de  legibus  that  in  the  terra  vacua 
cattle  could  pasture  only  from  September  until  March,  that 
is,  on  the  stubble  or  rowen.1  Hence  terre  vaine  refers  to  the 
late  pastures  only,  while  terre  vuide  is  any  abandoned,  rough 
pasture.  But  in  time  the  latter  word  loses  its  distinctive 
meaning,  while  vaine  pdturage  becomes  the  common  ex- 
pression for  ''pasture." 

In  the  Codex  Theodosianus  the  term  terrae  vacantes,  vagantes 
signifies  abandoned,  uncultivated  land,2  in  Italy  vacuus  and 
vacans  referred  to  neglected  land  in  private  possession,3  and 
as  in  France  the  terre  vuide  was  opposed  to  terre  pleine,  so  here 
was  employed  the  combination  vacuum  et  plenum.*  In  the 
Theodosian  Code  we  have  the  expression  vacuus  et  inanis  for 
the  complete  abandonment  of  property,  which  then  is  con- 
fiscated by  the  curia,5  and  this  term  is  used  in  hundreds  of 
documents  in  the  Middle  Ages.6  In  place  of  the  older  vacuus 

1  "Terre  vero  vacue,  que  a  medio  marcio  usque  ad  festum  Sancte  Crucis  in 
septembri  defenduntur,  alio  vero  tempore  sunt  communes,  nisi  clause  fuerint 
vel  ex  antiquitate  defense,  ut  haie  et  hujusmodi,"  E.  J.  Tardif,  Coutumiers  de 
Normandie,  Rouen,  Paris  1896,  vol.  n,  p.  30. 

2  vii.  20.  3  and  8. 

3  "Terra  vacuum  ividem  qui  vinea  fuit"  (939),  Mon.  reg  neap.,  vol.  i,  p.  119; 
"terra  bacua  ubi  prius  domum  fuit"  (963),  ibid.,  vol.  n,  p.  109;  "terra  uacante 
in  circuitu  eius  ubi  aptum  fuerit  vineas  cum  arboribus  pomorum"  (946),  Ar- 
chivio  della  r.  Societa  Romano,  di  Storia  Patria,  vol.  XTT,  p.  74. 

4  "Assignastis  nobis  montem  vestrum  vacuum  et  plenum"  (10.  cent.), 
Camera,  Memorie  .  .  .  di  Amalfi,  vol.  I,  p.  164. 

6  "  Vacuus  vero  et  inanes  sine  naturali  successione  fortunas  sibi  Curia  vindi- 
cabit,"  xii.  1.  123. 

6  "Si  quia  de  no  vis  quod  ab  se  substragere  voluerit,  vel  proprio  defendere, 


132     COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

there  soon  spreads  in  Italy  forms  derived  from  Fr.  vuid,  vuit, 
even  more  completely  than  did  the  gain  words.  Philologists, 
who  construct  history  on  abstract  laws,  have  derived  such 
words  from  a  Lat.  vocitus  for  vacatus.  But  there  is  not  a 
shadow  of  a  trace  of  such  a  word  anywhere.  While  we  do 
have  vocitus  for  vocatus,  a  derivation  from  vacatus  is  absurd.  In 
Italy  we  find  only  the  words  derived  from  vacuus  and  vacans, 
and  also  vacivus.1  The  philologists  base  their  assumption  of 
such  a  derivation  on  the  Logudorian  form  bogidu  in  Sardinia, 
which,  they  say,  is  derived  from  vocitus.  But  fortunately 
we  here  possess  early  dialectic  documents  in  the  Condaghe 
di  San  Pietro  di  Silki,  from  the  fourteenth  century,  in  which 
some  documents  run  back  to  the  eleventh  century.  Here 
vacans  occurs  several  times,  but  of  vocitus  and  bogidu  there 
is  not  a  trace.2  Hence  vocitus  is  an  impossibility  as  a  basis  for 
void,  vuit.  It  is  true  that  vuit  took  the  place  of  the  old  vacuum, 
since  there  is  little  difference  between  a  pecia  de  vites  and  a 
vacuum.  Vuit  was  popular  in  France  in  the  eighth  century, 
but  did  not  assume  the  distinct  meaning  of  "  empty,  aban- 
doned" until  later,  possibly  not  before  the  tenth  century. 

The  German  Weide  is  derived  from  widis,  even  as  Ohmd 
and  Grummet  are  derived  from  Fr.  gain.  Weide  appears  only 
late  in  OHG.,  is  not  recorded  in  Gothic,  and  has  entered  the 
northern  languages  only  from  the  German.  The  oldest  quo- 
tation for  Weide  is  in  the  Hrabanian  glosses  of  the  ninth  cen- 
tury. But  if  one  turns  to  the  respective  passage,3  one  finds 
there  "pascua  ostarun  pascua  uueide,"  where  the  first  pascua 
is  a  mistake  for  pascha,  while  eid  in  uueide  is  written  over  an 

vacuus  et  enanis  exinde  exeat"  (713),  Brunetti,  op.  tit.,  vol.  i,  p.  423,  and  again, 
vol.  ii,  pp.  350,  372,  382,  402. 

1  "Terra  vaciba"  (1022),  G.  B.  Nitto  de  Rossi,  Codice  diplomatico  barese, 
vol.  I,  p.  19  (940),  Codex  cavensis,  vol.  i,  p.  215,  and  very  often. 

2  "Sa  parte  sua  dessa  uinia  de  funtana,  cun  pumu  e  bacante  cantu  ui  aueat," 
G.  Bonazzi,  II  Condaghe  di  San  Pietro  di  Silki,  testo  logudorese  inedito  dei  secoli 
XI-XIII,  Sassari-Cagliari  1900,  p.  78  (N°  325)  and  again  Nos  40,  248,  347. 

3  Steinmeyer  and  Sievers,  Althochdeutsche  Glossen,  vol.  i,  p.  225. 


ARBUSTUM   VITATUM  133 

old  erasure.  It  can  be  shown  that  this  gloss  was  written  by  a 
later  hand,  for  in  the  alphabetic  Bible  glossary  we  find  "pas- 
turn  uuinne."  1  Obviously,  then,  inn  was  erased,  to  make 
place  for  eid.  Consequently  the  Hrabanian  gloss  cannot  be 
used  for  the  determination  of  the  age  of  this  word.  The  usual 
word  for  pasture  is  mesti.2  But  uuinne  and  mesti  are  them- 
selves borrowed  words.  Uuinne  is  related  to  gain,  as  gewin- 
nen  is  related  to  gagner,  and  mesti  is  Lat.  mixta,  which  has 
also  produced  Span,  mesta  " pasture,"  which  since  the  thir- 
teenth century  has  played  an  important  part  in  Spanish 
economic  history.  OHG.  mast,3  AS.  maeste  4  is  "common 
forest,"  where  the  pigs  are  fattened,  wherefore  it  is  translated 
by  pasnagium.  In  the  Spanish  documents  ambae  mixtae, 
maestae,  or  mestae  means  everything  which  is  used  in  common 
by  adjoining  neighbors,  whether  pasture  or  fishing.  Before 
the  thirteenth  century  most  of  the  recorded  cases  refer  ex- 
clusively to  fishing  rights,5  but  that  is  mere  accident,  for  from 
the  thirteenth  century  on  mestae  refers  to  the  pasture. 

1  Steinmeyer  and  Sievers,  Althochdeutsche  Glossen,  vol.  i,  p.  286. 

2  Ibid.,  vol.  iv,  p.  84. 

8  "Ad  Fregistatt  sortes  duas  et  Walt-masta  ad  porcos  saginandum"  (826), 
"quidam  fidelis  .  .  .  dedit  bannum  villae  cum  omni  jure  ex  integro  et  justitia, 
quae  vulgo  dicitur  mast"  (999).  However,  both  documents  are  spurious. 

4  "Gif  non  on  his  maestene  unaliefed  swin  gemete,  si  quis  obuiet  porco  sine 
licentia  in  pasnagio  suo"  (688-95?),  Liebermann,  Gesetze  der  Angelsachsen, 
p.  110/.;  "donne  he  his  heorde  to  maestene  drife,  quando  gregem  suam  minabit 
in  pastinagium"  (1025-60),  ibid.,  p.  447. 

6  "Et  per  ilia  Brana  de  Ordial,  et  per  illas  mestas  de  Freznedo,  et  per  con- 
forquellos,  et  inde  ad  illo  rio  de  Rivilla"  (780),  Espana  sagrada,  vol.  xxxvn, 
p.  306;  "a  meridie  partibus  suo  porto  integro,  et  suas  piscarias,  et  suos  rannales, 
et  suos  andamios,  et  saltus,  usque  in  ambas  mixtas,  ad  illo  Trotino  .  .  .  duas 
eremitas,  Sancto  Cosme  et  Damiano,  que  iacent  contra  parte  de  Mineo  sub 
ilia  vereda,  quae  descendit  ad  ambas  mixtas  .  .  .  cum  omnes  suas  cuintiones,  et 
deganias  cunctas  .  .  .  quas  f uisse  de  praesura  antiqua  scripturas  veteres "  (997), 
A.  de  Yepes,  Coronica  general  de  la  Orden  de  San  Benito,  vol.  v,  fol.  438  b.;  "per 
penna  aurata  et  per  illos  carriles  .  .  .  usque  ad  illo  cauto  .  .  .  inde  per  medium 
albeum  usque  ad  ambas  mixtas  exceptas  illas  piscarias  de  Fiscaces,  ibi  vero  in 
ambas  mixtas  restauramus,  sicut  in  nostris  testamentis  habetur,  et  inde  in 
ambas  mixtas  per  medias  albas  usque  ad  Castellano"  (1139),  ibid.,  fol.  439; 
"descendit  per  ambas  maestas  ad  Fontem  Panal"  (960),  ibid.,  fol.  448;  "de 


134     COMMENTARY  TO  THE.  GERMANIC  LAWS 

OHG.  weide  is  not  certain  before  the  tenth  century,  but 
it  must  have  existed  much  earlier,  because  widis  campis  is 
recorded  on  German  soil  in  the  eighth  century.  As  the  pasture 
was  chiefly  used  for  hunting,  we  have  AS.  vae8  "  hunting, 
roaming  about,  waves." 

We  turn  once  more  to  the  Atlas  linguistique  de  la  France 
(N°  1384),  in  order  to  study  the  distribution  of  the  vuid 
group  on  French  soil.  If  we  draw  the  same  line  as  in  regain, 
we  have  in  the  whole  northwest  the  pure  vide  group,  which 
here,  as  in  regain,  chiefly  depends  on  literary  influence.  In 
the  northeast,  in  Somme,  Pas-de-Calais,  Nord,  Arden,  we 
meet  with  void,  which  in  Belgium  leans  strongly  towards  vud, 
vut.  From  here  a  void,  voed  group  takes  a  sharp  southerly 
direction,  while  in  Switzerland  vud,  voed,  void,  voeid  meet  side 
by  side.  Through  the  Provence  run  vud,  vuid,  voeid  forms,  as 
buit,  bueid,  etc.,  here  and  there  interrupted  by  literary  vide. 
It  is  clear  that  the  original  vuid  has  developed  in  the  direc- 
tion of  voeid  and  vud.  Considering  the  popular  vut  forms  in 
Switzerland  and  the  vit,  voet,  vueit  in  Raeto-Roman,  it  is  not 
strange  that  Italian  has  vuoto,  which  is  certainly  of  French 
late  origin,  for  it  has  only  the  meaning  "empty." 

The  fate  of  vitatum  on  the  Spanish  peninsula  is  especially 
instructive,  because  the  many  aberrations  of  the  word  have 
spread  with  the  economic  development  of  the  pasture 
throughout  the  rest  of  Europe.  According  to  the  Visigothic 
law  the  fields  bordering  the  road  had  to  be  surrounded  by  a 
fence  or  ditch,1  otherwise  the  traveler  along  the  road  could 
not  be  kept  from  pasturing  his  cattle  in  the  open  fields.2  The 

inter  ambas  mestas  ubi  cadit  Pisorica  in  Dorio,  de  inde  ad  Egica  donee  per- 
veniatur  a  la  Gascagosa  .  .  .  inde  al  Fontanar,  de  inde  a  las  mestas  ubi  cadit 
Adagga  in  Dorio;  et  concedo  ut  nullus  audeat  piscare,  videlicet  ad  Agga  in 
Dorio,  usque  ad  illas  mestas  ubi  cadit  Pisorica  in  Dorio"  (1135),  M.  Ferotin, 
Recueil  des  chartes  de  I'abbaye  de  Silos,  p.  67. 

1  Lex  Visig.,  viii.  4.  25  and  26. 

2  "De  apertorum  et  vacantium  camporum  pascuis.  Neiter  agentibua  pascua 
non  conclusa  vetentur,"  ibid.,  27. 


ARBUSTUM   VITATUM  135 

apertorum  camporum  pascua  mentioned  in  this  law  is  the 
same  as  the  French  vaine  pdture,  that  is,  stubble  fields,  while 
vacantium  camporum  pascua  corresponds  to  the  terre  vuide. 
This  is  made  absolutely  certain  from  the  corresponding 
Langobard  law,  where  stupla  and  pascua  are  distinguished.1 
The  identity  of  the  two  laws  has  long  been  observed,  and  it 
has  been  suggested  that  the  Langobards  have  borrowed 
theirs  from  the  Visigothic  Code.  One  will  look  in  vain  in  the 
Roman  laws  for  its  prototype,  but  it  is  evident  that  we  are 
dealing  with  the  economic  institution  of  the  Roman  arbustum 
vitatum,  which  had  to  be  taken  care  of  and  fenced  in,  to 
escape  the  fate  of  the  vacant  fields.  A  terra  vitata  could  be 
defended,  in  order  that  it  might  remain  in  private  possession, 
as  regards  pasturing,  while  wasteland  and  fallow  fields  were 
common  pasture  and  could  even  be  confiscated  by  the  gov- 
ernment. The  semasiological  change  from  terra  vitata  to 
terra  vetata  was  natural  and  imperative,  hence  we  not  only 
find  in  the  Visigothic  law  "pascua  non  vetentur^  but  in 
Aragon,  Navarre  and  Gascony  vetatum  was  the  usual  word 
for  the  arbustum  vitatum  of  the  Italians.2  The  vedado  in 
Navarre  has  already  been  mentioned  in  connection  with  ar- 
bustum. In  the  sixth  book  of  the  Fuero  general  de  Navarra 
we  have  specific  mention  of  the  rights  exercised  by  neighbor- 
ing villages  in  such  a  pasture.  We  get  here  a  clear  idea 
why  vitatum  was  popularly  changed  to  vetatum,  for  in  such  an 
enclosure  the  cattle  and  horses  could  pasture  the  whole  year 

1  "Nulli  sit  licentia  iterantibus  erba  negare,  excepto  prata  intacto  tempore 
suo,  aut  messem.  Post  fenum  autem  aut  fruges  collectas  tan  turn  vindicit  couis 
terra  est,  quantum  cum  clausura  sua  potest  defendere.  Nam  si  cavallus  iter 
facientibus  de  stupla  aut  de  ipsa  pascua,  ubi  alia  peculia  pascent,  movere  pre- 
eumpserit,  in  octogild  ipsus  cavallus  conponat,  pro  eo  quod  ipsos  de  arvo  campo, 
quod  est  fonsaccri,  movere  presumpserit,"  Ed.  Roth.  358. 

2  To  the  many  quotations  given  in  Ducange  (sub  bedatum  and  vetatum) 
the  following  few  may  be  added:  "Totam  terram  cultam  et  incultam  et  ne- 
mus  et  bedad"  (1159),  L'abbe'  Clergeac,  Cartulaire  de  Vabbaye  de  Gimont, 
Paris,  Auch  1905,  pp.  150,  151;  "boscum  qui  appellatur  bedad"  (1158),  ibid., 
p.  147. 


136     COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

round,  while  other  animals  were  admitted  only  from  Sep- 
tember or  November  until  March.1 

In  Spain  the  oldest  form  recorded  in  the  documents  is  not 
vetatum  but  divisa.2  That  we  are  having  here  an  enclosed 
pasture  is  proved  by  a  document  of  the  year  869,  where  a 
monastery  is  given  right  to  gather  fuel  in  a  divisio  and  share 
pasture  with  a  neighboring  town.3  This  divisa  has  not  sur- 
vived, except  in  the  stereotyped  expression  hereditates  et 
divisae,  in  order  to  express  complete  possession  of  an  estate, 
including  the  pasturage.  In  the  province  of  Burgos  the 
divisae  are  mentioned  as  lying  in  the  outskirts,  no  longer  as 
common  property,  but  in  private  possession,  the  difference 
between  hereditates  and  divisae  being  the  same  as  between 
alodial  land  and  such  as  has  been  acquired  by  presura.4 

The  obligation  of  the  Langobard  to  the  Visigothic  laws  has 

1  "La  defesa  (de  cavayllos)  deve  servedado  de  la  sancta  Maria  Candelor  en- 
troa  la  sant  Johan  ata  que  gayllos  canten :  et  de  que  gayllos  cantaren  al  dia  de 
sant  Johan  entroa  sancta  Maria  Candelor,  puede  paszer  todo  ganado,"  Fuero 
general  de  Navarra,  p.  125;  "vedado  de  bueyes  deve  ser  del  primer  dia  de  sancta 
Maria  Candelor  entroa  la  sanct  Martin  ata  que  gayllos  canten;  et  deque  gayllos 
cantaren  al  dia  de  sanct  Martin  entroal  dia  de  sancta  Maria  Candelor,  puede 
paszer  todo  ganado,"  ibid.,  p.  124. 

2  "Cum  suas  hereditates  et  divisa  in  monte"  (762),  Berganza,  Antigiiedades 
de  Espana,  vol.  n,  p.  370. 

3  "Ego  Comite  Didaco  dono  ad  Sancti  Felicis  divisiones  in  montes,  et  fontes, 
id  est  de  Valde  Avuelo  quantum  potest  portare  cotidie  cum  vno  carro  .  .  .  Et 
pro  ad  illo  ganato  divisione  pari  pasce  cum  ilia  Civitate  Aukense,"  ibid.,  p. 
371. 

4  "Concedo  etiam  ut  ubicumque  habueritis  divisas  in  omni  Aucensi  Epis- 
copatu"  (1068),  Espana  sagrada,  vol.  xxvi,  p.  453;  "trado  ibi  divisas  guas  in 
circuitu  possideo.  In  Caraveio  divisam  quam  ex  parte  matris  heredito:  In  Maz- 
zoferario  divisam  quam  ex  parte  matris  habeo.  Et  in  Quintana  Levaniaga  di- 
visa quam  ex  parte  matris  heredito  ab  omni  integritate.  Et  in  Villamajore  tres 
divisas,  una  de  meo  patre  Gustio  Didaz,  altero  de  meo  germano  Didaco  Gustioz: 
terrtia  de  mea  tia  Domna  Onneca.  Has  divisas  Tibi  Munioni  Episcopo  perpetuo 
jure  concedo,  ut  serviant  in  Ecclesia  S.  Mariae  semper  Virginis  cum  suis  ad- 
jacentiis,  cum  terris  et  vineis,  cum  pratis  et  montibus,  cum  ingressu  et  regressu 
ab  omni  integritate  concedo "  {1011),  ibid.,  p.  455;  "  villas  eremas  et  populatas, 
decanias,  et  omnes  alias  divisas  seu  etiam  hereditates  .  .  .  totum  concedo  Bur- 
gensi  sedi  perpetuo  serviturum"  (1076),  ibid.,  p.  459;  "cum  suas  domos  et  di- 
vissas"  (1056),  M.  Ferotin,  Recueil  des  chartes  de  Vabbaye  de  Silos,  p.  12;  "divis- 
ero  e  heredero  en  la  villa"  (1239),  ibid.,  p.  175. 


ARBUSTUM  VITATUM  137 

already  been  observed  by  historians.  It  can  also  be  shown 
that  the  Langobard  documents  of  certain  regions  stand  in 
some  relation  to  the  Visigothic  documents.  This  is,  no 
doubt,  the  case  with  those  that  employ  divisa  in  a  vague 
sense  of  "pasture."  The  earliest  recorded  instance  is  in  a 
Carolingian  document  of  the  year  783,  where  we  have  the 
term  "pascuis  divisis  et  indivisi."  *  To  the  sensible  "pascuis 
devisis"  has  been  added  the  impossible  "indevisi"  for  either 
divisa  is  not  a  divided  pasture,  or,  if  it  is,  an  undivided  pas- 
ture cannot  be  given  away.  This  stereotyped  expression 
divisa  et  indivisa  is  given  in  a  number  of  documents  at  Amiata 
and  Lucca,  where  the  meaning  cannot  be  ascertained,  be- 
cause it  is  never  enlarged  upon.2  But  we  can  show  from  a 
large  number  of  Milan  documents  that  the  expression  there 
occurs  in  company  with  other  exceptional  terms  for  Italy, 
which  are  common  in  Spanish  documents.  In  a  document 
of  the  year  840,  with  a  prolific  and  useless  pertinence,  di- 
visum  et  indivisum  follows  the  term  interconciliaricis.3  Two 
years  later  interconciliaricis  is  changed  to  inter  concilium.4 
This  word  goes  through  the  most  extravagant  changes, 
through  inconcilibus,  concelibus,  concelibas,  incelibas,  con- 
clivis,  concilibas,  celibas,  coelibas.5    It  is  evident  that  this 

1  "Undecumque  ad  me  devolutum  est  tam  casis  vineis  terris  silvis  pratis 
pascuis  devisis  et  indevisi,"  Brunetti,  op.  cit.,  vol.  n,  p.  254. 

2  "Cultum  et  incultum,  deviso  vel  indeviso"  (821),  Archivio  della  r.  Societit 
romana,  vol.  xvi,  p.  299. 

3  "Ipsa  predictis  rebus  cum  casis  in  ipsas  quinque  locas  vel  alias  tectoras 
cum  curtis,  ortis,  areis,  clausuris,  campis,  pratis,  pascuis,  silvis,  salectis,  sadi- 
ciis,  castanedis,  cerredis,  roboretis,  hamenecolariis,  frontzariis,  pascuis,  usum 
aque,  interconciliaricis,  divisum  et  indivisum,  omnia  in  omnibus,"  Cod.  Langob., 
col.  240. 

*  "Et  omnes  relique  singolas  terretorium  seo  de  inter  concilium,  eo  no  mine 
divisum  et  indivisum,"  ibid.,  col.  256. 

5  "Vineis,  silvis,  vicanalibus,  inconcilibis  locis,  omnia  et  omnibus"  (847), 
ibid.,  col.  273;  "concelibus  locis,  divisas  et  indivisas,  coltum  et  incoltum,  tam 
in  monte  quamque  etiam  in  planis"  (851),  ibid.,  col.  292;  "vicanalibus,  con- 
celibas locas"  (856),  ibid.,  col.  329  and  (911)  col.  653;  "montibus,  alpibus  seo 
incelibas  logas"  (864),  ibid.,  col.  385;  "conclivis  locis  divisis,  ripis,  rupinis" 
(914),  ibid.,  col.  784;  "coerit  ei  da  una  parte  via,  da  alia  Sancti  Abundi,  da 


138     COMMENTARY  -TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

strange  word  had  the  meaning  of  " pasture,"  but  it  was  for- 
eign to  Italy,  and  in  the  middle  of  the  eleventh  century  it 
disappears  entirely.  In  Roman  times  concilium  was  the  coun- 
cil held  by  the  conciliabulum,1  which  itself  was  an  adminis- 
trative division  after  the  forum,  "quae  colonia  hac  lege 
deducta  a  quodve  municipium  praefectura,  forum,  concili- 
abulum constitutum  est."  Festus  explains  conciliabulum 
"locum  ubi  concilium  convenitur."  Isidor  knows  it  as  "pagi 
sunt  loca  apta  aedificiis  inter  agros  habitantibus,  haec  est 
conciliabula  dicta  a  conventu  secietate  multorum  in  unum."2 
In  Italy  no  trace  of  conciliabulum  is  left,  but  in  Spain  con- 
cilium survived  in  the  sense  of  "community,"3  hence  the 
strange  group  of  the  Milan  words  was  in  some  way  trans- 
planted from  Spain.  This  seems  to  be  proved  by  the  use  of 
the  words  vicinalis,  divisa  and  monies,  which  are  found  with 
this  concilium  in  the  Milan  documents,  which  are  all  dis- 
tinctive Spanish  terms,  while  monies,  considering  the  fact 
that  there  are  no  mountains  in  Milanese  territory,  has  de- 
veloped out  of  the  Spanish  divisa  in  monte  "forest  pasture." 
We  have  already  seen  that  the  divisa  in  monte,  like  the 
vedado  in  Navarre,  forms  in  Burgos  the  subject  of  constant 
discussions  between  adjoining  villages  and  towns,  hence  the 
inter  concilium  of  the  year  842  can  be  nothing  but  the  inter- 
confinium,  which  Joannes  de  Janua4  glosses  with  "terminus 
vel  locus  inter  duos  fines  existens."   Without  a  comparison 

tercia  concelibis,  da  quarta  si  qui  sunt  alii  finantes"  (992),  ibid.,  col.  1521; 
"usque  seu  inter  concillibas  locas"  (9S4),  ibid.,  col.  1441;  "coltis,  et  incoltis, 
divisis,  et  indivisis,  usibus  aquarum,  aquarumque  ductibus,  et  una  cum  finibus 
seu  celibas  locas"  (1036),  G.  Giulini,  Memorie  spettanti  alia  storia  .  .  .  di  Milano 
ne'  secoli  bassi,  Milano  1857,  vol.  vn,  p.  58;  "pascuis,  gerbis,  divisis  et  indi- 
visis, tarn  in  montibus,  quam  in  planitiis,  usibus  aquarum,  aquarumque  ducti- 
bus seu  piscationibus,  atque  in  coelibas  locas"  (1042),  ibid.,  p.  59;  " divisis,  et 
indivisis,  una  cum  finibus,  terminibus,  accesionibus,  et  usibus  aquarumque 
ductibus  .  .  .  seu  concelibas  locas"  (1051),  ibid.,  p.  64. 

1  Thesaurus  linguae  latinae,  sub  concilium  technice  2. 

2  Ibid.,  sub  conciliabulum. 

3  Ducange,  sub  concilium  3.  4  Ducange. 


ARBUSTUM  VITATUM  139 

of  the  Milan  with  the  Spanish  documents  the  existence  of 
concilium  is  unique  in  Italy,  and  inexplicable.1 

If  vetatum  of  the  Spanish  documents  is  a  transformation  of 
vitatum,  the  still  older  divisa  can  only  be  some  transforma- 
tion of  (pezia)  de  vitis,  as  recorded  in  the  oldest  Langobard 
documents.  The  incomprehensible  vitatum  changed  into  the 
comprehensible  vetatum  "forbidden"  and  divisa  "separated, 
set  aside."  But  there  were  many  other  corruptions  of  the 
original  word.  In  Catalonia  they  spoke  of  a  devesa,2  while 
in  Spain  they  at  an  early  time  passed  over  to  defesa,  which 
was  understood  and  written  as  defensa  "protected."  In  a 
document  of  the  year  804  both  divisa  and  defesa  occur,  and 
it  is  obvious  that  divisa  refers  to  the  termini  mentioned  be- 
fore.3 I  have  my  doubts  about  the  genuineness  of  this  docu- 
ment, at  least  of  the  spelling  defesa,  since  the  document 
exists  only  in  late  copies  and  defesa  is  otherwise  not  recorded 
before  the  tenth  century.4   In  the  Provence  this  word  does 

1  P.  S.  Leicht,  Studi  sulla  propriela  fondiaria  nel  medio  evo,  Verona-Padova 
1903,  p.  37  ff. 

2  J.  Balari  y  Jovany,  Origenes  historicas  de  Cataluna,  Barcelona  1899. 

3  "Tribuo  etiam  in  in  loco  qui  vocatur  Potancar  ecclesias  .  .  .  cum  suis  here- 
ditatibus  et  terminis  de  penna  usque  ad  flumen  de  Orone,  cum  molendinis  et 
ortis  et  pratis  et  cum  exitibus  et  regressibus  adque  cum  omnibus  sibi  pertinenti- 
bus.  .  .  Precipio  quoque  ut  abeatis  plenariam  libertatem  ad  incidenda  ligna 
in  montibus  meis  ad  construendas  ecclesias,  siue  ad  edificandas  domos,  aut 
cremandum,  uel  ad  quodcumque  necesse  fuerit  in  defesis,  in  pascuis,  in  fonti- 
bus,  in  riuis,  in  exitu  et  regressu,  absque  ullo  montadgo  adque  portatico. 
Adicio  autem  huic  prefate  uille  seu  monasteria  uel  ecclesias  siue  ditdsas  que 
suprascripte  sunt,  uel  que  tu  aut  suceessores  tui  adquirere  potueritis,"  Charles 
de  Veglise  de  Valpuesta,  in  Revue  hispanique,  vol.  vn,  p.  291  /. 

4  "Pratis,  pascuis,  padulibus,  defessas  lignarum,  vel  pascentes  omni  ganato 
per  suis  terminis"  (963),  Berganza,  Antiguedades  de  Espana,  vol.  n,  p.  400; 
"ilia  defessa,  vel  illo  monte,  dabo,  et  confirmo  ab  omni  integritate.  Ego  Ferdi- 
nando  Gundisalviz,  sic  pono  foro  super  ipsa  defessa.  Si  aliquis  homo  venerit  in 
illo  monte  sine  iussione  Abbati  pascere,  aut  ligna  taliare,  sic  pono  tali  foro,  vel 
cauto  per  vno  bobe  prendar  vno  carnero  .  .  .  nullus  domo  auseus  non  sedeat 
per  ibi  intrare  in  illo  monte,  nisi  solus,  qui  iussionem  Abbatum  de  regula  de 
Sancti  Iuliani,  et  illos  montes  per  ligna  taggare,  aut  pascere,  aut  matera  ad 
laborandum,  aut  derompere  illos  montes"  (964),  ibid.,  p.  402;  "pratis,  padules, 
pascuis,  defessis"  (968),  ibid.,  p.  403;  "cum  defessas,  et  cum  montes"  (968), 
ibid.,  p.  404;  "qui  scinderit  ligna  in  ipsa  defessa"  (972),  ibid.,  p.  408;  "molinis, 


140     COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

not  appear  before  the  eleventh  century.  Here  we  find  the 
forms  deves,  devesum,  devensum,  defensum,  defensorium.1  In 
the  Provencal  language  are  recorded  deves,  defes,  deveza,  and 
the  latter  form  is  also  found  in  Portuguese,  while  the  Span- 
ish has  dehesa. 

We  have  already  seen  from  the  Milanese  documents  that 
divisa  stood  by  the  side  of  inter  concilium,  that  is,  that  it  lay 
in  the  common  land  of  adjoining  villages.  This  is  clearly 
shown  in  the  English  laws,  where  divisa  is  the  common  land  2 
in  which  neighbors'  troubles  are  settled,3  wherefore  it  also 
means  " first  instance."4  In  Ine's  law  the  Anglo-Saxon  text 
has  gafolland  for  divisa,  that  is,  "land  subject  to  a  tax,"  such 
as  is  the  case  with  pasture  land,  while  one  text  slavishly 
translates  it  by  geddlland.5  This  latter  term  occurs  also  in 
two  tenth  century  documents,  and  in  one  of  these  it  is 
distinctly  mentioned  as  being  common  pasture,  meadow  and 

defessis,  pratis,  pascuis"  (1056),  ibid.,  p.  430;  "pratis  et  defesis,  pascuis  et 
paludibus"  (979),  Ferotin,  op.  cit.,  p.  6;  "serra  cum  sua  defesa  lignea"  (1041), 
ibid.,  p.  10;  "pratos  et  defesas  vel  pomiferis"  (1056),  ibid.,  p.  12;  "ortis  et 
pomiferis,  cum  pratis  et  defessis"  (1073),  ibid.,  pp.  19,  21;  "ponte  atque  pelago 
ad  piscandum  et  saltu  defensso"  (1125),  ibid.,  p.  54. 

1  "Devesum  in  aqua"  (1033)  M.  Guerard,  Cartulaire  de  Vabbaye  de  Saint 
Victor  de  Marseille,  Paris  1857,  vol.  i,  p.  129;  "de  devensu,  de  pisces,  de  arbori- 
bus"  (1060),  ibid.,  p.  404;  "vineas  male  invasas  et  defensorium"  (1090),  ibid., 
p.  600;  "accessis  sive  exivis,  defensis"  (1044),  ibid.,  p.  49  et  passim;  "prata 
defensa  et  plantata"  (1027),  J.  A.  Brutails,  Etude  sur  la  condition  des  popula- 
tions rurales  du  Roussillon  au  Moyen  Age,  Paris  1891,  p.  254. 

2  "  Si  murdrum  in  campis  patentibus  et  passim  accessilibus  inveniatur,  a  toto 
hundreto  communiter,  non  solum  ab  eo,  cuius  terra  est,  suppleatur;  si  in 
diuisis  accidat,  utrimque  pertranseat;  si  in  aula  regia  sit,  inde  componat  cui 
terra  adiacebit,"  Hen.  91.  4;  "si  ceorli  habeant  herbagium  in  communi  uel 
aliam  compascualem  (uel  divisionis,  divisam)  terram  claudendam,"  Ine  42. 

3  "Si  inter  compares  uicinos  utrinque  sint  querele,  conueniant  ad  diuisas 
terrarum  suarum,"  Hen.  57;  "in  diuisis  uel  [m]  erchimotis,"  Hen.  57.  8;  "inter 
compares  in  curiis  uel  diuisis  uel  locis  suis,"  Hen.[  34.  la;  "curiis  uel  diuisis 
parium,"  Hen.  9.  4. 

4  "Cil  ki  prendra  larrun  nez  siwte  e  senz  cri,  que  cil  enlest,  a  ki  il  avera  le 
damage  fait,  e  il  vienge  apres,  si  est  resun,  qu'il  duinse  X  sol.  le  hengwite,  e  si 
face  la  justice  a  la  primere  devise  (et  ad  primam  divisam  faciet  de  eo  justitiam)," 
Leis  Willelme  4,  4.  1. 

6  "Gif  ceorlas  gaerstun  haebben  gemaenne  o55e  oper  geddlland  to  tynanne." 


ARBUSTUM   VITATUM  141 

field.1  In  France  divisa,  devesa  still  occur  in  the  twelfth  cen- 
tury,2 but  most  of  the  derivatives,  such  as  defay,  defois,  are 
from  defesa  and  defensa.3 

From  the  above  discussion  it  is  evident  that  the  Latin 
agricultural  term  arbustum  vitatum,  to  express  the  enclosed 
vineyard  which  could  be  turned  into  a  pasture  only  after  the 
crops  were  in,  or  when  the  vines  were  so  high  that  they  could 
not  be  reached  by  the  cattle,  became  in  Spain  the  expression 
for  any  enclosed  pasture,  whether  there  were  any  vines  in 
it  or  not.  From  Spain  the  idea  of  enclosures  spread  to  France 
and  England,  where  they  played  such  an  important  part  in 
the  thirteenth  century. 

1  "Das  nigon  hida  licggeaS  on  gemang  oSran  geddllande  feldlaes  gemdne  and 
maeda  gemane  and  yrSlande  gemaene"  (961),  J.  M.  Kemble,  Codex  diploma- 
ticus  aevi  saxonici,  Londini  1848,  vol.  vi,  p.  39;  "healf  hid  gedaellandes"  (906), 
ibid.,  vol.  in,  p.  6. 

2  "Inde  ascendit  per  lo  deves  sicut  aqua  pendet"  (1169),  C.  U.  F.  Chevalier, 
Cartulaire  de  I'abbaye  de  Saint-Andre  le-Bas  de  Nienne,  Lyon  1869,  p.  303;  "in 
clauso,  et  in  prato,  et  in  devisio,"  C.  U.  Chevalier,  Chartularium  Ecclesiae  Petri 
de  Burgo  Valentiae  1869,  p.  4. 

3  See  Ducange,  sub  defensa  3. 


FREDUM,  FAIDA 

In  Holder's  Altceltischer  Sprachschatz  LL.  veredus  "post- 
horse"  is  marked  down  as  of  Celtic  origin.  But  the  Romans 
derived  the  institution  of  the  posts  from  Central  Asia,  specif- 
ically referred  to  by  Herodotus  as  of  Persian  origin.1  In- 
deed, Persian  band  "  veredus,  courier,  messenger,  running 
footman,  a  measure  of  two  parasangs  of  twelve  miles," 
barldan  "to  send  a  messenger"  is  unquestionably  older  than 
Lat.  veredus,  for  it  is  based  on  Assyr.  paradu  "to  hasten, 
impetuous,"  puridu  "messenger,  posthaste,"  which  are  enor- 
mously older  than  Persian  barld  or  Lat.  veredus.2  Our  inter- 
est lies  in  the  vicissitudes  of  veredus  in  Europe.3 

The  provincials,  hence  also  the  German  colonists  in 
Roman  territory,  were  heavily  taxed  for  the  maintenance 
of  highways  by  being  obliged  to  furnish  certain  numbers  of 
veredi,  swift  horses,  and  paraveredi,  heavy  draught  horses 
carrying  military  supplies  and  other  fiscal  property.  Refer- 
ences in  the  Theodosian  Code  show  that  in  the  fifth  century 
and  possibly  earlier  the  obligation  to  furnish  veredi  was  com- 
muted in  the  provinces  to  a  pecuniary  contribution,while  the 
heavier  draught  horses  seem  to  have  been  supplied  for  a  long 
period  afterwards.  In  and  about  Rome,  possibly  through  all 
of  Italy,  a  similar  exchange  took  place  by  substituting  fodder 
for  the  older  veredi,  so  that  we  get  references  in  Cassiodorus 

1  Herod,  vin.  98. 

2  Already  correctly  stated  in  P.  Horn,  Grundriss  der  neupersischen  Ety- 
mologie,  Strassburg  1893,  p.  29. 

3  For  the  history  of  the  cursus  publicus  and  references  to  the  next  paragraph 
see  Paul-Wissowa,  Realencyclopaedie,  and  Daremberg  and  Saglio,  Diction- 
noire  des  antiquites,  sub  cursus  publicus. 


FREDUM,   FAIDA  143 

to  paraveredi  et  annonae,1  and  it  seems  from  the  context  that 
certain  emoluments  of  the  judges,  called  pulveratica,  possibly 
traveling  expenses,  were  in  Italy  in  the  sixth  century  abol- 
ished in  favor  of  a  supply  of  fodder  for  the  paraveredi.2  In- 
deed, we  have  not  only  here,  but  also  in  another  passage,  the 
specific  statement  that  according  to  an  old  law  a  three  days' 
supply  of  provision  is  supplied  to  the  judges  and  nothing 
more.3  This  annonae  is  included  in  the  common  technical 
term  apparatus,4  which  in  the  Frankish  immunities  quoted 
farther  below  is  referred  to  as  parata.  The  veredi  were  still  in 
use  for  rapid  communication,  but  the  ordinary  Goths  and 
Romans  were  not  permitted  to  use  them  for  private  purposes,5 
and  these  horses  were  apparently  supplied  by  the  state,  for 
the  Spaniards,  who  furnished  the  fast  horses  to  the  Roman 
government,  were  provoked  when  they  were  asked  also  to 
supply  the  usual  paraveredi.6  It  was,  indeed,  Spain  where  the 

1  "Amoenitate  civitatis  in  paraveredorum  et  annonarum  praebitione  proprii 
cives  fatigantur  expensis.  quapropter  ne  laedat  urbem  amoenitas  sua  aut  res 
praeconii  fiat  causa  dispendii,  paraveredorum  et  annonarum  praebitionem  secun- 
dum evectiones  concessas  in  assem  publicum  constituimus  imputari"  (533), 
Cassiodorus,  Variae,  xn.  15. 

2  "Pulveratica  quoque  iudices  funditus  amputantes  trium  tantum  etiam 
dierum  praesulibus  annonas  praeberi  secundum  Vetera  constituta  decernimus, 
suis  expensis  facta  tarditate  vecturis.  legis  enim  administrantes  remedio,  non 
oneri  esse  voluerunt,"  ibid. 

3  "Iudices  quoque  provinciae  vel  curiales  atque  defensores  tam  de  cursu 
quam  de  aliis  rebus  illicita  dicuntur  possessoribus  irrogare  dispendia:  quod  te 
perquirere  et  sub  ratione  legum  emendare  censemus  .  .  .  Iudex  vero  Romanus 
propter  expensas  provincialium,  quae  gravare  pauperes  suggeruntur,  per  annum 
in  unumquodque  municipium  semel  accidat:  cui  non  amplius  quam  triduanae 
praebeantur  annonae,  sicut  legum  cauta  tribuerunt.  maiores  enim  nostri  dis- 
cursus  iudicum  non  oneri,  sed  compendio  provincialibus  esse  voluerunt,"  v.  14. 

4  "Atque  ideo  de  veteribus  frugibus  prudentia  tua  futuram  vincat  inopiam, 
quia  tanti  fuit  anni  praeteriti  felix  ubertas,  ut  et  Venturis  mensibus  provisa 
sufficiant.  reponatur  omne  quod  ad  victum  quaeritur.  facile  privatus  necessaria 
reperit,  cum  se  publicus  apparatus  expleverit,"  xn.  25,  and  see  in  the  Index. 

B  iv.  47,  v.  5. 

6  "Exactorum  quoque  licentia  amplius  fertur  a  provincialibus  extorqueri, 
quam  nostro  cubiculo  constat  inferri.  quod  diligenti  examinatione  discussum 
ad  hunc  vos  modum  functiones  publicas  revocare  decernimus,  quem  Alarici 
atque  Eurici  temporibus  constat  illatas.    Paraveredorum  itaque  subvectionea 


144     COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

fast  horses  had  been  procured  since  the  fourth  century,1  and 
even  as  late  as  the  ninth  century  the  Spaniards  were  expected 
to  supply  veredi.2  Hence  the  highways  are  in  Spain  called 
via  de  vereda.3 

Louis  I  of  Germany,  apparently  influenced  by  the  con- 
temporaneous revival  of  the  Spanish  supply  of  horses  to  his 
brother,  uses  the  expression  veredi  aut  veredarii  in  a  German 
formula  of  a  document,4  but  this  formula  is  not  used  in  any 
other  document  that  has  come  down  to  us.  But  the  combina- 
tion ' '  veredos  vel  paraveredos  exigere  "  occurs  sufficiently  often, 
to  show  that  the  old  Roman  distinction  between  the  swift 

exigere  eos,  qui  habent  veredos  adscriptos,  provincialium  querela  comperimus. 
quod  nullum  penitus  sinatis  praesumere,  quando  per  turpissimos  quaestus 
et  possessor  atteritur  et  commeantium  celeritas  impeditur"  (523-6),  ibid., 
v.  39. 

1  "  Favore  tuo  factum  est,  ut  evectionum  adminicula  sumeremus,  quibus 
familiares  mei  empturi  equos  curules  ad  Hispaniam  commearent"  (399),  Sym- 
machi  Epistulae,  vn.  48  (in  MGH.,  Scrip,  antiq.),  similarly  vn.  105,  106. 

2  "  Sicut  ceteri  Franci  homines  cum  Comite  suo  in  exercitum  pergant  .  .  .  et 
missis  nostris  quos  pro  rerum  oportunitate  illas  in  partes  miserimus,  aut  legatis 
qui  de  partibus  Hispaniae  ad  nostras  missi  fuerint  paratas  faciant  et  ad  sub- 
vectionem  eorum  veredos  donent,  ipsi  videlicet  et  illi  quorum  progenitoribus, 
temporibus  avi  nostri  Karoli,  ad  ipsum  facere  institutum  fuit.  Si  autem  hi,  qui 
veredos  acceperint,  reddere  eos  neglexerint,  et  eorum  interveniente  negligentia 
perditi  seu  mortui  fuerint,  secundum  legem  Francorum  eis,  quorum  fuerunt, 
secundum  leges  Francorum  restituantur  vel  restaurentur "  (844),  Espana 
sagrada,  vol.  xxix,  p.  452  and  Devic  et  Vaissete,  Histoire  generate  de  Languedoc, 
vol.  ii,  Preuves,  p.  244.  This  is  based  on  the  privilege  granted  to  the  Spanish 
fugitives  in  815,  ibid.,  p.  98. 

3  "Finit  se  in  carraria  de  vereda,  quae  discurrit  de  Turio  pro  ad  porta  de 
Condis"  (after  916),  Espana  sagrada,  vol.  xxxiv,  p.  481;  "usque  in  viride 
medio"  (900),  Portugaliae  monumenta  historica,  Dipl.  et  chart.,  p.  9;  "estrata  de 
uerede  et  sepe,"  ibid.,  "agro  que  disrupit  urueda  integrum,"  ibid.,  "in  via  quam 
dicunt  de  vereda,"  ibid.,  p.  11;  "in  istrada  qui  discurrit  via  de  uereda"  (921), 
ibid.,  p.  15. 

4  "Nullus  dux  vel  comes  nee  quilibet  superioris  aut  inferioris  ordinis  iudex 
sive  missus  in  eodem  loco  nee  in  omnibus  ad  eum  pertinentibus,  vel  mansiones 
sibi  parare,  vel  invadere,  aut  pastum  iumentis  suis  aut  suorum  diripere  aut 
inde  veredos  aut  veredarios,  exigere  .  .  .  audeant,"  E.  de  Roziere,  Recueil  general 
des  for  mules  du  Ve  au  Xe  Steele,  Paris  1859,  p.  189.  So,  too,  in  a  French  docu- 
ment: "Nullus  judex  pub licus  ...  ad  causas  audiendas,  aut  mansionaticos  exi- 
gendos,  vel  paratas  aut  veredos  requirendos,  ullo  unquam  tempore  ingredi 
audeat"  (835),  Tardif,  Monuments  historiques,  p.  90. 


FREDUM,   FAIDA  145 

and  draught  horses  was  not  entirely  forgotten.1  We  find, 
however,  here  freda,  as  well  as  veredos,  and  this  form  appears 
as  freda,  frida,  fridda,  fretus,  etc.,  in  the  formula  "freda 
exigere"  in  hundreds  of  Frankish  immunities  from  the 
seventh  century  on.2  That  the  Frankish  immunity  is  based 
on  the  Roman  immunities  is  proved  not  only  by  their  iden- 
tity in  spirit,  but  also  in  phraseology,  for  where  the  Roman 
law  "De  immunitate  concessa"  of  365  speaks  of  "vectigalia 
vel  caetera  eiusmodi  quae  inferri  fisco  moris  est,  sibi  adserant 
esse  concessa'' 3  the  Merovingian  documents  have  the  equiv- 
alent fredi  concessit  Freda  is  not  derived  from  inferre,  the 
technical  term  for  "paying  the  tax  or  revenue,"  because 
both  in  Italy  and  in  France  inferendum  had  the  meaning  of 

1  "Freda  vel  parafreda  exigere,"  MGH.,  Formulae,  p.  398;  "viridos  sive 
paraveridos  tantos,"  ibid.,  p.  49;  "nee  freda  exigenda  sive  parafredos"  (750), 
Marini,  /  papiri  diplomatici,  p.  103;  "viredus  sive  paraveridus  decern"  (716), 
MGH.,  Dipl,  vol.  i,  p.  76. 

2  "Ut  nullus  iudex  publicus  .  .  .freda  nee  sthopha  nee  herebanno  recipere 
nee  requirere  non  praesumat"  (664),  MGH.,  Dipl.,  vol.  i,  p.  27;  "ut  nullus 
iudex  publicus  .  .  .  nee  ad  causas  audiendum,  nee  fideiussores  tollendum,  nee 
freda  exigendum,  nee  mansiones  faciendum,  nee  rotaticum  infra  urbes  vel  in 
mercatis  extorquendum,  nee  ullas  paratas  aut  quaslibet  redibutiones  exactare, 
praesumatur "  (673),  ibid.,  p.  30;  "et  nullus  quilibet  de  iudicebus  .  .  .  nee  ad 
causas  audiendum,  nee  frida  exigendum,  nee  mansiones  faciendum,  nee  paratas 
requirendum,  nee  nullas  redebutiones  requirendum  .  .  .  ipsa  iudiciaria  potestas 
non  praesumat  ingredere"  (662),  ibid.,  p.  37;  "ut  nullus  iudex  publicus  .  .  .  nee 
ad  causas  audiendum,  nee  fideiussores  tollendum,  nee  freda  exigendum,  nee 
mansiones  faciendum,  nee  rotaticum  infra  urbes  vel  in  mercatis  extorquendum, 
nee  ullas  paratas  aut  quaslibet  redibutiones  exactare  praesumatur"  (683), 
ibid. ,  p.  50,  and,  similarly,  p.  56 ;  "  ut  nullus  iudex  poplicus  ad  causas  audiendum 
vel  fridda  exigendum  ibidem  introitum  nee  ingressum  habire  non  deberit" 
(696),  ibid.,  p.  61. 

3  "Hoc  ideo  dicimus,  quia  nonnulli  priuatorum  elicitas  suffragio  proferunt 
sanctiones,  quibus  vectigalia,  vel  caetera  eiusmodi,  quae  inferri  fisco  moris  est, 
sibi  adserant  esse  concessa :  hoc,  si  quando  militibus  nostris,  hisve,  qui  in  Palatio 
nostro  degunt  praestamus,  adprobantibus  se  sacramentis  militaribus  adtineri, 
quod  concessimus  firmum  sit  atque  robustum,"  Cod.  Theod.,  xi.  12.  3. 

4  "Sub  omni  emunitate  hoc  ipsum  monasterium  vel  congregatio  sua  sibimet 
omnes  fredos  concessos  debeat  possidere,"  MGH.,  Dipl.,  vol.  i,  p.  17;  "nisi  sub 
emunitatis  nomine  omni  tempore  cum  omnes  fretas  concessas  pars  ipsius  mo- 
nasterii  perenniter  deberet  possidere  "  (718),  ibid.,  p.  79,  and  similarly  p.  81 ;  "sub 
inmunitatis  nomeni,  cum  omnis /redus  concessus"  (716),  Lauer  and  Samaran, 
op.  cit.,  p.  24;  "cum  omnis  fridus  ad  integrum  sybymed  concessus"  (716),  ibid. 


146     COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

"a  special  tax  not  included  in  the  immunity,"  *  hence  it  may 
be  found  in  the  same  document  with  freda.2  This  injerendum 
was  distinctly  a  yearly  tribute  and  as  such  might  be  abol- 
ished,3 and  yet  the  influence  of  inferenda  on  vereda,  so  as  to 
change  it  to  freda  (which,  however,  is  not  a  yearly  tribute  but 
a  special  tax)  is  not  excluded,  for  it  occurs  already  in  a  docu- 
ment of  the  year  562,  where  it  has  distinctly  the  meaning  of 
any  revenue  that  may  be  included  in  the  immunity.4 

In  the  Lex  romana  raetica  curiensis  the  Lat/'mulcta"  and 
"sumtus  vel  expensae  litis"  of  the  Interpretatio  of  the  Theo- 
dosian  Code  are  translated  by  f return,5  i.  e.,  here  f return  has 
the  meaning  of  "  judicial  fee,  fine."  But  there  are  two  pas- 
sages where  j 'return  refers  to  the  "principale  negotium"  of  the 

1  "Praesenti  admonitione  praecipimus,  ut  omne,  quod  mutuum  pro  eadem 
causa  ab  extraneis  accipere  poterant,  a  tua  experientia  in  publico  detur  et  a 
rusticis  ecclesiae  paulatim  ut  habuerint  accipiatur,  ne  dum  in  tempore  coangus- 
tantur,  quod  eis  postmodum  sufficere  in  inferendum  poterat,  prius  compulsi 
vilius  vendant  et  horreis  minime  sufficiant"  (591),  Gregorii  I  Registri,  i.  42. 

2  "  Annis  singulis  inferendum  solidos  sex  inferendos  in  alios  sex  de  remissaria 
auir  pagensis  inferendo  in  fisci  ditiones  reddebant  .  .  .  ut  nullus  iudex  publicus 
in  ipsas  curtes  ad  agendum,  nee  ad  freda  exigendum  .  .  .  intraret  .  .  .  nisi  quod 
ipsam  inferendam  idem  abbas  per  se  ipsum  aut  per  missos  suos  annis  singulis  in 
sacellum  publicum  reddere  debered"  (705),  MGH.,  Dipt,  i,  p.  65. 

3  "Tributo  Saxones,  quern  reddere  consuaeverant,  per  preceptionem  Dago- 
berti  habent  indultum.  Quinnentas  vaccas  inferendalis  annis  singolis  a  Chlo- 
thario  seniore  censiti  reddebant,  quod  a  Dagoberto  cassatum  est"  (632),  Frede- 
garii  Scholastici  libri  IV,  in  MGH.,  Scrip,  rer.  merov.,  vol.  n,  p.  158;  "centum 
vaccas  inferendales,  quae  ei  de  ducatu  Cinomannico  annis  singulis  solvebantur 
.  .  .  visus  est  omni  futuro  tempore,  annuatim  concessisse,"  ibid.,  p.  415; 
"  Dagobercthus  quondam  rex  .  .  .  vaccas  cento  soldaris,  quod  in  inferenda  de 
pago  Cinomaneco  in  fisce  dicionebus  sperabatur,  ad  ipsa  sancta  basileca  annis 
singolis  concessissit"  (716),  MGH.,  Dipl.  l,  p.  74. 

4  "Per  has  praesentes  iubemus  praeceptiones  ut  neque  vos  neque  iuniores 
vestri  aut  successores  vel  missi  de  palatio  nostro  discurrentes  ipsum  Galium 
abbatem  monasterii  sui,  amicis,  susceptis  vel  qui  per  eundem  sperare  videntur, 
vel  unde  legitimo  redebet  mitio,  inquietare,  nee  inferendas  sumere,  nee  de  res 
eorum  in  lege  minuere  audeatis.  Sed  liceat  eis  sub  sermone  nostrae  tuitionia 
vel  sub  emunitate  nostra  quietos  vivere  ac  residere,"  MGH.,  Dipl.  i,  p.  12. 

5  "  Quod  si  illi  liberti  ipsa  causa  persequere  noluerint,  ad  suos  persecutores 
nullum  fretum  pro  tale  causa  non  requiratur  (erant  a  mulctae  condemnatione 
securi),"  iv.  8.  1;  "si  postea,  cum  inter  illos  directum  iudicium  fuerit,  et  iudices 
fretum  et  res  fuerint  redditas  (propter  repetendos  sumtus  vel  expensas  litis)," 
iv.  15.  2. 


FREDUM,   FAIDA  147 

Code,1  and  these  demand  a  special  investigation.  We  find 
in  one  of  these  passages  a  reference  to  two  kinds  of  judges, 
one  called  "publicus,"  the  other  "privatus."  As  the  public 
judge  is  invariably  mentioned  in  the  Frankish  immunities  as 
the  one  who  is  not  to  exact  the  fredum,  nor  demand  other 
contributions,  it  is  evident  that  his  usual  function  is  that  of 
collecting  or  causing  to  collect  such  revenues  for  the  state. 
This  is  borne  out  by  the  specific  statement  in  the  Raetian 
laws  that  the  public  judges  are  those  who  sit  in  fiscal  cases 
and  exact  the  revenue,2  where  the  corresponding  Interpre- 
tatio  speaks  of  "exactores."  They  also  attend  to  criminal 
cases,3  even  of  churchmen.4  In  the  beginning  of  the  sixth 
century  this  judge  was  still  called  by  the  old  name  rector 
provinciae,5  whose  functions  had  previously  been  identical 
with  those  of  the  index  publicus.  This  latter  name  was 
appropriate  for  him  even  at  that  time  for  he  was  called 
"iudex"  and  also  had  the  supervision  of  "opera  publica."6 

1  "Si  quicumque  homo  ad  duos  iudices,  ad  publicum  et  ad  privatum —  hoc 
est  privatus,  qui  actor  ecclesiarum  est  — ,  si  ille  homo  de  una  facultatem  ad 
ambos  illos  iudices  causa  habere  voluerit,  ut  ad  unum  de  illos  iudices  iunior  sit 
et  fretum  conponat,  et  ad  ilium  alterum  iudicem  actum  querit:  ille  homo,  qui 
istum  fecerit,  ipsam  rem  vel  actum,  quem  querit,  non  accipiat  et  insuper  quintam 
partem  facultatis  sue  de  illas  res,  qui  sub  ilium  iudicem  habet,  ad  illam  civita- 
tem  det,  in  cuius  finibus  res,  de  quo  agitur,  fuerit  constituta,"  n.  16.  2;  "nullus 
iudex  alienas  res  nee  per  forcia  nee  per  nullo  malo  ingenio,  absente  illo,  cuius 
res  sunt,  nullus  homo  eas  invadere  non  presumat,  nisi  si  eas  si  per  iudicium 
potuerit  vindicare,  salvum  iudices  fretum,"  iv.  19.  1. 

2  "Judices  publicos,  qui  fescales  causas  iudicant  vel  exigunt,"  xn.  2.  3. 

3  "Omnes  causas  criminales  ante  publicos  iudices  finiantur,"  xvi.  4.  1. 

4  "Clericus  si  de  criminalem  causam  ante  publicum  iudicem  accusatus  fuerit, 
sine  omnem  dilationem  ipsam  causam  respondeat,"  xviii.  11. 

6  "  Formulae  rectoris  provinciae.  Omnino  provide  decrevit  antiquitas  iudi- 
ces ad  provinciam  mitti,  ne  possit  ad  nos  veniendo  mediocritas  ingravari.  Quis 
enim  latronum  ferret  audaciam,  si  longe  positam  cognoscerent  disciplinam? 
absolute  poterat  vis  permissa  grassari,  si  conquerens  tardius  crederetur  audiri, 
sed  quanto  melius  in  ipsis  cunabilis  adhuc  mollia  reprimere  quam  indurata 
crimina  vindicare!  in  compendium  mittimus  mala,  si  praesentia  faciamus  esse 
iudicia.  quis  enim  audeat  peccare,  cum  supra  cervices  suas  districtionem  cog- 
noverit  imminere?  Et  ideo  te  illi  provinciae  rectorem  per  illam  indictionem 
nostra  mittit  electio  .  .  .  tibi  fiscalium  tributorum  credita  monstratur  exactio," 
Cassiodorus,  Variae,  vi.  21. 

6  Cod.  Theod.  xv.  1  (De  operibus  publicis),  passim. 


148     COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

The  various  immunities  from  the  index  publicus  are  immu- 
nities against  the  competency  of  his  court.  Thus,  in  addition 
to  those  mentioned  above  by  Cassiodorus,  we  may  cite  the 
immunity  from  maintaining  the  court  house,  from  the  man- 
sionaticum,  which  was  subject  to  his  jurisdiction  by  a  law  of 
the  year  369.  *  If  we  now  turn  to  the  first  of  the  two  passages 
in  the  Raetian  laws,  we  find  that  it  is  not  permissible  to  pay 
the  f return  to  the  junior  judge,  because  the  iudex  publicus, 
with  whom  the  "principale  negotium"  lies,  is  alone  en- 
titled to  collect  the  fretum.  We  have  already  observed  that 
in  Italy  the  annonae  had  taken  the  place  of  the  older  con- 
tribution of  veredi,  and  that  these  were  used  for  the  judge's 
fees.  This  is  distinctly  implied  in  a  law  of  383,  where  the 
judges  are  not  permitted  to  exact  from  the  provincials  any- 
thing more  than  food  and  fodder.2  In  spite  of  the  prohibi- 
tion to  exact  horses,  the  Merovingians,  as  the  documents 
show,  not  only  exacted  them,  but  also  the  pecuniary  com- 
mutation, the  fredum,  for  the  veredi,  or  the  annonae  of  the 
Italians,  nay,  the  Carolingians  found  it  possible  to  tax  the 
Spaniards,  not  only  with  the  ancient  veredi,  but  also  with 
the  fredum.3 

In  the  Lex  ribuaria  it  is  the  judex  fiscalis,  that  is,  again  the 
judex  publicus,  who  collects  the  fretum,  of  which  one  third  is 
paid  over  to  the  fiscus,  "in  order  that  the  peace  may  be  last- 

1  "Unusquisque  iudex  in  his  locis  sedem  constituat,  in  quibus  oportet  omni- 
bus presto  esse  rectorem,  non  deuerticula  deliciosa  sectetur.  Addimus  sane, 
vt  quisque  provinciae  praesidentem  propria  possessione  susceperit,  ager,  quem 
diuersorium  habuerit  praedictus  in  transitu,  fisci  viribus  vindicetur:  ita  enim 
iudices  mansiones  instruere,  et  instaurare  nitentur,"  i.  7.  4. 

2  "  Det  operam  iudex  vt  praetorium  suum  ipse  componat.  Caeterum 
comiti  neque  rectori  prouinciae  plus  aliquid  praestabitur,  quam  nos  concessi- 
mus  in  annonis,  seu  cellariis,"  I.  10.  3. 

3  "Ut  nulles  judex  publicus  .  .  .  ingredi  praesumat,  nee  freda  aut  tributa  vel 
paratas  aut  veredos  seu  mansiones  accipere  .  .  .  audeat"  (844),  Devic  et  Vaie- 
sete,  op.  tit.,  vol.  n,  Preuves,  col.  234;  but  the  document  is,  probably,  spurious, 
as  the  other  two  documents  where  freda  and  parafredi  occur  (ibid.,  cols.  364 
and  366)  certainly  are. 


FREDUM,   FAIDA  149 

ing."1  The  same  reference  to  the  maintenance  of  peace  is 
found  in  the  composition  of  the  fredum  in  the  Lex  Baiuwario- 
rum,  2but  here  the  fredum  includes  surety,  fideiussor,  and  pay, 
so  that  it  is  obvious  that  pro  f redo  means  "for  the  keeping  of 
the  peace,"  hence  a  surety  alone  maybe  a,  fredum.3  Wherever, 
therefore,  the  combination  pro  fredo  occurs,  nearly  always  to 
be  paid  "in  fisco "  or  " in  publico,"  4  we  have  a  reference  to  the 
maintenance  of  peace,  a  duty  which  in  the  fifth  and  follow- 
ing centuries  was  left  to  the  great  body  of  judges,  immedi- 
ately below  the  rectores  provinciae,  who  were  known  as 
defensores  or  assertores  pacts 5  and  who  were  by  special  regal 
authority  invested  among  the  Visigoths  with  the  right  of 
"making  peace."6 

1  "Nee  nullus  judex  fiscalis  de  quacumque  libet  causa  freta  non  exigat,  prius- 
quam  facinus  conponatur  .  .  .  Freturn  autem  non  illi  iudici  tribuat  cui  culpa 
commisit,  sed  illi,  qui  solucionem  recipit,  terciam  partem  coram  testibua  fisco 
tribuat,  ut  pax  stabilis  permaneat,"  lxxxix. 

2  "Et  quisquis  de  res  ecclesiae  furtivis  probatus  fuerit,  ad  partem  fisci  pro 
fredo  praebeat  fideiussorem,  et  donet  wadium  de  40  solidis,  et  tantum  solvat, 
quantum  iudex  iusserit,  et  quantum  durius  solvent,  tantum  firmior  erit  pax 
ecclesiae,"  i.  1.  6. 

3  "Et  donet  wadium  comiti  illo  de  fredo,"  1.  2.  14. 

4  "Et  pro  fredo  in  publico  solvat  solidos  40,  ut  exinde  sit  reverentia  sacer- 
dotum,  et  honor  ecclesiasticus  non  condamnetur  neque  praesumptio  crescat 
in  plebe,"  i.  1.  9;  "si  autem  vim  abstraxerit  et  iniuriam  ecclesiae  fecerit,  con- 
ponat  36  solidos  ad  ecclesiam  et  fredo  (Jrido)  solvat  in  fisco  40  solidos,  quare 
contra  legem  fecit  et  ecclesiae  honorem  non  inpendit  et  Dei  reverentiam  non 
habuit,  ut  et  alii  cognuscant,  quod  sit  timor  Dei  in  christianis,  et  honorem 
ecclesiis  inpendat,"  Leges  Alamannorum,  m.  3. 

5  "Quoties  de  paruis  criminibus,  id  est,  vnius  serui  fuga,  aut  sublati  iumenti, 
aut  modicae  terrae,  seu  domus  inuasae,  vel  certi  furti,  id  est,  detenti  aut  per- 
uenti,  sub  criminis  nomine  actio  fortasse  processerit,  ad  mediocres  iudices  qui 
publicam  disciplinam  obseruant,  id  est,  aut  defensores  aut  assertores  pads, 
vindictam  eius  rei  decernimus  pertinere.  Ad  rectorem  vero  prouinciae  illud 
negotium  criminale  perueniat,  vbi  de  personarum  inscriptione  agitur,  vel  maior 
est,  quae  non  nisi  ab  ordinario  iudice,  recitata  legis  sententia  debeat  terminari," 
Interpretatio  to  Cod.  Theod.  n.  1.  8. 

6  "Omnium  negotiorum  causas  ita  iudices  habeant  deputatas,  ut  et  crimi- 
nalia  et  cetera  negotia  terminandi  sit  illis  concessa  licentia.  Pacts  vero  ad- 
sertores  non  alias  dirimant  causas,  nisi  quas  illis  regia  deputaverit  ordinandi 
potestas.  Pact's  enim  adsertor  est,  qui  sola  faeiende  pads  intentione  regali  sola 
distinatur  autoritate,"  Lex  Visig.,  n.  1.  15. 


150     COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

The  Visigothic  laws,  as  codified,  have  undergone  consider- 
able modifications  from  their  Roman  origin  in  the  fifth  cen- 
tury, but  even  through  all  the  changes  it  is  possible  to  no- 
tice that  the  old  evectio  veredorum,  the  furnishing  of  horses 
for  the  judges  and  bailiffs,  lay  at  the  foundation  of  at  least 
a  part  of  their  fees.  In  Theudis'  law  of  546  the  bailiffs  are 
supposed  to  furnish  their  own  horses  while  executing  orders, 
that  is,  summoning  a  party,  but  they  reimburse  themselves 
from  the  person  in  whose  interest  they  travel,  by  charging 
a  solidus  for  each  horse,  four  being  the  maximum  allowed.1 
The  Lex  Visigothorum  seems  to  have  here  an  older  text,  for 
while  there  is  the  same  reference  to  the  bailiff's  horses,  noth- 
ing whatsoever  is  said  about  the  pecuniary  commutation. 
The  interesting  part  of  this  latter  law  is  the  one  which  says 
that  these  horses  are  "for  the  road  and  dignity,"  so  that 
where  in  the  east  the  reference  is  to  the  maintenance  of  the 
peace,  we  have  here  a  similar  provision  for  the  maintenance  of 
dignity.2  If  we  now  go  back  to  the  fifth  century  we  come  to 
an  intermediate  time  when  the  Visigoths,  whether  in  Spain 
or  in  southern  France,  must  have  considered  the  commuta- 
tion of  the  older  veredus  as  intended  for  the  maintenance  of 
peace  or  dignity.  Indeed,  the  judges  are  specifically  referred 
to  by  Cassiodorus  as  dignitates.3    This  designation  is  ap- 

1  "  Conpulsores  vel  executores  decreto  perstringimus,  ut  non  pro  sua  con- 
moda  exigant  volumtate,  sed  ab  eis,  quos  propria  evectione  conpulerint,  sub- 
vectum  tantum  super  eum  accipiant  caballorum.  Nee  illi  prius  conmoda  com- 
pulsionis  exigant,  quam  suas  in  iudicio  litigantes  exercent  actiones:  conmoda 
quoque  iuxta  huius  consulti  seriem  accepturi,  id  est,  ut  in  milibus  quinquaginta 
accipiant  per  caballo  uno  solido  uno,  ea  videlicet  ratione,  ut  in  minoribus  causis 
duo  tantum,  in  maioribus  vero  quatuor  caballi  sufficiant,  et  siquis  plures  cabal- 
los  ultra  hunc  numerum  ducere  voluerit,  absque  ullo  deductorum  damno  suo 
tantantum  reputabit  ornatu,"  K.  Zeumer,  Ueber  zwei  neuentdeckte  westgo- 
thische  Gesetze,  in  Neues  Archiv,  vol.  xxiii,  p.  78  /. 

2  "Saiones,  cum  pro  causis  alienis  vadunt,  si  minor  causa  est  et  persona, 
duos  caballus  tantum  ab  eo,  cuius  causa  est,  accipiat  fatigandos;  si  vero  maior 
persona  fuerit  et  causa,  non  amplius  quam  sex  caballos  et  pro  itinere  et  pro 
dignitate  debebit  accipere,"  11.  1.  26. 

3  "Tributa  quidem  nobis  annua  devotione  persolvitis:  sed  nos  maiore  vicis- 


FREDUM,   FAIDA  151 

parently  not  older  than  the  end  of  the  fifth  century,  whereas 
the  use  of  annonae  or  apparatus  for  the  judge's  fees  dates  at 
least  from  the  end  of  the  fourth  century. 

We  have  accordingly  two  groups  of  derivatives  in  the 
Gothic  language,  from  veredus  towards  the  end  of  the  fifth 
century  and  from  a  popular  redus  at  some  time  in  the  fourth 
century.  The  first,  in  accordance  with  the  designations  as- 
sertor  pads  and  dignitas,  current  at  the  time,  produces  Goth. 
ga-wairihi " peace," wairths  "worthy,  dignified, worth, price," 
and  from  these  are  derived  ONorse  verdr,  AS.  weord,  OFri- 
sian  werth  "worth,"  Welsh  gwerth  "price,"  Lithuanian  ver- 
tas,  OPrussian  werths  "worthy,"  OBulgarian  vred  "harm," 
originally,  as  still  in  Croatian,  etc.,  "worth."  The  Roman 
reda  was  originally  a  light  carriage,  especially  adapted  for 
the  use  of  couriers  l  and  it  is  not  at  all  improbable  that  as 
such  it  was  really  of  Gallic  origin,  as  surmised  by  Roman 
writers.  But  veredus  was  already  known  to  Martial  in  the 
year  101  as  a  fast  hunting  horse,  hence  the  use  of  veredus, 
though  not  recorded,  must  popularly  be  much  older,  to  have 
lost  its  original  meaning  of  "posthorse."  Now  Rostowzew 
and  Preisigke  have  shown  conclusively  that  the  Persian  post 
existed  uninterruptedly  in  the  east  from  the  time  of  Herodo- 
tus and  Xenophon,2  and  the  document  of  the  year  259  B.C., 
which  gives  an  account  of  the  post  in  Ptolemaic  Egypt  shows 
that  the  Persian  terms  for  various  parts  of  the  service  intro- 

situdine  decoras  vobis  reddimus  dignitates,  ut  vos  ab  incursantium  pravitate 
defendant  qui  nostris  iussionibus  obsecundant  .  .  .  quaerat  iudex  inter  vos 
causas  et  non  inveniat  .  .  .  improbis  iudicem,  testem  bonis  moribus  destinamus 
.  .  .  cui  vos  convenit  prudenter  oboedire,  quia  utrumque  laudabile  est,  ut 
bonus  populus  iudicem  benignum  faciat  et  mansuetus  iudex  gravissimum  popu- 
lum  aequabili  ratione  componat,"  Cassiodorus,  Variae,  vi.,  24;  "exeunt  a  nobis 
dignitates  relucentes  quasi  a  sole  radii,  ut  in  orbis  nostri  parti  resplendeat  cus- 
todita  iustitia,"  ibid.,  vi.  2.  3,  et  passim. 

1  Daremberg  and  Saglio,  Dictionnaire  des  antiquites,  sub  cursus  publicus, 
p.  1657. 

2  M.  Rostowzew,  Angariae,  in  Klio,  vol.  vi,  p.  249  ff.;  F.  Preisigke,  Die 
ptolemdische  Staatspost,  ibid.,  vol.  vn,  p.  241  ff. 


152     COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

duced  into  Egypt  during  the  Persian  domination,  have 
reached  Rome  and  the  West  through  a  Greek  transformation 
of  the  vocabulary.  This  explains  at  once  why  we  meet  in  the 
cursus  publicus  of  the  fourth  century  a.d.  with  what  other- 
wise would  seem  to  be  hybrid  words,  such  as  paraveredus  and 
par  angaria.  If  then  veredus  could  have  entered  the  Latin 
language  only  through  the  Greek,  we  at  once  get  the  Greek 
ySepeSos  or  /te/oai8os  as  a  much  older  term,  which  through 
an  intermediary  fipeSos  would  produce  the  recorded  ptfyt 
peStov  hence  Latin  reda  "chariot,"  and  through  a  form 
ipeSos  the  other  forms  e/nSta,  ipcoSCa  "  chariot,"  actually 
recorded  by  Hesychius.  That  /3pe'Sos,  that  is,  Fpe'So?  actu- 
ally existed  is  proved  by  the  Coptic  vrehi,  verehi  "chariot" 
which  cannot,  as  is  generally  done,  be  referred  to  the  Semito- 
Egyptian  marka  buthah,  but  is  a  transformation  of  /Spe'Sos 
to  /S/aeo?,  /Sepeos,  which  again  are  not  hypothetical  forms, 
for  fizppys  "runner,"  fieppevei  "he  runs"  are  recorded  by 
Hesychius.  Therefore  there  is  absolutely  no  reason  for  de- 
riving reda  from  the  Celtic,  for  which  there  is  no  other  au- 
thority than  Quintilian's,  but  we  must  consider  it  as  directly 
derived  from  the  Greek  of  Ptolemaic  Egypt. 

While  all  the  languages  have  derivatives  from  this  red- 
distinctly  referring  to  the  postroads,  the  Gothic  has  no  other 
meaning  for  this  group  than  that  of  the  current  substitute 
for  the  supply  of  posthorses  by  the  apparatus  or  parata,1 
which,  however,  the  other  languages  also  record.  While  the 
Gothic  has  raidjan,  ga-raidjan  "to  arrange,  prepare,"  ga- 
raideins  "arrangement,"  ga-raiths  "arranged,  determined," 
OHG.  has  reita  " vereda,2  reda,  chariot,"  ritari,  ritari  "horse- 
man, rider,"  ritan  "ride,"  reiti  "paratus,"  gareiti  "biga, 
falera,  quadriga,"  AS.  rod  "riding,  journey,  way,"  rad  "cart, 

1  "Mansio  parata,"  a  distinct  reference  to  the  well-provided  post-station,  is 
already  used  by  Ambrose. 

2  "  Vereda  reita,  reida,  reide,  reit,"  Steinmeyer  and  Sievers,  Althochdeutsche 
Glossen,  vol.  iv,  p.  107,  also  vol.  i,  p.  488. 


FREDUM,   FAIDA  153 

chariot,"  ridan  "to  ride,"  ridda  "knight,  rider,"  raed,  hraed, 
geraed  "swift,  quick,  ready,"  ONorse  rida  "to  ride,"  greida 
"to  make  ready,"  etc., Olrish  riadaim  "I  drive,"  reid, OWelsh 
ruid,  OBreton  roed  "plain,  smooth."  From  this  group  can- 
not be  separated  Goth,  ga-redan  "to  have  a  mind  to,"  for  in 
the  compounds  ur-redan,  faura-ga-redan  this  redan  has  the 
meaning  "arrange,  determine."  This  at  once  connects 
ONorse  rada,  AS.  rdedan,  OHG.  rdtan  "advise,"  etc.,  with  it. 
In  the  German  gerdt  "advice,  tool,  harness"  we  have  the  two 
meanings  connected.  In  the  Slavic  languages  we  have  two 
series,  rad-  and  rend-,  which  belong  here.  The  first,  giving 
Russian  rad  "prepared,  glad,"  Polish  rada  "advice,"  etc., 
is  obviously  derived  from  the  German.  The  nasalised  form, 
which,  however,  in  Lithuanian  and  Lettish  also  occurs  un- 
nasalised,  is  unquestionably  older.  We  have  OBulgarian 
redil,  Bulg.  red,  Pol.  rzad  "order,"  Lith.  rinda  "row,"  redas 
"order,"  Let.  redlt,  rinda,  rist,  ridu  "to  arrange." 

The  positive  proof  of  the  relation  of  this  group  of  words  to 
veredus  in  the  sense  of  "apparatus,  parata"  is  given  by  its 
presence  in  the  Romance  languages  exclusively  in  the  sense  of 
"apparatus,  parata,"  that  is,  of  "equipage,  harness, supply 
of  horses  for  work,"  etc.  We  find  here  the  LLatin  forms  cor- 
redum  and  arredum  and  its  many  derivatives.  We  have 
arredio  "apparatus  bellicus"  recorded  by  Ducange  in  the  14. 
century,  but  the  Italian  arredare,  Spanish  arrear,  OFrench 
arreer,  Provencal  arredar,  arrezar  "to  equip,  adorn"  prove 
the  existence  of  the  word  before.  Arezamentum  "equipment " 
is  recorded  in  the  13.  cent.1  It  is  this  arez-,  more  properly 
arrez-,  which  has  produced  arnes  "baggage,  equipment, 
household  goods,"  etc.,2  more  especially  "equipment  of  a 

1  "Et  vasculis  tarn  panis  quam  vini  et  de  omnibus  aliis  arezamentis  et  rebus," 
Acta  Sanctorum,  October  xn,  p.  75. 

2  "Quod  animalia  militum  et  arnes  sui  corporis  nee  apparamenta  domus  non 
pignorentur"  (1283),  Cortes  do  los  antiguos  reinos  de  Aragon  y  de  Valencia, 
Madrid  1896,  vol.  I,  p.  151;  "De  cariando  hernesio  regis  ad  eum.   Mandatum 


154     COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

horse,  harness."1  Similarly  corredum  is  a  close  translation  of 
" apparatus"  and  more  especially  refers  to  the  contribution 
in  kind  due  to  the  sovereign  when  passing  through  the  coun- 
try, provender,  fodder,2  but  the  Spanish  correo  has  best  pre- 
served the  original  meaning  of  "post."  There  is  a  very  large 
number  of  variations  of  these  words,3  and  the  OFrench 
conroi,  corroi  has  preserved  the  original  meaning  of  "ap- 
paratus." 

This  series  of  words,  while  representing  the  old  connota- 
tion, is  comparatively  new  in  the  documents,  no  recorded 
instance  being  earlier  than  the  12.  cent.  In  Italy  the  cor- 
responding word  in  the  Frankish  documents,  that  is,  from 
the  end  of  the  8.  cent,  on,  is  foderum.  Previous  to  Charle- 
magne there  is  found  not  the  slightest  reference  to  the  exac- 
tion of  provender,  because  neither  the  Justinian  Code  nor 
the  Langobard  law  mentions  it  explicitly,  but  beginning  with 
the  year  792  "fredum  exigere"  of  the  Frankish  documents  is 
for  Italy  changed  to  "foderum  exigere,"  4  and  this  foderum 

est  vicecomitibus  Lond'  quod  habere  faciant  Willelmo  Hordel  clerico  unam 
bonam  carectam  ad  denarios  ipsius  regis,  ad  herenesium  regis  ad  eum  carian- 
dum"  (1228),  Close  Rolls,  Henry  III,  vol.  i,  75;  "quod  nemini  civi  Civitatis 
Catinae  cuiuscumque  conditionis,  et  gradus  existat,  sit  licitum  ultra  quanti- 
tatem  unciarum  auri  trigintaquinque  in  arnesio  promittere  neque  dare,  quod  si 
secus  fecerit,  et  pervenerit  in  casu  restitutionis  dotis,  quod  maritus  ipsum 
arnesium  ultra  dictam  quantitatem  lucrifaciat  ipso  facto,  nulla  servata  actione 
ei  cui  competere  possit  ratione  restitutionis  arnesii  supradicti,  cui  consuetudini 
renuntiari  non  possit"  (1345),  Constitutiones  Regni  Siciliae,  p.  117. 

1  For  this  and  similar  meanings  see  Ducange,  sub  arnense,  arnescum,  arnese, 
arnesium,  arnexium,  arneysium,  arnitus,  harnascha,  harnasium,  harnesiatus. 

2  "Ut  nee  nostro,  nee  aliorum  tempore  quandam  convivia,  quae  vulgo 
Coreede,  vel  giste  vocantur,  in  villis  praenominatis  exigere,  vel  quaerere  liceat" 
(1157),  in  Ducange  sub  conredium;  "Imperatori  servitium  a  vassallis  deberi 
pro  corredo  Imperiali,  ut  videlicet  quando  Imperator  transient  per  ilium  locum, 
contribuat  in  sumptibus  ejus,"  ibid. 

3  Ducange  records  under  conredium  the  following:  conredum,  corrodium, 
conreus,  correda,  conragium,  conregium,  conreium,  correium,  coureium,  corrogium. 

4  "Ut  super  servientes  iam  fatae  ecclesiae  mansionaticos  vel  foderum  nullus 
audeat  prendere  aut  exactare  ullo  umquam  tempore,  excepto  si  evenerit,  quod 
nos  ipsi  aut  dilectus  filius  noter  Pippinus  vel  regale  presidium  propter  impedi- 
menta inimicorum  partibus  Foroiulensibus  aut  in  fine  Tarvisiani  advenerint" 


FREDUM,   FAIDA  155 

is  also  recorded  asfrodum  l  and  forum.2  These  forms  are  by 
no  means  mere  misspellings,  but  were  actually  in  use,  as  is 
proved,  for  the  first,  by  the  forms  froyre,  froyrage,  frourerius, 
recorded  in  Ducange,  apparently  from  an  intermediary  frod- 
ru?n,3  and,  for  the  second,  by  the  OHG.  vure,fuora  "pastum."4 
Fodrum  is  referred  to  as  "annona  militaris,"5  so  that  we  have 
in  the  change  of  the  Frankish  immunity  for  Italy  a  compli- 
ance with  the  old  Roman  institution  by  which  annonae  were 
paid  instead  of  the  veredi.  There  is  a  strange  confusion  of 
forms  in  the  Germanic  languages  for  "food"  or  " fodder." 
OHG.  has  not  only  the  above-mentioned  fuora,  but  also 
fdtar,fotida,  and  the  verbs  fuottan,  fotjan,  fotarjan  "to  feed." 
The  Goth,  records  only  fodjan  "to  feed,"  fodeins  "food, 
nourishment,"  while  the  ONorse  has  both  fofira  and  foda  "to 
feed."  The  other  Germanic  languages  have  similar  double 
forms.  The  documents  show  conclusively  that  at  the  end  of 
the  8.  cent,  the  current  form  in  Italy  was  approximately 
foder,  with  probable  phonetic  variations,  while  the  Goth, 
records  only  forms  without  the  r.  The  latter  can  only  be  a 
back  formation  from  the  first,  even  as  both  forms  exist  side 
by  side  in  the  other  Germanic  languages.  But  the  substitu- 
tion of  the  "annonae"  for  the  veredi,  so  characteristic  for 
Italy,  coupled  with  the  substitution  of  foderum,  frodrum, 
etc.,  for  fredum  on  Italian  soil,  makes  it  certain  that  foderum 

(792),  MGH.,  Die  Urkunden  der  Karolinger,  vol  i,  p.  234.  For  further  quota- 
tions of  foderum,  fodrum  in  Italy  see  J.  Ficker,  Urkunden  zur  Reichs-  und 
Rechlsgeschichte  Italiens,  Innsbruck,  1874,  vol.  rv,  in  the  Index,  E.  Mayer, 
Italienische  Verfassungsgeschichte  von  der  Gothenzeit  bis  zur  Zunftherrschaft, 
Leipzig  1909,  in  the  Index,  and  G.  Waitz,  Deutsche  Verfassungsgeschichte,  2nd 
ed.,  vol.  iv,  p.  15  jf. 

1  "Nee  froda  exigenda"  (spurious  document),  Ughelli,  Italia  sacra,  vol.  n, 
col.  244. 

2  See  Ducange,  sub  forum  2. 

3  Ughelli,  Italia  sacra,  vol.  i,  col.  419  (1188). 

4  Steinmeyer  and  Sievers,  Althochdeutsche  Glossen,  vol.  i,  p.  346,  vol.  iv,  p. 
416. 

5  "Inhibuit  a  plebeis  ulterius  annonas  militares,  quas  vu'go  foderum  vocant," 
Waitz,  op.  cit.,  p.  16. 


156     COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

is  a  transposed  form  for  foredum,  from  veredum,  while  forum, 
which  may  have  influenced  this  change,  is  due  to  a  con- 
fusion with  forum  "  price  at  which  provisions  are  sold  in  the 
market."1 

Thus  it  appears  that  the  earliest  forms  in  the  Germanic 
languages  are  those  derived  from  the  current  reda  of  the 
Romans,  which  is  even  older  than  the  Christian  era  and  may 
have  entered  the  Gothic  language  before  the  age  of  migration. 
Another  set  is  connected  with  the  Visigothic  rule  in  Spain, 
producing  the  root  wairth-  in  Gothic  and  similar  forms  else- 
where. A  third  refers  to  the  Ostrogothic  and  Lombard  sub- 
stitution of  the  "annonae,"  producing  the  stem  fod-.  In 
France,  where  the  veredi  gave  way  to  the  monetary  com- 
mutation, the  fredum,  the  Germans  formed  the  word  fridu, 
OSaxon  frithu,  AS.  fridu,  freodo,  freod,  ONorse  fridr  "  peace." 
From  this  root  the  Goth,  has  formed  ga-frithon  "to  atone," 
freidjan  " spare,"  from  the  OHG.  friten  "to  enclose,  pro- 
tect," while  the  French  has  stopped  in  frais  at  the  meaning 
"  expense." 

In  the  Salic  law  the  fine  fredum  is  now  paid  to  the  fiscus, 
now  to  the  judge,  but  there  is  one  compound  fine,  fredo  et 
faido,2  which  needs  a  thorough  investigation,  since  the  usual 
meaning  of  faida  " blood  feud"  is  here  entirely  out  of  place. 
The  assumption  that  the  blood  feud  played  any  part  in  Ger- 

1  "Exercitui  destinato  ordinante  illo  annonas  fecimus  secundum  forum 
rerum  venalium  comparari"  (535),  Cassiodorus,  Variae,  x.  18;  "et  per  omnes 
civitatis  legitimus  fonts  et  mensuras  faciat  secundum  habundantia  temporis" 
(744),  MGH.,  Capitularia,  vol.  i,  p.  30. 

2  "Si  cuiuslibet  de  potentibus  seruus  qui  per  diuersa  possedent  de  crimine 
habere  suspectus,  dominus  secrecius  cum  testibus  condicatur  ut  intra  xx 
noctes  ipsum  ante  iudicem  debet  praesentare.  Quod  si  institutum  tempus,  in- 
tercedente  conuidio,  non  fuerit  praesentatus,  ipse  dominus  statutum  sui  iusta 
modum  culpe  inter  fredo  etfedo  (fretum  etfeitum,  fredo  et  faido,  fredum  etfoedum) 
compensetur,"  Pact.  12;  "inter  freto  et  faido  sunt  mdccc.  din.  x,"  xxxv.  7, 
cod.  1;  "si  ei  fuit  judecatum  ut  in  ex  faido  et  fredo  solidos  quindece  pro  ac 
causa  fidem  facere  debirit"  (693),  MGH.,  Dipl.,  vol.  i,  p.  59. 


FREDUM,   FAIDA  157 

manic  law  as  a  Germanic  institution  is  incorrect,  for,  al- 
though Tacitus  distinctly  refers  to  such  a  custom  among  the 
Germans,  the  practice  of  it  in  law  is  amply  accounted  for  by 
the  Roman  decrees,  which  countenanced  it  in  certain  cases. 
It  has  arisen  from  the  legality  of  killing  in  self-defence,  as  laid 
down  in  the  Lex  Cornelia  de  sicariis,  which  has  been  of  great 
importance  in  shaping  certain  later  enactments,  of  which  I 
shall  speak  at  another  time.  What  makes  the  derivation  of 
the  German  feud  from  the  Roman  precedent  a  certainty  is  not 
merely  the  resemblance  of  the  two,  but  certain  verbal  identi- 
ties, which  exclude  every  chance  of  accidental  resemblance. 
In  the  year  323  it  was  enacted  that  one  who  led  the  bar- 
barians treacherously,  "scelerata  factione,"  against  the 
Romans,  should  be  burned,1  and  in  391  it  was  specifically 
ordered  to  lynch  the  attacking  highwayman  without  legal 
procedure,2  and  a  few  years  later  (397)  a  man  joining  a  re- 
bellion, "quisque  sceleratam  inierit  j 'actionem  aut  factionis 
ipsius  susceperit  sacramenta,"  was  beheaded  as  a  "majestatis 
reus,"  while  his  possessions  were  confiscated.3  Factio  is  fre- 
quently mentioned  in  the  Codex  Justinianus  4  and  in  the 
glosses  in  the  sense  of  "  sedition,"  while  factiosus  is  "  sedi- 
tious." 5   Hence  the  Lex  Alamannorum,  which  has  a  caption 

1  Cod.  Theod.,  vn.  1. 

2  "Liberia  resistendi  cunctis  tribuimus  f acultatem :  ut  quicumque  militum, 
vel  priuatorum,  ad  agros  nocturnos  populator  intrauerit,  aut  itinere  frequentata, 
insidiis  adgressionis  obsederit,  permissa  cuicumque  licentia,  dignus  illico  sup- 
plicio  subiugetur,  ac  mortem  quam  minabatur,  excipiat,  et  id  quod  intende- 
bat,  incurrat :  melius  est  enim  incurrere  in  tempore,  quam  post  exitum  vindi- 
cari;  vestram  igitur  vobis  permittimus  ultionem,  et  quos  sermo  est  punire 
iudicio,  subiugamus  edicto.  Nullus  parcat  militi,  cui  obuiari  leto  oporteat  ut 
latroni,"  ix.  14.  2. 

3  ix.  14.  3. 

4  "Seditionum  concitatores  vel  duces  factionum"  1.  6.  9.  D.  28.  3,  1.  16.  D. 
49.  1;  "sceleratam  inire /actionem  cum  aliquo,"  1.  5.  pr.  C.  9.  s;  "latrones  qui 
/actionem  habent,"  1.  11.  2.  D.  48.  19. 

5  "Eruptio  facHosa,"  1.  2.  3.  C.  11;  "familia  /actiosa,"  1.  13.  2.  D.  39.  4; 
"/actiosus  S^okottos,  vewpicrr^s,  o-Tacria(TT^<:,  TroXvfjLrJxavos,  rixas  et  scandala 
gerens,  fallax,  deceptor,  falsus,"  Corpus  glossariorum  latinorum. 


158     COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

"de  eo  qui  mortem  ducis  consiliatus  fuerit,"  exactly  cor- 
responding to  the  Lex  Cornelia,  quite  correctly  renders  this 
in  one  redaction  by  "Defactiosis."1 

The  Anglo-Saxons  know  the  feud  under  the  Latin  name  of 
f actio,  and  here,  too,  factiosus  is  the  king's  enemy,  the  out- 
law, the  "majestatis  reus."  King  Eadmund  tried  to  abate 
the  illegal  feuds  by  determining  that  the  murderer  alone  was 
subject  to  blood  feud;  that  if  a  relative  gave  him  protection, 
all  the  relative's  property  was  forfeited  to  the  king,  and  he 
himself  became  subject  to  the  blood  feud;  that  if  a  relative 
of  the  murdered  person  avenged  himself  upon  any  one  else 
than  the  actual  murderer,  he  became  an  outlaw  before  the 
king  and  lost  all  his  possessions.2  Thus  we  have  here  a  mere 
extension  and  combination  of  the  Roman  laws.  The  mur- 
derer and  he  who  privately  starts  a  f actio,  to  avenge  a  per- 
son's death,  are  equally  outlaws,  "majestatis  rei,  inimici 
regis,"  who  lose  all  their  property.  It  is  obvious  that  AS. 
faehde,  which  renders  the  Lat.  f actio,  faidia,  is  identical  with 
it,  the  first  being  derived  from  the  second,  and  fah,  gefah, 
fdh  {mori),  a  back  formation  from  this  jaehde,  which  appears 
here  as  a  translation  of  "inimicus  regis," 3  is  used  by  Aelfred 
for  factiosus.4 

In  the  Langobard  laws  the  exclusion  of  the  blood  feud  is 
introduced  by  the  formula  "  cessante  faida  id  est  inimicitia," 
a  proof  th&t  faida  is  a  strange  word  which  needs  glossing,  but 
" inimicitia"  is  identical  with  u inimicitiae  f actio"  of  the 

1  xxiv,  cod.  B. 

2  "Si  quis  posthac  hominem  occidat,  ipse  sibi  portet  inimicitiae  f actionem," 
ii,  Ead.  1 ;  "ut  omnia  tribus  illo  sit  extra  f 'actionem,  preter  solum  malef  actorem," 
ibid.,  1.1;  "si  quisquam  cognationis  sue  firmet  eum  postea,  reus  sit  omnium  que 
habebit  erga  regem  et  portet  faidiam  (Jactionem)  erga  contribuales  mortui," 
ibid.,  1.  2;  "si  ex  mortui  cognatione  quis  vindictam  perpetret  in  alium  aliquem 
preter  ipsum  malefactorem,  sit  inimicus  regis  et  omnium  amicorum  eius  et  per- 
dat  omne  quicquid  habet,"  ibid.,  1.  3. 

3  Also  Aelf.  42;  42.  1,  4;  5.  3;  n  Aethelst.  20.  7. 

4  "Si  quis  factiosus  (fahmon,  fagmon,  gefahmon)  incurrat  uel  ad  ecclesiam 
confugiat,"  Aelf.  5. 


FREDUM,   FAIDA  159 

Anglo-Saxon  laws,  hence  faida  and  f actio  are  identical.1 
Again,  the  Langobard  law  reads  "Defaidosis  et  armis  infra 
patriam  non  portandis,"  2  where  faidosus  is  the  previously 
mentioned  factiosus,  and  the  chapter  "De  rusticanorum 
seditionem"  (Roth.  280)  is  a  close  rendering  of  the  Lex 
Cornelia,3  but  here  the  formula  "concilios  et  seditionis 
facere"  is  identical  with  the  "in  concilio  et  in  facto"  4  of  the 
Genoese  formula,  as  preserved  in  the  12.  cent.,  where  factum 
stands  for  f actio.  This  factum  is  not  an  accidental  change 
from  f actio,  but  a  confusion  with  ex  facto,  in  factum  of  the 
Roman  laws,  which  Ulpian  uses  for  "ex  maleficio,  ex  delicto," 
while  Modestin  writes  "ex  peccato"  for  it.5  This  signifi- 
cance has  not  maintained  itself  in  the  later  Roman  law,  but 
the  Germanic  laws  use  ex  facto,  inter  facto,  in  facto  to  con- 
note the  fine  for  a  misdeed,  chiefly  such  as  is  connected  with 
murder.  The  Langobard  laws  cited  above  have  no  need  for 
the  fredum  of  the  Franks,  because  the  composition  for  the 

1  "De  feritas  et  conpositionis  plagarum  .  .  .  sicut  subter  adnexum  est  con- 
ponatur,  cessante  faida  hoc  est  inimicitia,"  Roth.  45;  "ideo  maiorem  conposi- 
tionem  posuimus  quam  antiqui  nostri,  ut  faida,  quod  est  inimicitia,  post  ac- 
cepta  suprascripta  conpositione  postponatur,"  Roth.  74;  "nam  si  mortua 
fuerit,  conponat  earn  secundum  generositatem  suam  .  .  .  cessante/at'c/a,  eoquod 
nolendo  fecit,"  Roth.  75;  "reddant  simul  summa  praetii,  cessante  faida,  ideo 
quod  nolendo  fecerunt,"  Roth.  138;  "ita  previdimus  propter  faida  posponenda, 
id  est  inimicitia  pacificanda,"  Roth.  162;  "cessante  in  hoc  capitulo  faida  quod 
est  inimicitia,"  Roth.  326;  "nolumus  ut  inimicidias  cessent  et  faida  non  ha- 
beant,"  Liut-p.  119;  "et  sit  causim  finita  absque  faida  vel  dolus,"  Liutp.  136. 

2  MGH.,  Leges,  vol.  iv,  p.  628  (lib.  I,  tit.  37). 

3  "Si  per  quacumque  causa  homines  rusticani  se  colligerint,  id  est  concilios 
et  seditionis  facere  presumpserit,"  etc. 

4  "In  concilio  insuper  neque  in  facto  sis  ut  commune  ianue  uultabium  uel 
flaconem  aut  medietatem  montis  alti  amittat"  (1130),  Monumenta  Historiae 
Patriae,  vol.  vii,  col.  35;  "nos  iuramus  quod  ab  hoc  die  in  antea  non  erimus  in 
consilio  vel  in  facto  quod  commune  ianue  uel  perdat  castrum  portuueneris " 
(1139),  ibid.,  col.  64;  "factu  neque  in  assensu  .  .  .  et  non  ero  in  consilio  neque 
in  facto"  (1144),  ibid,  col.  98/.;  "et  non  erimus  in  consilio  neque  in  facto,  ut 
imperator  suas  duas  partes  amittat"  (1146),  ibid.,  col.  122. 

6  H.  Erman,  Conceptio  formularum  actio  in  factum,  etc.,  in  Zeilschrift  fur 
Savignystiftung,  vol.  xix,  Romanistische  Abtheilung,  p.  301  ff.  For  quotations 
see  C.  G.  Bruns,  Fontes  iuris  romani  antiqui,  7th  ed.,  pp.  218,  219,  220,  229,  235, 
242. 


160     COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

faida  includes  the  amount  paid  over  to  the  fiscus"for  the 
keeping  of  the  peace."  There  is  but  one  reference  to  fredum 
in  Rothar's  law,  where  it  has  the  meaning  of  "  refuge,  asy- 
lum," which  at  once  throws  a  light  on  the  Gothic  words  from 
fredum,  which  refer  to  similar  ideas.  This  special  use  in  Italy 
is  due  to  the  importance  of  the  churches  and  asylums  "for 
the  keeping  of  the  peace."  Within  their  walls  the  prisoner 
was  free  from  the  civil  authorities.  Hence  fredum  means 
"the  enclosure  of  the  peace  asylum,  refuge,"  and  in  this  con- 
notation it  occurs  among  the  Langobards  asfraida.1  In  the 
Salic  laws  we  find  the  combination  as  ex  faido  et  fredo,  to  ex- 
press the  whole  composition  due  to  the  court  for  a  misdeed, 
but  there  is  one  text  which  still  reads  correctly  in  facto  et 
freto2  hence  the  OHG.  faida  "feud"  has  arisen  from  factum 
"misdeed,  feud."  In  the  Bavarian  and  Frisian  laws  the 
identity  of  faidosus  and  factiosus  is  well  preserved,  the  two 
texts  keeping  close  to  the  context  of  the  Lex  Cornelia.3 

The  ex  facto  of  the  Romans  has  given  rise  to  two  ex- 
tremely important  groups  of  concepts  in  the  Romance  and 
Germanic  languages,  represented  by  the  nouns  misfactum 
and  forisf actum.  Missus  was  the  technical  term  for  a  dis- 
charged soldier  in  the  Roman  Empire,4  hence  missum  facio 
very  early  acquired  the  meaning  "I  discharge,  dismiss."  5 

1  "Si  mancipium  alienum  refugium  post  alium  fecerit,  id  est  in  fraida," 
Roth.  275. 

2  "In  facto  et  freto,  sol.  xv,"  xxxv.  6.  cod.  3. 

s  "Si  quis  hominem  per  iussionem  regis  vel  duci  suo,  qui  illam  provinciam 
in  potestatem  habet,  occiderit,  non  requiratur  ei  nee  feidosus  (feutosus,  feitosus, 
fehitus,  faidosus,  feitus,  idest  gifeh)  sit,  quia  iussio  de  domino  suo  fuit,  et  non 
potuit  contradicere  iussionem;  sed  dux  dependat  eum  et  filios  eius  pro  eo;  et 
si  dux  ille  mortuus  fuerit,  alius  dux  qui  in  loco  eius  accedit,  defendat  eum," 
Lex  Baiuw.,  i.  28;  "si  vero  homicida  infra  patriam  est,  nee  iuret,  nee  aliquid 
solvat,  sed  tantum  ut  superius  faidosus  permaneat,  donee  in  gratiam  cum  pro- 
pinquis  occisi  revertatur,"  Lex  Fris.,  n.  7;  " homo  faidosus  pacem  habeat  in 
ecclesia,  in  domo  sua,  ad  ecclesiam  eundo,"  ibid.,  Add.  I. 

*  Daremberg  and  Saglio,  Dictionnaire  des  antiquites,  sub  missus  7. 

6  "  Obsecundatoribus  sacrorum  scriniorum  equorum,  ad  militare  subsidium, 
ab  honoratis  proxime  venire  iussorum,  missam  faciamus.  nullus  igitur  vel  aetati 


FREDUM,  FAIDA  161 

It  is  thus  that  missa  "mass"  developed  from  the  original 
custom  of  giving  the  Eucharist  at  the  dismissal  of  the  church 
service,  even  as  it  was  the  usual  expression  in  the  Frankish 
courts  for  "  discharge  from  observation  of  a  duty."1  Thus 
mis-  came  to  be  identical  with  ex  "out,"2  the  legal  term 
ex  facto  was  by  the  ninth  century  rendered  as  misf actum,3 
the  prefix  mis-  thus  acquired  the  meaning  of  "wrong, 
miss-"  and  was  soon  attached  to  prendere,4  loqui  and  other 
words  to  give  to  them  a  contrary  or  disagreeable  significance. 
This  mis-  was  very  popular  in  the  Frankish  Empire,  and  not 

praesenti,  vel  in  relicum,  tale  si  quicquam  emerserit,  aut  equorum  oblationibus, 
aut  quibuscunque  praeterea,  de  collatiuo  omnium,  postulatis,  parere  cogantur " 
(382),  Cod.  Theod.  vi.  26.  3;  "quid  in  Timaeo  etiam  arce  quadam  et  quodam 
philosophiae  uertice  de  anima  pronuntiauerit,  placitae  breuitatis  gratia 
missum  facio,"  A.  Engelbrecht,  Claudiani  Mamerti  Opera,  Vindobonae  1885, 
p.  128. 

1  "Sic  ergo  ait  lectio  evangelica  cujus  in  subdito  mentionem  fecistis.  Vos 
autem  dicitis,  si  dixerit  homo  patri  suo  aut  matri,  corban,  id  est  Haebraica 
lingua  munus  illud  specialiter  quod  obsequio  devotae  oblationis  offertur,  tibi 
profuerit,  hoc  est  patri  aut  matri,  et  jam  non  missum  facitis  eum  quidquam 
facere  patri  aut  matri  (Marc.  vm.  11).  Puto  vos  autem  hoc  sermone  ordiri, 
qui  revera  ipsum  specialius  in  epistola  memorastis,  quod  vel  unde  dictum  sit, 
non  missum  facitis.  Quod  omnino  nihil  est  aliud  quam  non  dimittitis.  A  cujus 
proprietate  sermonis,  in  ecclesia  palatiisque  sive  praetoriis  missa  fieri  pronun- 
tiatur,  cum  populus  ab  observations  dimittitur.  Nam  genus  hoc  nominis  etiam 
in  saecularis  auctoribus,  nisi  memoriam  vestram  per  occupationes  lectio  desueta 
subterfugit,  invenietis.  Ergo  non  missum  facitis,  id  est,  non  dimittitis  quid- 
quam facere  patri  vel  matri,  a  quo  honorari  senio  parentali,  non  verbis  tantum, 
sed  rebus  obsequiisque  praeceptum  est,"  (6.  cent.)  Alcimi  Ecdicii  Aviti  Epis- 
tolae,  in  Migne,  vol.  lix,  col.  199/. 

2  "Moris  itaque  est,  hoc  post  matutinum  diluculum  mox  omnibus  patere; 
post  tertiam  vero  diei  horam,  emissis  omnibus,  dato  signo,  quod  est  mis,  usque 
in  horam  nonam  cunctis  aditum  prohibere,"  Liuthp.  v.  9,  in  Ducange,  sub 
missus. 

8  "Illishominibus,  qui  contra  me  sic  fecerunt  sicut  scitis,  et  ad  meumfratrem 
venerunt,  propter  Deum  et  propter  illius  amorem  et  pro  illius  gratia  to  turn 
perdono,  quod  contra  me  misfecerunt,  et  illorum  alodes  de  hereditate  ed  de 
conquisitu  et  quod  de  donatione  nostri  senioris  habuerunt  excepto  illo,  quod 
de  mea  donatione  venit,  illis  concedo"  (860)  MGH.,  Capitularia,  vol.  n,  p.  158, 
also  p.  29S. 

4  "Et  illi  homines,  qui  in  isto  regno  contra  seniorem  nostrum  dominum 
Karolum  mispriserunt,  si  se  recognoverint,  propter  Deum  et  propter  fratris  sui 
deprecationem,  quicquid  contra  eum  misfecerunt,  eis  vult  indulgere,"  ibid., 
p.  299. 


162     COMMENTARY   TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

only  are  the  French  mefaire,  meprendre  the  direct  descend- 
ants of  this  misfactum,  but  mis-  having  been  adopted  also 
by  the  German  population  of  France,  the  Goths,  in  their 
Bible  translation,  which  was  made  in  France  about  the 
year  800,  adopted  the  legal  term  misfactum  and  literally 
translated  it  by  missadeps,  while  misfactor  was  similarly 
rendered  by  missataujands,  and  similar  terms  are  found  in 
all  the  Germanic  languages. 

Before  mis-  took  the  place  of  "ex,"  foris  had  played  that 
role  among  the  Merovingians.  In  a  Ribuarian  law,  which  is 
an  extension  of  the  Lex  Cornelia,  it  is  provided  that  the  high- 
wayman or  traducer  may  be  killed,  provided  the  slayer 
swears  at  court  on  the  forty-second  day  that  he  killed  the 
guilty  man  for  an  ex  facto,  that  is,  for  a  crime  which  makes  a 
person  an  outlaw.1  Here  the  ex  facto  has  been  changed  to 
forfactum.  If  forfactum  is  the  crime  which  outlaws,  for- 
factotus  would  be  the  criminal  who  commits  that  crime, 
hence  the  title  of  that  Ribuarian  law,  apparently  of  a  later 
origin,  has  the  corrupted  form  forbattutus,2  which  is  uni- 
versally used  in  certain  Merovingian  documents  which  deal 
with  the  killing  of  an  outlaw.3  As  for-  had  the  specific  mean- 

1  "Si  quis  hominem  super  res  suas  conprehenderit,  et  eum  ligare  voluerit, 
aut  super  uxorem,  aut  super  filiam,  vel  his  similibus,  et  non  praevaluerit  legare, 
sed  colebus  ei  excesserit,  et  eum  interficerit,  coram  testibus  in  quadruvio  in 
clita  eum  levare  debet,  et  40  seu  41  noctes  custodire,  et  tunc  ante  iudice  in 
harao  coniurit,  quod  eum  de  vita  forfactum  interfecisset.  Sin  autem  ista  non 
adimpleverit,  homicidii  culpabilis  iudicetur.  Aut  si  negaverit  cum  legitimo 
numero  iuret,  quod  hoc  non  fecisset,"  lxxvii. 

2  "De  homme  furbattudo." 

3  "Qui  vero  edictum  nostrum  ausus  fuerit  contempnere,  in  cuiuslibet  iudicis 
pago  primitus  admissum  fuerit,  ille  iudex  collectum  solatium  ipsum  raptorem 
occidat,  et  iaceat  forbatutus,"  Childeberti  n.  Decretum  (596),  MGH.,  Capit- 
ularia,  vol.  i,  p.  16;  "ideo  etenim,  dum  sic  Veritas  conprobaretur,veniens  iam 
dictus  ille  adprehensam  manum  vel  anna  predict!  iudicis,  sicut  mos  est,  apud 
homines  12,  manu  sua  tertia  decima,  dextratus  vel  coniuratus  dixit,  quod,  dum 
ipse  sollemniter  sibi  ambulabat,  iam  dictus  ille  quondam  eum  malo  ordine 
adsallivit  et  evaginato  gladio  super  eum  venit  et  super  ipsum  livores  vel  capu- 
lationes  misit  et  res  suas  illas  ei  diripere  voluit;  et  postquam  istas  presentes 
livores  recepit,  necessitate  conpulsus  ipsum  placavit,  per  quern  mortuus  iacet; 
et  in  sua  orta  contentione  vel  in  sua  movita  atque  per  suas  culpas  ibidem  inter- 


FREDUM,   FAIDA  163 

ing  "ex,  out,"  the  exlex,  outlaw,  was  also  known  as  the  for- 
bannitus,  and  outlawing,  banishment  was  similarly  designated 
as  forbannum,1  where  for-  corresponds  to  "ex"  and  bannum 
to  "lex."  If  we  now  turn  to  the  Carta  Senonica  in  which  fer- 
batudo  occurs,  we  find  that  it  is  coupled  with  frodanno, 
namely  "frodanno  et  forbatudo."  We  immediately  perceive 
that  this  is  a  corruption  of  "in  f redo  et  exfaido"  of  the  Salic 
law,  which  there  was  given  as  the  whole  composition  for  a 
misdeed,  while  here  it  is  a  mere  legal  formula,  apparently  not 
accompanied  by  the  actual  composition,  for  murder  in  self- 
defence.  We  have  already  seen  that  the  Genoese  formula  of 
the  12.  cent,  for  "being  in  sedition"  was  "in  consilio  et 
facto,"  where  "in  facto"  grew  out  of  "ex facto"  of  the  Roman 
law.  We  have  evidence  that  this  formula  is  much  older 2  and 
that  "in  consilio"  was  confused  with  "ex  facto"  producing 
the  verb  forsconsiliare  "to  plot  against  one."3  This  for-, 
which  in  French  has  survived  in  forfait,  has  ultimately  pro- 
duced the  German  prefix  ver-,  as  in  verwirken,  AS.  forwyrcan, 
etc.,  which  are  used  as  translations  of  forisfacere,  even  as 
misfactum  has  produced  Goth,  missadeps.4 

fectus  fuit;  et  sic  est  Veritas  absque  ulla  fraude  vel  coludio,  et  in  sua  culpa 
secundum  legem  ipsum  ferrobattudo  fecit,"  Formula  Turonensis  30,  in  MGH., 
Formulae,  p.  153;  "homo  alicus  nomen  ille,  ira  f actus,  apud  arma  sua  super  me 
venit  et  colappus  super  me  misit ;  et  sic  mihi  Deus  directum  dedit,  ego  ipso  de 
arma  mea  percussi,  talis  colappus  ei  dedi,  per  quid  ipse  mortuus  est;  et  quod 
feci  super  me  feci.  Et  ego  hodie  ipso  facio  frodanno  et  ferbatudo  infra  noctis 
42,  sicut  lex  et  nostra  consuetudo  est,  apud  tris  aloarius  et  12  conlaudantes," 
Carta  Senonica  17,  ibid.,  p.  192. 

1  "  Ferrebannitus"  (561-584),  Edictum  Childerici,  in  MGH.,  Capitularia, 
vol.  i,  9;  "de  teloneis  qui  iam  an  tea  forbanniti  fuerunt"  (779),  ibid.,  p.  51; 
"comes  qui  latronem  in  forbanno  miserit"  (819),  ibid.,  p.  148. 

2  Cf.  the  caption  in  the  Lex  Alamannorum  "de  eo  qui  mortem  ducis  con- 
siliatus  fuerit"  and  "concilios  et  seditionis  facere"  of  Roth.  280. 

3  "Ut  nemo  suo  pari  suum  regnum,  aut  suos  fideles,  vel  quod  ad  salutem  et 
prosperitatem  ac  honorem  regium  pertinet,  discupiat  aut  for sconsiliet"  (851), 
MGH.,  Capitularia,  vol.  n,  p.  72;  "nee  in  vita,  nee  in  membris,  neque  in  regno 
illorum  eos  forconsiliabo"  (860),  ibid.,  p.  155;  "  nee  eum  in  ipsa  portione  .  .  . 
decipiet  aut  forconciliabit"  (870),  ibid.,  p.  192. 

4  I  leave  for  another  time  the  investigation,  how  much  the  Goth,  prefixes 
fair  and  fra  represent  this  Lat.  foris. 


164     COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

I  have  already  pointed  out  that  AS.  fdh  is  a  back  formation 
from  faehde,  but  this  shorter  form  is  also  recorded  in  Goth. 
faih,  which  has  even  better  preserved  the  original  meaning 
of  faida  "dolus,"1  that  is  of  ex  facto,  hence  bi-faihon  "to 
take  advantage  of."  This  cannot  be  separated  from  ONorse 
feikn  "misdeed,"  AS.  fdcen,  OS.  fekn,  OHG.  feihhan  "trick- 
ery," ONorse  feigr,  AS.  faege,  OHG.  feigi  "outlawed."  All 
these  words  arise  from  the  enormous  importance  which  the 
Lex  Cornelia  has  played  among  the  Germans  in  France,  in 
making  them  abhor  the  f actio,  which  even'  in  Rome  led  to 
the  blood  feud. 

1  "In  lege  Cornelia  dolus  pro  facto  accipitur,"  Codex  Justinianus,  1.  7.  D. 
48.8. 


TESTIBUS  IDONEIS 

In  the  Lex  salica  we  several  times  find  sunnis,  in  connec- 
tion with  tricare,  tenere,  detenere,  in  order  to  express  a  legit- 
imate delay  which  would  excuse  a  person's  non-appearance 
in  court.1  If  we  compare  these  passages  with  the  corre- 
sponding ones  in  the  Visigothic  2  and  other  Germanic  laws, 
it  appears  that  sunnis,  sonia,  etc.,  is  morphologically  and 
semantically  derived  from  Latin  idoneum,  as  shall  be  shown 
further  on. 

In  the  Visigothic  laws  idoneus  is  the  reliable,  better  situ- 
ated servant,  as  opposed  to  the  servus  vilior,  inferior,  rusti- 
canus.3  But  we  also  get  here  the  combination  "testis  idoneus," 
as  in  the  Roman  laws,  for  the  reliable  witness,  that  is,  one 
who  is  of  better  birth  and  well-to-do  and,  therefore,  would 
not  be  inclined  to  perjure  himself.4    Idoneum  could  also  be 

1  "Ille  uero  qui  alium  mannit  et  ipse  non  uenerit,  si  eum  sunnis  (sumis)  non 
tricauerit  (determent)  .  .  .  ,"  1. 1.  2  (in  J.  H.  Hessels,  Lex  Salica,  London  1880); 
"si  ipse,  cui  testatum  est,  noluerit  inde  exire  et  eum  aliqua  sunnis  (sonies, 
sumis)  non  tenuerit  (detenuerit,"  xlv.  2  b;  "et  si  quis  commonitus  fuerit  et 
eum  sunnis  (sumnis,  sumis)  non  tenuerit  (detenuerit),"  xlvii.  2;  "et  eos 
sunnis  {sonnis,  sumis)  non  tricauerunt  (tenuerint,  detenuerint"),  xlex.  2;  "et 
sunnis  (sumis)  eum  non  tenuerit  (detenuerit),"  L.  4;  "nee  sunnia  adnuntiauerit 
...  ad  xl  et  II  noctes  sunnia  adnuntiauerit  .  .  .  et  eos  certa  sonia  detrigauerit. 
et  toti  uenire  non  possint  .  .  .  pares  suos  sunia  nuntiant,"  lxxviii.  7;  "quod 
si  ei  placitum  sunnis  detricat  (detenuerit),"  Pact.  5  and  17. 

2  On  the  relation  of  the  Lex  salica  to  the  Visigothic  laws  read  M.  Krammer, 
Kritische  Untersuchungen  zur  Lex  Salica,  in  Neues  Archiv,  vol.  xxx. 

3  "Ingenuus  quidem  pro  idonea  ancilla  absque  infamia  C  verbera  ferat,  pro 
inferiori  vero  .  .  .,"  Leg.  Visig.  (ed.  Zeumer),  xn.  15;  "si  quemlibet  libertum 
idoneum  .  .  .  pulsaverit  addicendum  .  .  .  nam  si  inferior  fuerit  atque  rus- 
ticanus  .  .  .,"  vi.  1.  5;  "si  certe  ingenuus  servum  alterius  decalvaverit  .  .  .  det 
eius  domino  solidos  x,  si  vero  idoneum,  c  flagella  suscipiat,"  vi.  4.  3;  "quamvis 
idoneus  servus  .  .  .  nullatenus  indebite  contumeliosus  aut  sediciosus  presumat 
existere,"  vi.  4.  7. 

4  "In  duobus  autem  idoneis  testibus,  quos  prisca  legum  recipiendos  sancsit 
auctoritas,  non  solum  considerandum  est,  quam  sint  idonei  genere,  hoc  est 


166     COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

employed  in  regard  to  a  reliable  document  or  a  sufficient 
proof. l  If  we  turn  to  the  corresponding  Visigothic  law  about 
summoning  to  court,  we  at  once  see  that  the  Salic  sunnis  is 
nothing  but  the  legal  proof,  by  means  of  reliable  witnesses  or 
by  oath,  that  sickness,  floods,  or  a  snowstorm  have  prevented 
the  defendant's  appearance  before  the  judge.2  This  law  is 
identical  with  the  one  given  in  Digest  II.  11,  and  the  man- 
ner in  which  it  was  applied  may  be  seen  from  an  interesting 
case  at  the  Synod  of  Donatists  in  Carthage  in  the  year  411. 
A  bishop  was  prevented  by  sickness  from  attending,  so  he 
sent  a  proxy  to  excuse  his  absence  and  sign  for  him,  when  the 
tribune  and  notary  Marcellinus,  who  carried  on  the  proceed- 
ings in  a  strictly  legal  fashion,  pronounced  his  "probabilis  et 
rationabilis  excusatio  est."  3 

Precisely  the  same  conception  of  idoneus  is  found  in  the 
Lex  romana  raetica  curiensis,  where  the  "clericus  idoneus," 
the  well-to-do,  "reliable"  clerical  is  opposed  to  the  "in- 

indubitanter  ingenui,  sed  etiam  si  sint  honestate  mentis  perspieui  adque  rerum 
plenitudine  opulenti,"  ibid.,  n.  4.  3;  "seu  per  scripturam  sive  per  idoneum 
testem,"  n.  5.  11;  "sacerdos  ipse  vel  iudex  sivi  alii  testes  idonei  eandem  ologra- 
fam  scripturam  .  .  .  confirment,"  n.  5.  16;  "idoneis  testibus  quibus  merito 
fides  possit  adhiberi,  aput  iudicem  .  .  .  adprobare,"  vi.  5.  19. 

1  "Post  hoc  querenda  ab  utrisque  partibus  in  scriniis  domesticis  instru- 
menta  cartarum,  ut  contropatis  aliarum  scripturarum  suncriptionibus  adque 
signis  possit  agnosci,  utrum  habeatur  idonea,  an  roprobetur  indigni  .  .  .  tunc 
ipse,  qui  scripturam  profert,  exibitis  testibus  esse  idoneam  et  inlesam  scripturam 
adfirmet,"  n.  5. 17;  "sed  et  res  omnes,  tempore  nuptiarum  acceptas  seu  promis- 
sas,  mulier  vel  puella  sibimet  vindicabit,  si  per  idoneam  probationem  con- 
vicerit  maritum,  de  quo  agitur,  sub  ingenuitatis  spe  sibi  sociatum  esse,"  in. 
2.7. 

2  "Si  tamen  admonitum  aut  aegritudo  ad  veniendum  nulla  suspenderit, 
aut  inundatio  fluminum  non  retinuerit,  vel  aditum  non  obstruxerit,  in  quo 
montes  transituri  sunt,  conspersio  superflua  nivium;  que  necessitas  utrum 
evidenter  evenerit,  an  per  excusationem  videatur  opponi  aut  idoneis  testibus 
aut  suo  iuramento  firmabit,"  ibid.,  n.  1.  19. 

3  "Aleodatus  episcopus  dixit:  Julianus  aegritudine  praepeditur;  sed  ne 
videretur  aliquo  pacto  defuisse,  Presbyterum  misit,  per  quem  suam  absentiam 
excusaret,  et  ipse  pro  illo  subscripsit.  Et  alia  manu:  Recognovi.  Marcellinus 
v.  c.  Tribunus  et  Notarius  dixit:  Probabilis  et  rationabilis  excusatio  est,"  Mansi, 
vol.  iv,  p.  143. 


TESTIBUS  IDONEIS  167 

ferior,"  while  the  credible  witness  is  known  as  "idonia  per- 
sona," *  even  as  is  explicitly  stated  in  the  Burgundian  laws.2 
This  conception  of  the  reliable  witness  has  arisen  from  the 
current  connotation  in  the  sixth  century  of  idoneus  as  "  well- 
to-do,  mighty,"  wherefore,  for  example,  Cassiodorus  con- 
stantly opposes  the  idoneus  to  the  tenuis.3 

If  we  now  turn  to  the  Germanic  laws  which  are  further 
removed  from  the  Roman  prototype,  we  find  a  large  number 
of  corruptions  of  the  original  idoneus.  The  Langobards  made 
of  it  a  verb  idoneare,  edoniare,  aduniare  "to  purge  oneself 
legally  by  means  of  reliable  witnesses,"  4  that  is,  it  is  identi- 
cal with  the  above-mentioned  "idoneam  probationem, 
idoneis  testibus  firmare,  probare."    In  the  Lex  ribuaria  we 

1  "Si  ipse  clericus  de  bona  gente  est  vel  suas  res  habuerit,  aut  idoneus  ap- 
paruerit,  inter  ipsos  curiales  officium  publicum  faciat.  Si  autem  ipse  clericus 
inferior  persona  est,  inter  collegiatos  officium  faciat,"  xvi.  1.  4;  "omnis  homo 
in  iudicio  pro  causam  suam  tales  testes  presentare  debet,  cui  fide  reprovata  non 
est;  sed  idonias  personas  in  sua  causam  quilibet  homo  presentare  debet,"  xi. 
15.4. 

2  "Idoneis,  quibus  credi  possit,  testibus  fuerit  conprobatum,"  II.  2;  "certe  si 
quinque  testes  ad  praesens  inventi  non  fuerint,  tres  idoneos  testes  loci  illius 
consistentes,  quorum  fama  nunquam  maculata  est,  praecipimus  subscriben- 
dos,"  xcix.  2.,  also  xliii.  3,  lxxxiii.  1,  Lex  romanaxi.  3;  "a  iudice  fide  integra 
et  moribus  idoneus  deputetur,"  Lex  romana  xliv.  2. 

3  "Ne  tenuis  de  proprio  cogatur  exsolvere,  quod  constat  idoneos  indebite 
detinere,"  Variae,  i.  19;  "provincialium  it  aque  nostrorum'  saepius  querela 
comperimus  possessores  idoneos  Saviae  non  solum  casarum  suarum  tributariam 
functionem  in  tenuem  resilisse  fortunam,  verum  etiam  scelerato  commercio 
aliquid  exinde  suis  applicare  compendiis,  ut  functio  publica  commoditas  sit 
privata,"  ibid.,  v.  14,  and  often. 

4  "Edoniare  mundare,  purificare,"  Glossa  cod.  eporediani  (ed.  G.  H.  Pertz), 
"  edoniare  id  est  absoluere,"  glossa  matrit.,  "edoniare  liberare  seu  defendere  ul 
firmare  inberare,"  gloss,  coven.  "Si  quis  qualecunque  hominem  ad  regem  in- 
cusaverit  quod  animae  perteneat  periculum,  liceat  ei,  qui  accusatus  fuerit,  cum 
sacramentum  satisfacere  et  se  eduniare  (edoniare,  idoniare,  idoneare,  ei  donare, 
aduniare),"  Ed.  Roth.  9;  "non  est  possibile  ut  homo  possit  eduniare  (ae-,  a-, 
edoniare,  i-) "  ibid.,  2;  "aut  se  edoniet  (sedoniit,  se  idoneare  studeat,  se  aedoniet, 
se  idone  et,  se  ipsum  donet),"  ibid.,  272;  "si  quis  porcus  aut  pecora  asto  animo 
in  donum  alterius  miserit,  et  se  non  ausaverit  eduniare  (e-,  i-,  a-doniare),"  ibid., 
345;  "si  pro  quacumque  culpa  homo  pulsatus  fuerit  ab  alio,  et  negaverit,  liceat 
eum  se  eduniare  (idoneare,  ae-,  e-doniare,  aduniare),"  ibid.,  364;  "si  eos  quicum- 
que  pulsaverit,  liceat  illis  cum  sacramentalibus  suis  legitimis  se  idoniare,"  lib. 
pap.  Grim.  2. 


168     COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

get  both  the  older  "cartam  idoneam  confirmare"  and  idone- 
are,1  but  the  latter  occurs  in  the  form  etuniare  and  exuniare, 
of  which  the  first  has  led  to  English  atone,  as  though  derived 
from  "at  one."  That  atone  is  derived  from  France  is  proved 
beyond  any  shadow  of  a  doubt  by  the  survival  of  a  corrup- 
tion of  etunis  in  Bayonne  in  the  twelfth  century.  The  re- 
spective document  fortunately  has  survived  in  two  addi- 
tional variants,  one  from  Rouen,  the  other  from  Oleron.2 
Where  Rouen  uses  idoneus  or  exonium,  Oleron  speaks  of 
essoyne,  while  Bayonne  uses  tenis,  so  that  there  cannot  be 
the  slightest  doubt  as  to  their  identity. 

Rouen  Oleron  Bayonne 

4.  Nisi  idoneam  excusa-       Ne  a  dit  au  maior  rai-       Si  combien  excusacion 

cionem    die    precedents  zonable    excusacion    por  no  affeite  conneisser  lo 

majori     notam     fecerit.  quei  il  ne  puchet  estre.  davant  die  au  maire. 
(p.  10.) 

24.  nisi  ipse  justam  ha-  se  il  n'a  ogu  dreite  des-  si  ed  non  a  dreiture 
buerit  excusacionem.  accusame.  tenis. 

25.  nisi    qui    tenet    cu-  si  cil  qui  tent  la  cort  ne  si  aquel  qui  tin  sa  cort 
riamhabeat  exonium  jus-  ha  essoyne.  no  a  dreiture  tenis. 
turn,  (ibid.) 

28.  sine    licentia    majo-   sans    cong6    dou    maior  seis   lezer  dou  maire  o 
ris  vel  sui  corporis  ex-   et  dous  esquevins.  seins  tenis  de  son  cors. 
onio.  (p.  36.) 

29.  major  debet  eum  pu-  si  no  a  arresonable  tenis. 
nire  secundum  exonium 

per  quod  debeat  rema- 
nere  (ibid.) 

The  expression  "idonea  excusacio"  at  Rouen  shows  how 
idoneum  came  to  mean  "  legal  excuse,  essoin,"  while  the 
forms  idoniare,   adoniare,   exadoniare,   exsoniare,   exoniare, 

1  "Et  si  quis  in  posterum  hoc  refragari  vel  falsare  voluerit,  a  testibus  con- 
vincatur,  aut  cancellarius  cum  sacramenti  interpositione  cum  simili  numero, 
quorum  roborata  est  idoneam  confirmet  (idoniare  studeat,  et  unia  restituat, 
et  hunia  restituat,  etc.),"  ltx.  2;  "quod  si  carta  in  iudicio  perforata  idonea 
(idoniata,  etuniata)  fuerit  .  .  .,"  lix.  3;  "absque  pugna  cartam  suam  super  al- 
tario  positam  idoniare  (etuniare,  exuniare),"  ltx.  5;  "omne  factum  eius  idoni- 
are (adhuna,  adunare)  studeat,"  lxvii.  1;  "cum  Sacramento  se  idoniare  (edoni- 
are),"  lxxi. 

*  A.  Giry,  Les  tlablissements  de  Rouen,  Paris  1885,  vol.  n. 


TESTIBUS  IDONEIS  169 

which  are  found  in  the  Alemanian !  and  Frankish 2  laws  and 
in  later  documents  show  how  sonia,  sunnis  was  formed. 
Idoniare  has  been  understood  as  ad-oniare,  and,  from  analogy 
with  "excusare,"  this  has  been  changed  to  exadoniare  and 
exoniare,  exsoniare,  producing  soniare,  while  the  ablative 
idoneis  has  given  the  form  soniis,  sonnis,  sunnis. 3  This  sonia 
was  already  known  in  the  seventh  century,4  and,  if  certain 
works  are  correctly  dated  in  the  sixth  century,  it  must  have 

1  "Si  autem  tres  annos  induraverit  opus  ancillae,  et  parentes  eius  non  ex- 
adoniaverunt  (exionaverunt)  earn,  ut  libera  fuisset,"  xvn.  2;  "liceat  ilium  alium 
cui  crimen  imposuit,  cum  tracta  spata  exidoniare  (id-,  ex-,  exs-,  ad-,  exad- 
oniare) se  contra  ilium  alium,"  xliii;  "cum  sacramentalis  se  edoniet  {id-,  exed- 
oniet),"  lxxxviii.  2;  "ipsam  cum  12  medicus  electus  aut  cum  spata  tracta 
quilibet  de  parentes  adunaverit,"  Pactus  33. 

2  "Per  sacramentum  aut  cum  ferro  se  exoniet,"  MGH.,  Formulae,  Collec- 
tiones  iudiciorum  Dei,  I.  6;  "de  hac  causa  non  redebio  nisi  isto  edonio  Sacra- 
mento," ibid.,  Form.  Andec.  lib;  also  15,  50b;  "quicquid  iam  dictus  ille  de  hac 
causa  iuraverit,  verum  etidoneum  sacramentum  dedit,"  Form.  Turon.  31;  also 
40;  "in  nullo  non  redibio  nisi  isto  etunio  Sacramento,"  Form.  Senon.  21  {idonio, 
22);  "sed  uno  alteri  de  causa  reputata  esset  obnoxia,  iusiurandum  constituit, 
ut  se  ad  sepulcrum  sancti  Eparchii  consignaret  ydoneam,"  Vita  et  virtutes 
Eparchii,  in  MGH.,  Scrip,  rer.  merov.,  vol.  m,  p.  562;  "cum  hoc  dixisset,  illico 
confracta  catena  ex  collo  cecidit  et  manibus  eandem  super  feretro  proiecit  et 
apparuit  idonea,  qui  fuerat  absque  noxa  poena  punita,"  Passio  Leudegarii, 
ibid.,  vol.  v,  p.  350;  "me  idoneum  hoc  in  opere  a  mendacio  ideo  defendere  puto," 
Vita  Boniti,  ibid.,  vol.  vi,  p.  119;  "testis  debet  collegi  idoneus,"  Lex  salica 
xxxrx.  3  (cod.  2);  "septem  rachinburgius  idoneos,"  ibid.,  h.  3;  "idoneum  sacra- 
mentum," ibid.,  en.  2  (cod.  11);  "se  idoneum  esse  cognoscere,"  ibid.,  cvi.  3,  6; 
"cum  duodecim  uiros  idoneos  iurare,"  ibid.,  xlvii.  2;  "idoneare  se,"  ibid.,  Ex- 
trav.  B.  2;  "idoniare  se  per  sacramentum,"  ibid.,  lxxiv.  3;  "non  aliter  sed  cum 
idoneis  testibus  pergant"  (796),  MGH.,  Leg.  sec.  in.  2,  p.  194,  and  similarly  pp. 
262,  829,  and  MGH.,  Capitularia,  vol.  i,  pp.  75,  122,  124,  160,  180,  190,  220, 
269,  282,  297,  328,  332. 

3  "Ad  hanc  sinodum  Philippus  rex  Galliarum  legationem  suam  direxit, 
seque  ad  illam  itiner  incepisse,  sed  legitimis  soniis  se  impeditum  fuisse  manda- 
vit,"  Bernoldi  Chronicon,  in  MGH.,  Scriptores,  vol.  v,  p.  462;  "legati  Domini 
mei  Henrici  Regis  ad  vos  venient  infra  terminum  Ascensionis  Domini,  exceptis 
legitimis  sonnis,  id  est  morte  vel  gravi  infirmitate,  vel  captione  absque  dolo," 
Vita  S.  Gregorii  Papae,  in  Acta  Sanctorum,  May  vi,  p.  137;  "ne  infirmitas  aut 
legitima  sonnis  eum  detinuerit,"  Vetus  placitum  in  Vita  Aldrici,  in  Ducange. 

4  "Ipsi  nee  vinisset  ad  placitum,  nee  misso  in  vice  sua  derixisset,  nee  nulla 
sonia  nunciassit  adfirmat"  (692),  J.  Tardif,  Monuments  historiques,  Paris  1866, 
p.  24;  "nee  ipso  mundeborone  suo  inlustri  viro  Ermechario,  quern  per  ipsaa 
praecepcionis  habuit  achramitum,  nullatinus  praesentassit,  nee  nulla  sonnia 
nonciasse  adfirmat"  (693),  ibid.,  p.  26. 


170     COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

been  popular  much  earlier.  The  expression  "sonia  nuntiare" 
of  that  period  shows  that  sonia  has  either  the  legal  meaning 
"excuse,"  or  "that  which  furnishes  a  basis  for  that  excuse, 
affliction,  trouble,  worry  caused  by  delay,  delay."  In  a  sixth 
century  Bible  text  it  is  the  translation  of  cura  "care,"  l  and 
in  the  Graeco-Latin  glosses  2  it  is  rendered  by  ixepi^va, 
(fypovTLs,  while  soniari  is  iiepijxvav.  The  same  meaning  is 
given  to  it  in  the  Sortes  sangallenses  3  and  in  the  writings  of 
the  eighth  century.4  The  French  language  has  not  only  soin 
"care,"  but  also  "excuse,  essoin,"  5  while  the  Germanic  lan- 
guages have  evolved  a  number  of  important  words  out  of  the 
original  "testibus  soniis" 

Gothic  sunjon  "to  verify,  excuse,  justify,"  sunjons  "apol- 
ogy, defence,  answer,"  sunja  "truth,"  OHG.  sona,  suona 
"judgment,  reconciliation,  peace,"  M Dutch  soene,  swoene, 
Dutch  zoen  "atonement,"  soenen  "to  kiss,"  OFrisian  sona 
"reconcile,"  Norwegian sone  "to atone"  are  identical  in  form 
and  meaning  with  LLatin  sonia.  In  ONorse,  syn,  in  the  com- 
pound naudsyn,  means  "necessity,  impediment,"  which  con- 

1  "Curis  huius  vitae,  soniis  saecularibus,"  Rheinisches  Museum,  vol.  xxxu, 
p.  586. 

2  Corpus  glossariorum  latinorum. 

3  H.  Winnefeld,  Sortes  sangallenses,  Bonnae  1887:  "noli  dimittere  persona 
de  qua  soniaris  in  dubio  erit  condemnatio,"  p.  21;  "non  es  fugiturus;  noli 
soniari,"  p.  36  and  37;  "noli  soniari,  quia  non  est  obligata  domus  tua,"  p.  42; 
"  de  sonio  liberaris  ut  deo  adiuvante  ad  filios  tuos  reuerteris  saluus,"  p.  44.  The 
author  wants  to  put  the  origin  of  these  Sortes  back  into  the  second  century, 
chiefly  because  the  office  of  the  aediles  is  mentioned  in  them,  but  it  is  evident 
from  the  quotations  (amicus  tuus  aedilem  te  facit,  per  aliqua  persona  poteris 
esse  aedilis,  aeris  aedilis  et  amicos  multos  habebis)  that  the  reference  is  to  an 
honorable  title  and  social  position,  and  not  to  a  magistracy,  even  as  the  "  aedilis 
ecclesiae  "  (see  Ducange)  was  in  Merovingian  times  the  name  for  a  curator  in  the 
church,  an  honorable  distinction.  From  this  aedilis  comes  OHG.  edili  "noble." 

4  "Si  comis  in  suo  ministerio  iustitias  non  fecerit,  misso  nostro  de  sua  casa 
soniare  faciat  usque  dum  iustitiae  ibidem  factae  fuerint"  (779),  MGH.,  Capitu- 
laria,  vol.  I,  p.  48;  "illi  qui  antiquitus  consueti  fuerunt  missos  aut  legationes 
soniare,  ita  et  modo  inantea  et  de  parveridis  et  omnia  eis  necessaria  solito 
more  soniare  faciant"  (800),  ibid.,  p.  85. 

8  "S'il  n'avoient  leial  sone"  (1214),  in  Godefroy,  where  more  quotations  may 
be  found. 


TESTIBUS  IDONEIS  171 

notation  in  OHG.  has  been  left  to  the  common  alternative  of 
the  documents,  sumnis  "  legal  necessity,  delay,"  from  which 
has  been  formed  the  verb  sumen  "to  tarry,  delay."  This 
meaning  has  not  entered  into  any  other  Germanic  languages 
but  Dutch  zuimen,  which  is  merely  a  borrowing  from  the 
German.  Now,  the  usual  formula  in  which  sonia  occurs  in 
the  Merovingian  and  Carolingian  laws  and  documents  is 
"sonia  nuntiare,"  that  is,  "to  show  a  legal  excuse."  This 
"sonia  nuntiare"  is  recorded  in  Gothic  in  "sunja  gateihan," 
"  to  tell  the  truth,"  and  I  shall  now  show  that  teihan  is  derived 
from  "testibus." 

In  Gothic  teihan  is  identical  with  "nuntiare"  in  meaning, 
but  in  the  other  Germanic  languages  the  corresponding  verb 
means  "to  accuse,  charge  with,"  so  in  AS.  teon,  OHG.  zihen. 
These  verbs  are  distinct  from  Goth,  taiknjan,  OHG.  zeih- 
hanen,  etc.,  which  alone  are  related  to  Lat.  dico,  Greek  SeiV 
vvfu.  It  is  merest  accident  that  the  two  forms  somewhat 
coincide,  for  the  meanings  of  Goth,  teihan,  etc.,  are  distinctly 
derived  from  the  rubric  "testibus  soniis,"  which  was  used  in 
every  case  where  the  seriousness  of  the  charge  demanded  re- 
liable witnesses.  This  "testibus  soniis"  was  popularly  pro- 
nounced testibusonis,  tehtibusonis,  and  as  such  it  has  survived 
in  the  AS.  tiht-bysig  "infamatus  et  accusationibus  ingrava- 
tus,"  a  back  formation  from  tiht-bysignis,  testibusonis.  This 
appears  clearly  from  the  first  recorded  case  in  959,  when  the 
phrase  is  used  for  "one  under  heavy  accusation  and  not 
to  be  believed  by  the  people,"  *  for  precisely  then  the  ac- 
cused person  would  have  to  purge  himself  by  three  credible 
witnesses.  Now,  the  long  rubric  testibusonis  has  survived  in 
Old  French  in  the  abbreviated  form  busun,  busuigne  "legal 
necessity,   important    affair,"2   which  has  ultimately  pro- 

1  "Et  si  quis  fuerit  accusationibus  infamatus  et  populo  incredibilis,"  in  Ead. 
7.  For  other  quotations  see  Bothworth's  Dictionary. 

2  "E  si  alcun  jethed  les  chatels  fors  de  la  nef  senz  busun,  sil  rendet,"  Leis 
Willelme  37.  3  (1090-1135),  in  Liebermann,  Die  angelsdchsischen  Gesetze,  p.  515; 


172     COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

duced  besoin,  but  which  in  the  oldest  AS.  case,  of  about  950, 
still  means  "necessitas,  solicitudo."  *  Thus  French  besoin 
and  English  business  go  back  to  testibusonis,  but,  while  the 
whole  has  produced  the  AS.  tihtbysig,  the  first  part  tiht,  OHG. 
zicht,  means  "  accusation,  crime,"  and  from  this  has  come  by 
a  back  formation  Goth,  teihan,  and  so  forth. 

"a  mei  affert  ceste  busunie,"  Lib.  Psalm.,  p.  366,  in  Godefroy;  "e  si  parfei- 
sums  la  busuine,  de  ses  buesuignes  fist  le  rei  mult  avancer,"  ibid. 

1  "Ne  bisignisse  mettes  and  woedes  haebende,  nee  solicitudinem  escae  et 
vestis  habendam." 


QUOVIS  GENIO 

The  earliest  documents  of  the  Middle  Ages  frequently 
use  ingenium,  in  connection  with  malum,  inicum,  in 
the  sense  of  "deception."1  Ingenium  is  generally  abbrevi- 
ated to  genium,  in  Italian  documents  also  to  ienio,  zenio, 
senio,  and  the  phrase  "per  quovis  genio  substraere"  or 
one  like  it  is  employed  to  express  that  which  in  Roman 
law  is  known  as  malus  dolus.2  In  France,  especially  in 
the  south,  ingenium  is,  since  the  tenth  century,  recorded 

1  "Nisi,  malo  ordine  per  forcia  et  inico  ingenium  ipsi  agentis  predicto  Dro- 
gone,  de  potestate  sua  abstraxsissent"  (697),  J.  Tardif,  Monuments  historiques, 
Paris  1866,  p.  31;  "volumus  etiam  .  .  .  vt  nulla  praepotens  persona  predictam 
Ecclesiam  proprietario  iure  per  nullum  ingenium,  per  nullam  censuram,  aut 
beneficiali  ordine,  et  praeceptali  auctoritate  nitatur  inuadere"  (724),  Troya, 
op.  cit.,  vol.  m,  p.  380;  "nee  per  cartulam  concambiationis  neque  per  conve- 
nientiam  libelli  neque  per  ullum  inienium"  (724),  ibid.,  p.  384;  "si  quis  per 
malum  ingenium  in  curtem  alterius  miserit  aliquid  .  .  .  quod  furatum  est," 
Lex  salica  xxxvi.  4;  "et  si  per  odium  aut  malo  ingenio,  nisi  per  iustitiam  facien- 
dam,  hominem  diffecerit"  (779),  MGH.,  Capitularia,  vol.  i,  p.  49;  "ut  iuntitias 
ecclesiarum,  viduarum,  orfanorum  et  reliquorum  omnium  sine  ullo  malo  in- 
genio .  .  .  faciatis;  nam  si  tale  aliquod  ingenium  inter  vos  factum  fuerit"  (806), 
Fontes  return  bernensium,  Bern  1833,  vol.  i,  p.  220  f.;  "in  omnibus  ero,  absque 
fraude  et  malo  ingenio  et  absque  ulla  dolositate  seu  deceptione,"  Roziere, 
Recueil  g£n6ral  des  formules  dans  V  empire  des  Francs  du  Ve  au  Xe  Steele,  Paria 
1859,  vol.  i,  p.  7. 

2  "Nee  possit  ei  pater  per  quolevit  genium  aliquid  dare  aut  hereditatem  re- 
Iinquere"  (gloss,  epored.  genio  conludio)  (731),  Edictum  Luitprandi  Regis, 
Ann.  xix.  3;  "quocumque  genio  aliquid  abstractum"  (862),  Cod.  Langob.,  col. 
369;  "per  covis  zenium  subtraere"  (919),  HPM.,  Chartae,  vol.  i,  col.  123;  "per 
couis  ienium  infrangere"  (973),  ibid.,  col.  242;  "per  couis  ienium  subtrahere" 
(1035),  ibid.,  col.  509;  "qualis  genium"  (801),  Codex  cavensis,  vol.  i,  p.  5; 
" quodlibet  genium "  (803), ibid., p. 6;  " per quodvis genium" (858),  H PM .,  Chartae, 
vol.  i,  col.  337,  Cod.  Langob.,  cols.  244,  274,  346,  448,  1617,  etc.;  "per  cotvis 
sienium"  (1045),  Codice  diplomatico  padovano  dal  secolo  sesto  a  tutto  Vundecimo, 
p.  180;  "per  covix  genium"  (1008),  ibid.,  pp.  135,  249,  278,  297. 


174     COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

as  engan,  enganno,1  but  in  Italy  ingannatio  is  given  as  early 
as  843.2 

Ingenium,  genium  is  extremely  common  in  another  form- 
ula, "quovis  genio  conquirere,"  to  acquire  in  anyway  not 
definitely  established  by  ancient  law,  i.  e.,  in  war,  by  natural 
increase,  interest,  etc.3  In  Spain  and  Portugal  ganare  is  used 

1  "De  ista  hora  in  antea  .  .  .  non  enganera  sua  persona,  suo  domno,  suo 
sciente  .  .  .  ni  per  suo  ingenio  ni  per  sua  conscientia  suo  sciente"  (985),  Devic 
and  Vaissete,  op.  cit.,  cols.  301,  312/.;  "neque  per  nostrum  ingenium  .  .  .  sine 
nullo  illorum  enganno  et  sine  lucro"  (1020),  ibid.,  col.  373;  "  et  pleu  Bernardus 
jamdictus  per  suam  fidem  et  per  suum  dictum  plivid,  ut  non  ingannat  Rainar- 
dum  jamdictum  de  isto  placito"  (1056),  ibid.,  col.  489  and  similarly  cols.  938, 
942,  949,  968,  982;  "erimus  adjutorio  domino  Deo,  et  Sancto  Petro  sine  en- 
ganno" (1028),  Gallia  Christiana,  vol.  i,  p.  49;  "  sine  inganno "  (1083),  Teulet, 
Layettes  du  Tresor  des  chartes,  vol.  i,  p.  29;  "sine  enganno,"  ibid.,  pp.  82,  84,  90, 
107,  124,  etc.,  C.  Douais,  Cartulaire  de  Vabbaye  de  Saint-Sernin  de  Toulouse, 
Paris  1887,  pp.  74,  91,  497,  etc.,  Gu6rard,  Cartulaire  de  Vabbaye  de  Saint-Victor 
de  Marseille,  Paris  1857,  vol.  I,  p.  172;  "sine  inganno"  (1147),  Espana  sagrada 
vol.  xxxv,  p.  416. 

2  "Lunfrit  de  cives  Placentia,  qui  cum  ipso  infantulum  fuisset  et  super  rebus 
eius  ambulasset  et  extimasset,  ne  ad  ipsum  infantulum  aliqua  ingannatio  facta 
non  fuisset  .  .  .  et  paruit  eorum,  quod  nulla  ingannatio  ei  facta  non  erat,"  J. 
Ficker,  Forschungen  zur  Reichs-  und  Rechtsgeschichte  Italiens,  Innsbruck  1874, 
vol.  iv,  p.  18. 

3  "Quoque  genio  alienatum  aut  traditum"  (716),  Troya,  op.  cit.,  vol.  n,  p. 
254;  "omnem  conquistionem,  quod  genitori  tuo,  quas  de  ribus  Sancto  Ecclesie 
per  Anticessoris  meis  cumquiset  per  qualibet  ingenio,  et  possidet  usque  in  diebus 
vite  sue,  qui  in  hanc  domo  Sancte  Ecclesie  ante  nos  fuerunt:  tam  per  nos,  et 
jamdixi,  per  qualivet  ingenio  quem  cumquirere  potuet  de  ribus  Sancte  Ecclesie" 
(737),  ibid.,  vol.  in,  p.  635;  "quicquid  .  .  .  aut  nobis  traditum  vel  commutatum 
fuit,  vel  in  antea  ibidem  comparatum  aut  de  quolibet  ingenio,  legibus  ad  nos 
pervenit,"  Pardessus,  op.  cit.,  vol.  II,  p.  398;  "per  qualicumque  genio  vel  titulo 
.  .  .  advenerat"  (766),  Cod.  Langob.,  col.  59;  "quocumque  genio  conquirere," 
ibid.,  col.  60;  "quod  mihi  usquemodo  conquisistes  aut  in  antea  conquerere 
potueritis  per  quodlibet  ingenium"  (766),  ibid.,  col.  61;  "quicquid  per  ipsam 
cartulam  concessisti,  aut  postea  quoque  ingenio  adquisisti"  (784),  ibid.,  col. 
112;  "que  ipsa  sibi  quocumque  ingenio  juste  et  legaliter  undecumque  vel  a 
quibuscumque  acquisivit,  aut  in  antea  acquirere  potuerit"  (852),  ibid.,  col. 
524;  "dono  cultilem  seu  et  masseritias  quantascumque  in  iamdicto  uico  ciste 
mihi  per  cartulam  et  comparantionem  aut  per  quale  vis  ingenium  ibidem  ad- 
quisiuero"  (848),  HPM.,  Chartae,  vol.  I,  col.  46;  " quantumcumque  ibi  visi 
sumus  abere,  aut  porcio  nostra  ibi  obvenit  aut  obvenire  debet,  tam  de  paterno 
quam  de  materno,  uel  de  quocumque  libet  ingenio  legitime  ordine  ad  nos  obvenire 
debet  usque  in  exquisitum  "  (888),  Bruel,  Recueilde  C7uny,  vol.  i,p.  38/.;  "quic- 
quid de  genitore  meo,  vel  genitrice  mea,  vel  de  calecumque  ingenio  mihi  atvenit" 
(893),  ibid.,  p.  60;  "tan  de  alaudo,  tan  de  conquisto,  aut  de  qualccumque 
ingenio  ad  nos  advenire  potuerit"  (904),  ibid.,  p.  95,  and  often. 


QUOVIS  GENIO  175 

where  elsewhere  this  formula  is  written,1  hence  ganatum 
refers  to  everything  not  owned  alodially,  especially  to  cattle.2 
This  ganare  is  obviously  derived  from  genium,  but  quo  genio, 
quo  zenio,  quovis  genio,  etc.,  have  also  left  behind  them  a  large 
variety  of  forms,  which  are  recorded  from  the  tenth  century 
on.  We  find  in  Venice  guadagno,3  in  Aragon  guataniagare, 
guadanare,4    in    Provence    gadaignare,    guadanare,    gazain.5 

1  "Quicquid  potui  ganare  vel  applicare  atque  apprendere"  (747),  Espana 
sagrada,  vol.  xl,  p.  357;  "nostras  hereditates  quantas  habuerimus  et  ganare 
potuerimus  usque  ad  obitum  nostrum"  (874),  PMH.,  Dipl.  et  char.,  vol.  i,  p.  5; 
' '  et  partibi  cum  ipsos  filios  meos  iam  superius  nominatos  meo  ganato  et  meas 
uillas  et  mea  criazon"  (875),  ibid.,  p.  8;  "et  omnem  mea  rem  quanta  ego  uisa 
sum  auere  quantaque  aueo  de  auolenga  et  de  parentela  quam  etiam  et  de  mea 
ganatura"  (908),  ibid.,  p.  11;  "sive  de  parentum  meorum,  vel  comodo  etiam  de 
ganantia"  (972),  ibid.,  p.  65/.;  "et  habuimus  ilia  hereditate  de  nostra  ganancia 
quam  comparauimus"  (1002),  ibid.,  p.  114;  "damus  ipsas  hereditates  .  .  .  siue 
et  alias  que  de  hodie  in  die  ganare  et  augmentare  potuerimus  in  qualibet  ganan- 
tia" (1039),  ibid.,  p.  187  and  often;  "et  alium  quodcumque  ganare  potuerimus, 
ut  traditum  pro  remedio  animarum  nostrarum"  (940),  Berganza,  Antigiicdades 
de  Espana,  vol.  n,  p.  381;  "ortos,  domos,  armenta,  vestimenta,  tarn  mobile 
quam  et  immobile,  quod  ganavimus,  vel  ganare  potuerimus  in  hoc  seculo" 
(947),  ibid.,  pp.  391,  395;  "cum  omnibus  prestationibus  suis,  quantum  nos 
ibidem  ganavimus"  (998),  Espana  sagrada,  vol.  XL,  p.  407. 

2  "Omni  ganato,  tam  mobile,  quam  etiam  immobile"  (945),  Berganza,  op. 
cit.,  p.  389;  "illo  ganato  de  Caradigna  pascendi"  (972),  ibid.,  p.  409;  "im- 
pleverunt  illud  monasterium  de  omni  ganato"  (934),  Espana  sagrada,  vol.  xl, 
p.  400;  "a  paucis  namque  annis  ganavi  alfagara"  (1029),  ibid.,  vol.  xxxvi,  p. 
xxxiii;  "adhuc  etiam  concedo,  ut  nullus  sit  ausus  .  .  .  proprium  ganatum  pignu- 
rare  alicujus  canonici,  qui  homines  cum  ganato  vivo  habuerit"  (1105),  ibid., 
vol.  xxxvm,  p.  344;  "pannos  et  alium  ganatum''''  (1032),  ibid.,  vol.  xix,  p.  395. 

3  "Nullus  Venetus  audeat  ultra  Pollam  mancipia  transportare,  neque  in 
terra  Graecorum,  neque  nullis  locis  ea  donare,  excepto  si  accident,  ut  de  sua 
captivitate  se  redimere  debeat,  aut  pro  tali  causa  unde  guadagnum  accrescat 
in  patria"  (960),  S.  Romanin,  Storia  documentata  di  Venezia,  Venezia  1853, 
vol.  I,  p.  371. 

4  "Cum  quantum  ibi  abeo  ganatu  et  adhuc  potero  guataniagare"  (1025), 
E.  Ibarra  y  Rodriguez,  Coleccion  de  documentos  para  el  estudio  de  la  historia  de 
Aragon,  Zaragoza  1904,  vol.  i,  p.  126;  "et  omnia  quae  hodie  in  antea  poteritis 
adquirere  vel  guadanare  intota  mea  terra"  (1069),  Munoz  y  Romero,  op.  cit., 
p.  248;  "  quod  ubi  habueritis  hereditates  in  tota  mea  terra  vel  guadanare  poteri- 
tis" (1075),  ibid.,  p.  251. 

6  "Dimitto  ambobus  filiis  meis  totum  quod  lucratus  sum,  hoc  est  quod 
guadanavi  in  castello  de  Buciagas"  (1118),  Baluze,  vol.  n,  p.  488;  "totum 
quantum  de  te  ibi  adquisitum  et  gadaignatum  habemus"  (1127),  Devic  and 
Vaissete,  op.  cit.,  vol.  v,  col.  941;  "quod  suus  lignages  gadanet  per  ben  et  per 
fe"  (1141),  ibid.,  col.  1049;  "le  sobredit  deutor  devo  he  convengo  pagar  he 
redire  le  cabal  el  gazain  a  so  moniment"  (1205),  Tardif,  Layettes,  vol.  v,  p.  55. 


176     COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

Before  discussing  the  fate  of  this  group  in  the  European  lan- 
guages, I  shall  ascertain  the  causes  that  led  to  the  popular- 
ity of  ingenium  and  genius  in  the  formulae. 

At  the  end  of  the  second  century  and  later  ingenium  has 
the  meaning  of  " machination,  shrewdness,  trickery,"1  and 
in  the  sixth  century  Gregory  already  knew  the  technical 
term  quolibet  ingenio,2  even  as  it  was  used  in  a  Merovingian 
document  of  the  year  587  3  and  regularly  in  the  Visigothic 
laws.4  By  the  side  of  ingenium  Gregory  the  Great  used 
genius  in  the  sense  of  "good  intention,"5  while  Cassiodo- 
rus   employed  it  earlier  for   "honor,  truth,  splendor"  and 

1  "O  nouum  inreligiosae  mentis  ingenium,"  Salvianus,  Ad  ecclesiam  in.  30 
(Corp.  scrip,  eccl.  vol.  vin,  p.  278);  "ubi  valere  non  potuisti  ingenio  detestandae 
eubtilitatis  tuae,"  Lucifer  Calaritanus/  De  sancto  Athanasiol.xxvi  (ibid.,  vol. 
xiv,  p.  Ill);  "sed  stipem  ut  tollant  ingenia  talia  quaerunt,"  Commodianus, 
Instructionum  I.  xvn  (ibid.,  vol.  xv,  p.  22);  "cuius  symboli  iter  custodientes 
omnes  hereses  doctrinas  instituta  uel  dogmata,  quae  sibi  altercationem  non 
ingenia,  sed  studia  fuerunt,"  Prisciallianus  45  (ibid.,  vol.  xxni,  p.  37);  "quod 
autemexnouotngenwsetcalumniisrepperitur,"t6id.,56,  (p. 44);  "proclamant  e 
uero  episcopo  ac  dicente,  quod  saepius  hie  ingenia  quaereret,  qualiter  eum  ab 
episcopatu  deiceret,"  Gregorius  Turonensis,  vi.  22  (MGH.,  Scrip,  rer.  merov., 
p.  262);  "facto  ingenio  cum  satellite  allegatur,"  ibid.,  vin.  26  (p.  340);  "iurant 
partes  per  Dei  omnipotentes  nomen  et  inseparabilem  Trinitatem  vel  divina 
omnia  ac  tremendum  diem  iudicii,  se  omnia  quae  superius  scripta  sunt  absque 
ullo  dolo  malo  vel  fraudis  ingenio  inviolabiliter  servaturus,"  ibid.,  ix.  20 
p.  377);  "callida  machinamenta  commeantium,  ac  simulatae  obseruationis 
ingenia  et  fraudes"  (381),  Cod.  Theod.,  vi.  29.  6. 

2  "Nee  hunc  sub  quolibet  ingenio  vel  argumento  cuipiam  Judaeorum  venun- 
dandi  facultas  sit"  (596),  Gregorii  I  Registri,  vi.  29  (MGH.,  Epistolae,  vol.  i, 
p.  407);  "ut  eum  stricte  debeas  commonere  ne  filios  suos  quolibet  ingenio  vel 
excusatione  foris  alicubi  in  coniugio  sociare  praesumat"  (599),  ibid.,  ix.  128 
(vol.  ii,  p.  128). 

3  "Neque  a  domna  Brunichilde  neque  a  filio  suo  Childeberto  rege  filiisque 
suis  quolibet  ingenio  uel  tempore  repetantur,"  MGH.,  Capitularia,  vol.  i  p.  14. 

4  "Si  quecumque  mulier  siue  principis  opem  aut  quocumque  ingenio  seu 
cuiuslibet  auxilio  intenderit  inter  seet  virum  divortium  fieri,"  in.  6.  2;  "si  .  .  . 
quocumque  tempore  de  eorum  patrocinio  quacumque  subtilitate  aut  ingenio 
vel  argumento  fraudis  vel  leviter  de  eorum  patrocinio  se  auferre  voluerint," 
v.  7.  20. 

6  "Honorem  et  genium  ex  humilitate  vendicetis'\~(593),  Gregorii  I  Registri, 
iv.  1  in  MGH.,  Epistolae,  vol.  i,  p.  233;  "quatenus  adeptae  dignitatis  meliori 
genio  resistendi  Donatistis  possibilitas  disponatur"  (591),  ibid.,  p.  92;  "vigoris 
ecclesiastici  genium  congrua"  (599),  ibid.,  vol.  n,  p.  173,  and  often. 


QUOVIS  GENIO  177 

geniatus  for  " honorable,  pleasant,  joyous,"  1  and  Ennodius 
likewise  reveled  in  the  use  of  genius  in  the  same  sense,  em- 
ploying it  more  than  one  hundred  times  in  his  writings.  It 
follows  from  this  that  previous  to  the  sixth  century  ingenium 
meant  "evil  intention,"  while  genius  was  identical  with 
"good  intention,"  hence  derivations  from  the  first  generally 
have  a  connotation  of  badness,  while  words  derived  from 
genius,  like  Span.  Port.  Cat.  Ital.  gana  "desire,  intention," 
Span,  ganar  "to  earn"  are  free  from  this  connotation.  In 
order  to  determine  the  cause  for  the  vowel  change  from  gen- 
to  gan-  I  have  to  discuss  the  root  QVR  "fire,"  which  is 
found  in  all  the  Eurasiatic  languages,  but  only  so  much  of 
it  in  the  sub-form  QVN  as  concerns  the  matter  in  hand. 

The  semantic  primary  meaning  "fire,  shine"  has  been 
preserved  in  all  languages.  We  get  Chinese  kwang  "light, 
splendor,  clear,  honor,  6clat,  naked,  smooth."  In  Sumerian 
we  have  kun  "illumination,  break  of  day,  shine,"  by  the  side 
of  the  QVR  forms  gibil,  gibir  "fire,  burn,"  par  "shine,  white," 
bir  "shine,  light,  eelat,"  bit  "fire,  burn."  In  the  Dravidian 
languages  some  have  bel-,  others  ven-  for  "to  shine."  Simi- 
larly we  have  Egyptian  uben,  uban,  wan,  Coptic  uain,  uein 
"to  shine,"  Sanskrit  vani  "Agni,  God  of  fire,"  and,  as 
in  Sumerian  kibir,  gibil  means  "wood  for  making  fire  by 
friction,"  so  here  vana  means  "wood,  forest,  bush,  forest 
home,"  and  from  van-  "to  burn"  one  proceeds  to  van-  "to 
wish,  obtain,  surpass,  possess,"  in  Old  Iranian  van-  "tree, 
to  wish,  obtain,  surpass."  In  the  Slavic  languages  gor-  "to 
burn"  and  bel-  "white"  represent  the  QVR  forms,  while  in 
Celtic  vind-,  Welsh  gwyn,  Cornish  guyn,  Breton  gwenn,  Old 
Irish  find  "white"  the  QVN  forms  are  represented,  even  as 

1  "Ad  genium dignitatis  tuae  credimus  pertinere,"  MGH.,  Cassiodori  Variae, 
p.  214;  "qui  amplissimum  genium  pretiosae  libertatis  acceperat"  (511),  ibid., 
p.  175;  "ex  quibus  habebunt  genium  mores,  si  parentes  publicos  minores  con- 
tigerit  inveniri"  (535),  ibid.,  p.  306;  "regalem  quin  etiam  mensam  conviva 
geniatus  ornavit"  (510),  ibid.,  p.  38,  and  often. 


178     COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

Gothic  wens  "hope,"  ONorse  van  "expectation,  hope,"  AS. 
wen  "expectation,  hope,  suspicion,"  OHG.  wan  "expectation, 
hope,  illusion,"  wunnia  "joy,  lust,"  although  removed  from 
the  original  meaning  "to  burn,"  seem  to  belong  here.  Lat. 
venus,  veneror,  venustus  show  how  the  semasiological  change 
may  have  taken  place,  while  venor  "to  hunt,"  no  doubt,  is 
a  development  of  "to  desire  strongly,  conquer,  obtain."  The 
corresponding  group  in  Greek  is  yavdco  "to  shine,  glitter," 
ydvos  "splendor,  beauty,"  yawfiai  "to  rejoice."  The  gloss 
for  ydvos  in  Hesychius  is  most  instructive.  He  writes  ydvos 
7ra/3a8etcro5,  ^ap/xa,  <£a>?,  a.vyT],  \euK0n7s,  \a(jLTTr)8d>v,  rjSovTJ, 
thus  combining  all  the  meanings  which  have  resulted  from 
original  "to  shine,"  and  the  meaning  7ra,/)aSeicros  at  once 
shows  that  Semitic  gan  "garden"  is  not  to  be  separated  from 
this  group. 

Whatever  the  origin  of  genius  may  have  been,  it  has  in  the 
fifth  and  sixth  centuries  received  all  the  connotations  of  Greek 
ydvos,  and,  since  the  earliest  gan-  forms  in  the  Romance  lan- 
guages occur  in  the  south  of  France  and  in  Spain,  one  is  led 
to  the  conclusion  that  the  Greek  language,  which  was  still 
spoken  there  in  the  sixth  century,  had  with  its  popular  ydvos 
affected  the  Latin  genius,  creating  the  popular  gano.  This 
gano  is  preserved  in  Basque  gano  "agreeable,  secret,  smart- 
ness in  work,"  ganoraz  "elegant,  smart,"  ganu  "smartness, 
inclination."  The  LLat.  ganire,  gannire,  gannare  "to  make 
fun"  are  certainly  not  to  be  separated  from  Greek  ydvvyu  "to 
rejoice"  and  may  have  aided  in  the  change  of  ingenium  to 
ingannum. 

In  the  Provence  quovis  genio,  quovis  zenio,  or  a  similar  form, 
has  produced  guazanh,  which  has  spread  over  all  Europe  in 
the  sense  of  "gain,  garner,  autumn."  Everything  that  is  not 
inherited  but  is  obtained  by  personal  labor,  grace  of  nature, 
fortune  of  war  was  in  OProvencal  gazanh,  gassan,  gazan 
"gain,  success,  labor,"  gazanha  "gain,  interest,"  especially 


QUOVIS   GENIO  179 

"profit  from  the  cultivated  field,  crops,"  hence  guasandor, 
gazanhador,  gaanador,  gaaniador  "plowman,  farmer,"  gua- 
sanhar,  gazanhar,  gadanhar,  cazanhar,  gasanhar,  gaanhar 
"cultivate  the  ground,  attend  to  farming,  maintain,  earn  a 
living,"  gazanhatge  "tillable  land."1  In  the  eleventh  cen- 
tury one  hears  frequently  of  the  cultivation  of  such  lands  as 
remained  heretofore  unworked,  terra  plana,2  which  then  be- 
comes known  as  terra  arabilis,3  but  especially  as  terra  gana- 
bilis.4  Such  cultivable  lands,  reclaimed  from  the  pastures, 
or,  rather,  the  returns  from  such  lands,  guagneria,  garneria, 
were  bequeathed  or  donated  in  the  same  way  as  other  lands.5 
It  is  clear  from  the  quotations  that  the  forms  gaaign-,  gaign-, 
etc.,  in  the  north  are  of  later  origin  and  evolved  from  the 
original  Provencal  gazanh.  Ingenium  has  in  the  north  pro- 
duced engigne,  enjinne,  engin  "  habilite,  adresse,  ruse,  fraude," 
malum  ingenium  has  led  to  OFr.  malengien  and,  as  is  proved 
by  Engl,  malinger,  to  French  malingre  "sickly."  From  the 
south  have  proceeded  OFr.  engan,  enjan,  engaing  "ruse, 
tromperie,  fourberie,  peine,  travail,"  enganay  "adresse, 
habilite,  ruse,"  enganner,  enguenner,  enjanner  "tromper." 
Even  so  the  Prov.  gazanh  has  spread  in  the  north  as  gahaigne, 

1  Spanish  guadana  "sickle,"  i.e.,  "tool  for  cutting  the  crop,"  is  no  doubt, 
not  to  be  separated  from  this  group. 

2  "Praeterea  dono  eis  intra  terrain  planam  si  invenitur,  aut  de  silva  ad  com- 
planandum  tantum  quantum  exarare  possit  in  elaborando  par  boum  in  anno, 
totidem  etiam  ad  elaborandum  vel  complanandum  pratum  unde  boves  vivere 
possint"  (1067),  C.  Ragut,  Cartulaire  de  Saint-Vincent  de  M&con,  p.  10. 

3  "De  terris  arabilibus  et  plants,  quia  divise  non  erant,  judicatum  est  ut  si 
alii  illas  laborarent  per  laudationem  et  preceptum  obedencialis  vel  ministri 
ejus  .  .  .  illas  haverent  et  redditus  eorum  ipsi  inter  se  dividerent  usquequo 
terre,  per  consensum  utriusque  partis,  ad  equalem  divisionem  pervenirent," 
ibid.,  p.  9. 

4  "Terra  cultibilis,  que  vulgariter  waignale  dicitur"  (1200),  Recueil  belgique, 
Comte  de  Hainaut,  vol.  i,  p.  4.  In  Ducange  still  more  quotations  may  be  found. 

6  "Augmentavi  etiam  ipsum  domum  propriis  rebus  et  reditibus,  id  est, 
molendinos  .  .  .  et  omnia  prata  mea  que  in  ipsa  villa  habebam,  et  totam  gua- 
gneriam  meam  de  villa  ipsa"  (1088),  Cartulaire  de  Saint-Jean  d'Angely,  vol.  I., 
p.  84;  "dereliquit  totam  ipsius  terrae  gaharnariam  (gagneriarn) "  (1091),  ibid., 
vol.  ii,  p.  135;  "garneriam"  (1092),  ibid.,  p.  92. 


180     COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

gaaigne  "  grain,  profit,  butin,  terre  labourable,  recolte,  fruit, 
froment  qu'  on  seme  en  automne,"  and  the  Coutumier  de 
Normandie  has  preserved  the  original  meaning  of  gagnable 
"les  terres  non  cultivees  enciennement  nommes  gagnables, 
sauvages  ou  sauvees  de  la  mer."  l 

It  is  interesting  to  observe  the  development  of  the  group 
in  Breton.  The  insular  Celtic  has  no  common  expression  for 
" profit,  work,  produce."  Irish  has  gean  "pleasure"  (Gaelic 
"mood  "),  which  goes  back  directly  to  Lat.  genius,  and  gen 
"laughter,"  gno  "scorn,"  which  are  derived  from  Lat.  gan- 
nire,  Gr.  ydvos,  and  possibly gangaid  "deception"  may  be 
related  to  genius,  ingenium,  but  it  knows  nothing  of  the 
special  evolution  in  France.  Welsh  gen ' '  understanding,  soul ' ' 
is  similarly  from  the  Latin,  and  gwyn  "bliss,  excitement"  is 
not  to  be  separated  from  Celtic  gwyn,  gwen  "white,  pleasant, 
blissful,"  but  gweini  "to  serve,"  Cornish  "goon,  gun,  gwon, 
gwen  "work,  cultivation,  planting,"  gones,  gonys  "cultivate, 
work,"  gunithiat  "laborer,"  gwon,  gon  "field,  common  mead- 
ow" cannot  be  separated  from  MBreton  gounit  "gain,  to 
earn."  These  are  certainly  not  to  be  separated  from  French 
gaain,  etc.,  even  as  Breton  gwenaat,  ijinaat  "  rendre  ou  devenir 
fin,  ruse,  adroit,"  gwended,  gwender  "flexibility,  souplesse, 
adresse,  industrie,  intrigue,  ruse,"  ganaz  "fourbe,  traitre, 
perfide,  double"  are  derived  from  ingenium,  genium. 

If  we  now  turn  to  the  Germanic  languages,  we  find  that 
by  the  side  of  the  win-  group,  which  is  directly  related  with 
that  of  all  the  other  Indo-European  languages,  there  has 
grown  up  another  win-  group,  not  represented  in  Gothic,  but 
found  in  the  other  related  languages,  with  the  semantic 
meaning  "gain,  profit,  fruit  of  labor,  strife."  It  is  found  in 
OHG.  cawin,  AS.  gewin,  MLG.  gewin,  for  which  only  the 
AS.  has  developed  a  verb  winnan  "to  labor,  toil,  strive,  win, 
get,  attain."  It  is  not  likely  that  this  has  evolved  from  the 
1  In  Ducange,  sub  gaaigndble. 


QUOVIS  GENIO  181 

original  win-  group,  but  it  must  be  assumed,  in  the  light  of 
the  universal  evolution  in  the  West  from  genius,  that  in 
German  territory  genius  has  given  gwin-,  win-.  The  very- 
absence  of  this  from  the  Gothic  and  the  comparatively  late 
appearance  of  ganar  in  Spanish  and  French  show  that  the 
same  cause  has  operated  in  the  Germanic  and  in  the  Romance 
languages.  But  the  Prov.  guazanh,  gasanh,  which  goes  back 
to  quovis  genio,  has  in  the  Germanic  languages  been  con- 
sidered as  a  derivative  in  ga-,  producing  Gothic  asans  "time 
of  harvest,  harvest  field,"  asneis  "day  laborer,  hireling," 
OLG.  asna  "tax,  revenue,"  AS.  esne  "servant,  youth,"  MLG. 
asnen,  hasnen  "wage,  reward,"  menasle,  manasle,  meinasme 
"earnest  money,"  OHG.  asni,  asnari  "hireling,"  ONorse 
anna,  onna  "to  work,  provide  a  living,"  and,  as  French 
garneria  stands  by  the  side  of  Prov.  gasanh,  so  we  also  find 
the  rotacised  forms  OHG.  arnon,  MHG.  amen,  AS.  earnian, 
Engl,  earn,  MLG.  ernen,  MD.  amen,  arenen,  aemen  "earn," 
MHG.  erne  "harvest."  Although  these  simpler  forms  are 
frequently  recorded,  yet  OHG.  gawinnon,  gaarnon,  AS. 
geeamian  are  far  more  popular  and  are  the  forms  from  which 
the  shorter  words  have  developed.  Gothic  asans  has  pro- 
duced OBulg.  yesen',  Prussian  assanis  "autumn,"  and  even 
the  form  gen-  seems  to  be  retained  in  OBulg.  zen-  "to  harvest." 


FEUDUM 

In  Carolingian  times  fiscus  was  frequently  employed  as  an 
abbreviation  for  villa  fiscalis,1  but  this  was  not  a  new  develop- 
ment of  the  word,  for  it  had  been  employed  in  that  sense  in 
a  document  of  the  year  717 2  and  is,  no  doubt,  genuine  in  the 
interpolated  one  of  566. 3  Fiscus  had  popularly  a  vacillating 
meaning,  for  it  implied  anything  from  which  the  state  de- 
rived an  income.  In  the  fifth  century  fiscalia  was  the  legal 
expression  for  the  taxes  from  a  praedium,4  while  in  the  begin- 
ning of  the  sixth  century  fiscus  became  the  current  term  for 
"  tribute,  anything  from  which  a  revenue  is  derived,"  more 
especially  "Gothic  revenue."  5  It  also  meant  "the  fixed 

1  "Actionarius  ad  fiscum  nostrum,  qui  vocatur  Romaricus  mons,"  MGH., 
Formulae,  p.  293;  "ex  quibusdam  fiscis  nostris,  id  est  Duria,  Clodoua,"  ibid., 
p.  317;  "ad  ius  fisci  regalis  qui  dicitur  Andernacus,"  ibid.,  p.  324. 

2  "Una  cum  illo  forestario  nomene  Lobicino,  qui  commanit  in  fisco  nostro 
Vetus  Clippiaco,"  Sauer  and  Samaran,  op.  cit.,  p.  27. 

3  "In  fiscis,  villis,  agris,"  Carlulaire  general  de  Paris,  p.  6. 

4  "Parati  sumus  pro  singulis  annis  pro  eadem  praedia  fiscalia  conpetentia 
solvere"  (489),  Marini,  I  pap.  dipl.,  p.  130. 

6  "Quicumque  Gotorum  fiscum  detrectat  implere,  eum  ad  aequitatem  redi- 
bitionis  artetis,  ne  tenuis  de  proprio  cogatur  exsolvere"  (507-511),  Cassiodorus 
Variae,  i,  19,  in  MGH.,  p.  24;  "ut  stagnis  Decemnovii  paludibusque  secretis 
sine  fisco  possideas"  (507-511),  ibid.,  p.  65;  "species  quae  ad  fiscum  pertinet" 
(511),  ibid.,  p.  94;  "antiqui  barbari  .  .  .fiscum  possessi  cespitis  persolvere  ac 
6uperindicticiis  oneribus  parare  cogantur"  (520),  ibid.,  p.  151;  "quapropter 
ille  casarum  suarum  fiscum  .  .  .  desiderans  sine  aliqua  imminutione  publicae 
utilitatis  inferre"  (537),  ibid.,  p.  366.  It  is  regularly  used  in  this  sense  in  the 
Lex  romana  curialis  (MGH.,  Leg.,  vol.  v);  "Quicumque  homo  de  res  puplicas, 
unde  fiscus  exit,  aut  villain  aut  qualecumque  terra  comparare  voluerit,  non 
potest  ipsam  facultatem  emere  sine  tributum  aut  sine  censum,  quod  de  ipsa 
terra  exit,"  in,  1;  "si  quis  homo  qualecumque  rem  fescalem  per  annos  v  inter 
presentes  sine  omne  censu  reddito  sine  omne  inquietudine  possederit,  liceat  ei 
si  ipsas  res  sine  fisco  possidere,"  iv,  12;  "illi,  qui  fiscum  regis  exigunt,  tales  esse 
debent,  ut  per  sua  negligencia  de  ipso  fisco  minus  non  exigant,  nisi  quod  iustum 
est,  nee  plus  exigere  non  presumant,  nisi  quod  iustum  est,"  x,  61;  "si  quis 
homo  de  facultatem  suam,  quam  habet,  si  forsitan  exinde  aut  fiscum  aut  alium 


FEUDUM  183 

yearly  rent," l  and,  because  it  was  a  specific  sum  paid  by  the 
emphyteute,  it  was  understood  as  fixum  2  and  popularised 
in  Italy  as  fictum.  This  confusion  is  based  on  the  technical 
expression  "ad  fixum  canonem,"  which  in  the  fourth  century 
was  used  of  the  yearly  dues  to  the  fiscus.3  What  formerly 
was  paid  ad  fiscum  soon  was  rendered  ad  fictum,  "  according 
to  a  settled  agreement."  But  there  is  still  another  word  which 
has  entered  into  this  group  and  has  aided  in  further  chang- 
ing fictum  to  fioto.  What  was  annually  paid  to  the  fiscus  is 
in  itself  a  kind  of  emphyteusis,  hence  we  hear  in  the  seventh 
century  of  possession  "enfeteuticario  modo,"4  and  in  the 
ninth  century  the  emphyteutic  contract  is  known  simply 
as  emphitecarius,  fiotecarius,5  and  the  formula  "  enfiteuticario 

publicum  aut  laboratum  a  parente  reddere  debet,"  xi,  1;  "curiales,  qui  fiscum 
aut  publicum  actum  exigent,  non  occulto  eos  eligantur,  sed  ad  eleccionem 
multorum  bonorum  hominum,"  xu,  2,  1;  "si  aliquis  homo  in  causa  publica 
occupatua  fuerit  et  non  fuerit  ad  presente,  quando  fiscus  exigitur,"  xu,  2,  2; 
"nee  fiscus,  nee  tributus  exinde  non  exeat,"  xvn,  10;  "si  quis  homo  ad  alterum 
hominem  aut  defisco  aut  alico  alium  debitum  debet,"  x,  8;  "quicumque  homo 
terra  habuerit,  unde  fiscum  solvere  debeat,  si  ipsum  censum  dare  non  potuerit, 
ille  exactor,  qui  ipsum  fiscum  tollere  debet,  ipsa  terra  unde  ipse  census  exire 
debet,  vindat,"  xi,  3,  1. 

1  "Et  de  vico  Varonaces  exigitur  fiscum  in  mense  septembrio,  sol.  iii  et 
denar.  iiii"  (650),  Troya,  op.  cit.,  vol.  n,  p.  493;  "fisco  vel  censo"  (814), 
HPM.,  Cod.  Langob.,  col.  170. 

2  "  Affixam  pensionem  reputantes  prestande"  (844),  Fantuzzi,  op.  cit.,  vol. 
i,  p.  86. 

3  "Ut  habeat  ipse  Johannes  ad  fictum  sub  censu  reddendo  libellario  nomine 
usque  ad  annos  viginti,"  MGH.,  Leges,  vol.  iv,  p.  596;  "persolvat  exinde  singu- 
lis annis  censum  .  .  .  afictuo  per  tempus  quadragesime"  (848),  Cod.  Langob., 
col.  284;  "reddunt  ad  fictum  in  argento"  (905),  ibid.,  col.  706. 

4  "Enfeteuticario  modo  postulastis  largiri  si  minime  cuiquam  a  vobis  per 
enfetus  sunt  largita  vobis,"  Marini,  /  pap.  dipt.,  p.  199. 

6  "Ad  scribendos  libellos  et  fidecarios"  (891),  L.  Schiaparelli,/  diplomidi 
Guido  e  di  Lamberto,  p.  30;  "ad  scribendos  libellos  et  fiolhecarios"  (898),  ibid., 
p.  98;  "libellorum  et  quarumcumque  legalium  cartarum  conscriptionibus  seu 
fiothecariis  vel  em phiteosi "  (900),  L.  Schiaparelli,  /  diplomi  italiani  di  Lodovico 
III  e  di  Rodolfo  II,  Roma  1910,  p.  13;  "per  libellum  aut  emphiteosin  velfiothe- 
caria,"  ibid.,  p.  14;  " conscriptiones  et  emphitecarios"  (898),  L.  Schiaparelli, 
/  diplomi  di  Berengario  I,  p.  73;  libellos  et  fiotecarios"  ibid.,  p.  74;  "libellorum 
et  quarumcumque  legalium  cartarum  conscriptionibus  et  phiotecariis  vel 
emphiteosi"  (894),  ibid.,  p.  43;  "per  emphiteoticariam,"  ibid.,  p.  44. 


184     COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

modo  largiri,"  which  was  still  in  use  in  Ravenna  in  the  tenth 
century,1  shows  that  in  it  lay  the  germ  of  the  feudal  system. 
But  that  this  ad  fictum  is  identical  with  ad  fiscum  is  shown 
by  the  use  of  fictus  in  the  sense  of  "treasury,"  where  the 
Carolingian  formula  uses  the  stereotyped  "  quod  fiscus  noster 
recipere  aut  sperare  potuit."  2 

In  France  we  get,  from  the  ninth  century  on,  feus,  fevus 
for  " fiscus,  fiscal  property,  emphyteutic  land,"  that  is,  for 
the  current  meanings  of  fictus  in  Italy.  That  these  words  are 
semantically  the  same  as  fiscus  is  proved,  not  only  by  the 
stipulatio  duplae  "componat  .  .  .  una  cum  feudo,"  3  where 
generally  stands  "  componat  una  cum  fisco,"  4  and  the  use  of 
a  feo 5  where  the  Italian  documents  have  ad  fictum,  but  also 
by  the  specific  equation  "fisco,  id  est  fiodo,"  6  and  the  arbi- 
trary interchange  of  fevus  and  fiscus  in  the  same  region.7  It 
can  be  easily  shown  that  this  feus  has  arisen  directly  from 
fiscus,  but  to  do  so  we  must  first  investigate  a  formula  which 
was  employed  in  payments  to  express  the  legal  value  of 
money. 

1  "  Emfiteuticario  modo  postulamus  largiri"  (943),  Fantuzzi,  op.  cit.,  vol. 
iv,  p.  174. 

2  "Quod  fictus  eorum  reciperet  aut  sperare  potuerit  tarn  de  carris  quam  de 
sagmatibus  siue  de  nauali  remigio"  (845),  HPM.,  Chartae,  vol.  i,  col.  42. 

3  H.  Doniol,  Cartulaire  de  Brioude,  Clermont  Fd.,  Paris  1863,  p.  32  (944?). 

4  "Inferat  vobis  una  cum  fisco,"  ibid.,  p.  107. 

6  "Cujus  erat /e-uz"  (956),  Devic  and  Vaissete,  op.  cit.,  vol.  v,  col.  225;  "illo 
alode  de  Limanico,  quod  Grimaldus  habet  a  feo"  (961),  ibid.,  col.  241/.;  "ipsaa 
vineas,  quod  Pontius  de  Tezano  tenet  a  feo"  (990),  ibid.,  col.  317;  "non  possint 
vindere,  nee  alienare,  nee  bescamiare,  nee  adfevum  dare"  (1025),  ibid.,  col.  380. 

6  "  Locis  illis  tantum  exceptis  quae  in  fisco,  id  est  in  fiodo  noscuntur  haberi" 
(1097),  H.  Goffinet,  Cartulaire  de  Vabbaye  d'Orval,  Bruxelles  1879,  p.  4. 

7  Thus,  e.  g.,  in  Vendome  (Ch.  Metais,  Cartulaire  de  Vabbaye  cardinale  de  la 
Trinite  de  Venddme,  Paris  1893,  vol.  1) :  "Est  quidem  fiscus  iste,  sicut  supradic- 
tus  miles  tenebat  eo  tempore"  (1037),  p.  29;  "de  cujus  tenebat  fisco"  (1040), 
p.  49;  "juxta  legem  fisci  comitis  Gausfredi"  (1049),  p.  146;  "ea  ratione  in 
fiscum  dedit"  (1049),  p.  150;  "qui  illas  in  fiscum  tenebant"  (1062),  p.  367; 
"donatum  in  fevum"  (1040),  p.  97;  " Salomon  fevum  suum  .  .  .  ab  illo  accepit 
sibi"  (1046),  p.  117;  "tulitei  Salomon  suum  fevum,  quod  ab  eo  tenebat "  (1046), 
p.  119;  "alodium  quod  tenebat  ab  eo  in. fevum"  (1057),  p.  206;  "defevo  Archem- 
baldi  prepositi"  (1062),  p.  265;  "tenendam  in  fevum"  (1070),  p.  358;  "qui  de 
ipso  fevum  tenebant"  (1080),  p.  446. 


FEUDUM  185 

In  the  first  century  before  Christ  we  hear  in  Rome  of  ex 
obrussa  as  an  expression  for  gold  proved  pure  by  assaying.1 
Ingots  of  gold  and  coins  were  stamped  with  OB  or  OBR  for 
aurum  obrussum,  obryzum,  obraetium,2  as  a  guarantee  of  their 
purity,  and  not  only  the  Merovingians  thus  stamped  their 
coins,  but  the  Arabs  also  used  obriz  for  such  purposes.  The 
origin  of  the  word  seems  shrouded  in  darkness,  but  can 
easily  be  explained.  In  Assyrian  garapu  is  "to  purify," 
garpu  "silver,  money,"  gurrupu  "assayed,  pure,"  but  the 
origin  of  this  group  is  in  itself  not  clear.  We  find  the  group 
in  all  the  Semitic  languages,  Heb.  garaf  "to  purify  metals," 
Aram,  gdrdfa  "melting  pot,"  Syr.  grifd  "assayed,  pure," 
grafa  "melting  oven,"  Arab,  garf  "full  valued,"  girf  "pure," 
and  in  Sanskrit  we  have  a  popularly  transformed  word  from 
it,  jdtarupa  "shining,  gold,"  as  though  it  were  jdta  +  rupa 
"born  form."  The  Coptic  crop,  zlof  "incense  pot,  oven," 
which  seems  to  go  back  to  a  late  Egyptian  Varoba  "a  kind 
of  a  vessel,"  is  apparently  not  to  be  separated  from  the  As- 
syrian words.  It  is  to  be  assumed  that  the  Assyrian  garpu 
"silver"  has  reached  the  West  through  the  Syrian  or  Hebrew 
and  has  produced  Slavic  sirebro,  Gothic  silubr,  Lithuanian 
sidabras  "silver."  Even  as  the  Babylonian  mina  bore  the 
Aramaic  inscription  mna  melk  "the  King's  mina"  for  the 
benefit  of  the  Western  trade,  so  the  ingots  must  also  have 
contained  an  Aramaic  gurpu,  gurrupu  "pure,"  which,  being 
written  backwards  by  the  Romans,  because  of  their  reading 
it  from  left  to  right  produced  obrus,  obrussa.  One  is  led  to  this 
assumption,  because  some  coins  bear  the  inscription  BO  for 
OB,  showing  that  the  writing  was  either  from  left  to  right  or 
from  right  to  left,3  and  because  the  forms  isibro,  sebro,  idibro 

1  Ch.  Daremberg  and  E.  Saglio,  Diciionnaire  des  antiquites  grecques  et 
romaines,  sub  obryzum. 

2  Sylloge  epigraphica  orbis  romani,  vol.  n,  N°  1574. 

3  "BO  ist  sicherlich  nur  die  Umkehrung  von  CONOB,"  Luschin  von  Eben- 
greuth,  Der  Denar  der  Lex  Salica,  in  Sitzungsberichte  der  k.  Akademie  der  Wis- 
senschaften  in  Wien  1911,  p.  35  ff. 


186     COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

at  Nonantola  in  the  eighth  century,1  although  unquestion- 
ably developed  from  ex  obrussa,  ex  sobrussa,  as  already  re- 
corded in  Petronius,  point  to  a  possible  contamination  with 
the  inverted  form.  The  Germanic  and  Slavic  words  for 
silver,  instead  of  being  derived  from  Syrian  or  Hebrew,  as  as- 
sumed by  me  before,  may  not  be  older  than  the  Nonantola 
forms,  hence  may  have  entered  into  those  languages  at  a 
comparatively  late  date. 

However  this  may  be,  only  the  fate  of  obrussa  is  of  im- 
portance for  our  present  purpose.  Matthew  xxvn,  9,  is 
based  on  Zechariah  xi,  12,  13,  where  there  is  reference  to 
thirty  pieces  of  silver  thrown  into  the  melting  pot  to  test 
their  purity,2  but  the  text  has  been  changed  to  "  kcu  ekafiov 
tol  TpiOLKovTa  dpyvpta,  tt\v  TLfxrjv  rov  TeTLjxrjixepov,"  in 
Latin  to  "et  acceperunt  triginta  argenteos  pretium  appre- 
tiati."  The  commentators  have  wasted  much  paper  on  this 
pretium  appretiati,  without  even  distantly  comprehending 
its  meaning.  The  passage  in  Zechariah  was  written,  say, 
in  the  third  century  B.C.,  when  the  purity  was  still  assayed, 
while  the  author  who  quoted  it  in  the  Gospel  wrote  about  the 
year  100  a.d.,  when  the  stamp  guaranteed  such  purity.  At 
that  time  the  Roman  formulae  of  sale  and  fine  not  only  men- 
tioned the  price  (pretium,  tl/jlt]),  but  specifically  referred  to 
the  legal  purity  of  the  coin  (probi,  dominici,  augusti,  x/>ucrtov 
Kadapov,  dpyvpiov  iTTLcnjfiov)  tendered  in  payment.3    But 

1  "Auri  optimi  del  sebro"  (752),  G.  Tiraboschi,  Storia  dell'  augusta  badia  di 
S.  Silvestro  di  Nonantola,  Modena,  1785,  vol.  n,  p.  17;  "auri  optimi  isibro" 
(752),  ibid.,  p.  19;  "  auri  idibre"  (800),  ibid.,  p.  33. 

2  I  follow  the  Septuagint  for  Zechariah,  because,  in  spite  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment and  its  commentators,  the  Hebrew  text  is  hopelessty  corrupt.  The  very 
questionable  "EJV  Qas  been  rendered  by  "ager  figuli,  potter's  field"  (or  "aera- 
rium,"  if  it  is  read  ~)^s)  in  the  New  Testament.  But  the  Septuagint  has  a  sensi- 
ble text,  which  shows  that  its  Hebrew  original  did  not  have  "l!JV  but  rny£. 
In  the  Aramaic  script  it  is  very  easy  to  mistake  q  for  y»,  and  apparently  the 
final  g  has  disappeared.  The  "ager  figuli,"  then,  rests  on  a  blunder. 

3  "Pretium  ejus  denarios  dc  accepisse  et  habere  se  dixit"  (142),  P.  F. 
Girard,  Textes  dc  droit  romain,  4e  ed.,  Paris  1913,  pp.  844,  846,  847;  "eosque 


FEUDUM  187 

the  use  of  obryzum  at  Rome,  just  like  the  formula  of  sale  of 
the  sixth  century  "pretium  placitum  et  definitum  .  .  .  auri 
solidos  dominicos  obriziatos,"  1  shows  that  an  abbreviated 
form  pretium  appretiati  must  have  existed  from  the  start, 
even  as  we  find  "ad  pretium  placitum  et  deffinitum  auri  soli- 
dos appretiatos"  in  a  document  at  Farfa  in  716.  In  this  latter 
document  appretiati  has  the  general  meaning  of  "full  value" 
and  refers  also  to  olive  trees.2  In  n^-qv  TeTijxruxivov  of  the 
New  Testament  we  have  merely  a  translation  of  the  popular 
Latin  pretium  appretiati,  and  the  clause  "reticulum  aureum 
ex  obrussa"  used  by  Petronius  shows  that  obryziatum,  hence 
also  appretiatum,  must  have  been  popular  at  an  early  time, 
and  the  popular  etymology  which  changed  obryziatum  to 
appretiatum  produced  the  verb  appretiare  "to  appraise." 

denarios  ducentos,  probos,  recte  numerates  accepisse"  (166),  ibid.,  p.  848; 
"accepit  pro  libertate  ejus  .  .  .  drachmas  augustas  (Spayjuas  crc/Sacr-ras)  dua 
millia  ducentas"  (221),ii»i(i.,  p.  849;  "rt/x^s  r^s  o-u/A7re0wvT//i.6Vi;s  ....  Spa- 
X/uaJi/  •  •  •  vjvxe.p  Ti/J.i]V  ctarecr^ei'  o  7T€7rpa/atJS  irapa  tov  7rpiap,evov"  (298),  J. 
Bry,  Essai  sur  la  vente  dans  les  papyrus  greco-egyptiens,  Paris,  1909,  p.  196  ff. 
"Le  mot  o-vpLTre<p<j)vep.evr)<;  (convenu)  accompagne  presque  toujour  le  mot 
ti//%  (prix),  mais  il  est  rarement  seul  et  le  participe  ecrra/AeV^s  (fixe)  ou 
(Tvvapocrdcrrjs  (agree*  de  part  et  d'autre,  employe  surtout  dans  les  actes  de  basse 
dpoque)  lui  sont  ordinairement  joints,"  p.  202.  One  also  finds  the  expressions 
<Tefiaap.LOv  apyvpiov  (144),  vop.iap.aTLa  SccriroTiKa.,  p.  207,  apyvpiov  Se/Jao-riiJi' 
vop.LcrpaTo<s,  etc.,  p.  208.  See  also  A.  Berger,  Die  Strafklauseln  in  den  Papyrus- 
urkunden,  Leipzig  and  Berlin  1911,  p.  31^".  and  P.  Jouguet,  Papyrus  de  Thea- 
delphie,  Paris  1911,  p.  174  {xpvcriav  KaOapov,  312  A.D.),  p.  175  (do-77/xou  xaOa- 
pov,  312  A.D.). 

1  "Venditores  ad  eundem  emptorem  Peregrino  vestrn  juxta  placitum  suum 
praetii  nomine  id  est  auri  solid,  dominicos  probitos  obriziacos  optimos  pen- 
santes"  (539),  Marini,  I  pap.  dipt.,  p.  173;  "omnes  pretium  inter  eos  placitum 
et  definitum  aureos  solidos  dominicos  probitos  obriziatos  integri  ponderis  "  (572), 
ibid.,  p.  184;  ''pretium  inter  eos  placitum  et  definitum  pro  sstas  sex  uncias 
idest  auri  solidos  dominicos  obriziacos  optimos  pensantes"  (591),  ibid.,  p.  187. 

2  "Uendidimus  eibi  uiro  in  monasterio  sanctae  Mariae  genitricis  Dei  et 
domini  nostri  ihesu  christi,  oliuetum  nouellum  quod  est  iuxta  fines  scappligiami 
ad  pretium  placitum  et  deffinitum  auri  solidos  appretiatos  numero  viii.  Simi- 
liter et  ego  barbatus  uendidi  uobis  et  suprascripto  monasterio  de  alio  oliueto 
oliuas  tallias  numero  xu  appretiatos,  et  accepistis  auri  solidis  xu.  Similiter  et 
ego  ualerianus  cum  fratre  meo  baronicone  uendidi  ad  iam  dictum  monasterium 
oliuas  tallias  1111  appretiatos  et  acceptis  solidis  nuor,"  Regesto  di  Farfa,  vol.  n, 
p.  25. 


188     COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

In  the  ninth  and  tenth  century  documents  at  Cluny  we  find 
sensible  stipulationes  venditionis  which  do  not  materially 
differ  from  those  of  the  second  century,1  but  when  we  get, 
in  place  of  the  usual  valuation  "ad  argentum  valens,"  the 
other  "in  re  preciata  valens,"  2  we  learn  that  other  objects 
besides  gold  and  silver  could  be  given  in  a  sale,  as  we,  in- 
deed, learn  specifically  from  a  document  of  the  year  680. 3 
This  pretiatium  has  arisen  from  the  pretium  appretiati  of  the 
earliest  times  and  means  "full  value,  legal  tender,"  even  as 
appretiatum  has  that  meaning  in  the  Visigothic  and  Bavarian 
laws.4  By  the  side  of  this  res  pretiata  we  find  in  the  Cluny 
documents  a  formula  feus  cumpreciatus, b  where  obviously 
feus  means  "property,  object  of  value,"  while  cumpreciatus 
does  not  occur  anywhere  else  but  here.  Feos  cumpreciatus 
can  have  arisen  only  from  fescum  or  fiscum  preciatum  "prop- 
erty of  full  value,"  even  as  in  the  Farfa  document  of  the  year 
716  we  found  "tallias  appretiatos."   We  have  already  seen 

1  "Tibi  a  die  presente  vendimus,  et  accepimus  de  vos  precium  sicut  inter 
nos  complacuit  adque  convenit  ad  arbitrium  et  voluntate  nostra  solidos  v  et 
medio"  (845),  A.  Bruel,  Recueil  des  chartes  de  Vabbaye  de  Cluny,  vol.  i,  p.  10/.; 
"vendimus,  tradimus  adque  transfundimus,  et  accipimus  de  vobis  precium  in 
presente  sicut  inter  nos  convenit,  valentes  solidos  n  et  denarios  vi"  (870),  p. 
15/.;  "accepimus  nos  de  te  precium  forte  sicut  inter  nos  placuit  atque  con- 
venit, et  est  et  argente  valente  solidos  v"  (870),  p.  17;  "et  inde  accepimus  de 
vos  precium  invalentem  solidos  vi"  (874),  p.  24;  "accepimus  de  te  precium 
valentes  solidus  c"  (874),  p.  25. 

2  "In  re  preciata  valente  dinarios  vi"  (839),  p.  45;  "in  rem  preciato  valente 
solidos  ii "  (909),  p.  114. 

3  "Et  accepimus  a  vobis  precio  in  quo  nobis  bene  conplacuit,  hoc  est  solidos 
auri  purissimi  septingentos,  et  pallios  quatuor  valentes  solidos  cc,"  Devic  and 
Vaissete,  op.  cit.,  vol.  n,  Preuves,  col.  44. 

4  "Quamquod  adpreciatum  rationabiliter  mille  solidorum  valere  summam 
constiterit,"  Lex  Visig.  in.  1.  5;  "et  cum  celeriter  et  cum  12  solidos  conponat 
auro  adpreciato,"  Leg.  Baiuw.  I.  4,  6,  9. 

6  "In  argento,  vel  in/eos  compreciatus"  (881),  p.  29;  "in  argento  vel  in  feos 
compreciatos"  (881),  p.  30;  "in  rem  cumpreciatus"  (885),  p.  33;  "in  argento  et 
feos  valentes"  (889),  p.  46;  "in  feus  conpreciato  valentes"  (893),  p.  58;  "in/eos 
conpreatus"  (895),  p.  64;  "feus  conpreciatus  valente"  (900),  p.  77;  "in  feo 
conpreciato"  (904),  p.  94;  "in/eos  cumpreciatus,  valentem"  (909),  p.  115;  "oc 
est  in  argento  vel  in  res  conperciatas"  (919),  p.  204;  "in  rem  compreciatu"  (920), 
p.  211;  "in/eos  preciatos"  (923),  p.  227,  etc. 


FEUDUM  189 

that  fiscus,  through  fictus  and  emphyteusis,  had  the  tendency 
to  become  feodus,  feus.  This  is  further  proved  by  the  use  of 
fisce  for  fisci  in  Merovingian  documents,1  which  was  pro- 
nounced fise,  even  as  it  is  recorded  in  a  genuine  document  of 
the  year  716,2  while  fesco  for  fisco  is  constantly  met  with.3 
Obviously,  then,  a  formes  or  fius,  or,  more  likely,  feus,  lead- 
ing to  a  popular  feu  "property,"  was  common  in  the  eighth 
century  in  the  neighborhood  of  Cluny,  that  is,  in  the  region 
where  the  Gothic  was  spoken,  and  this  feu  is  quite  correctly 
rendered  in  Gothic  by  faihu. 

It  is  generally  assumed  that  Gothic  faihu  is  derived  from 
Lat.  pecu,  but  this  is  contrary  to  every  probability.  When- 
ever a  word  means  "property"  and  "cattle,"  the  latter  is 
derived  from  the  first  and  never  vice  versa.  Slovak  statek 
"property"  produces  Bohemian  statek  "cattle,"  while  Bohe- 
mian dobytek  has  successively  produced  the  meanings  "prop- 
erty, money,  cattle,  animal";  similarly  Bulgarian  blago 
"property"  precedes  Croatian  blago  "treasure,  cattle."  4 
English  cattle  follows  LLat.  catallum  "  property"  and  French 
avoir  "sheep"  has  developed  from  LLat.  avere  "property." 
Similarly  Gothic  skatts,  OHG.  skatt  "treasure,  money" 
precedes  OSlav.  skotii  "cattle."  This  Gothic  skatts  has 
arisen  from  LLat.  excoctum,  used  by  Ennodius  in  the  fifth 
century  as  an  equivalent  for  obryzum  5  and  frequently  re- 

1  "Inter  parte  fisce  nostri"  (710),  Tardif,  op.  cit.,  p.  37;  "de  parte  fisce" 
(766),  ibid.,  p.  40;  "in  fisce  dicionibus"  (716),  ibid.,  p.  41;  " partibus  fische " 
(745),  H.  Wartmann,  Urkundenbuch  der  Abtei  Sanct  Gallen,  vol.  I,  pp.  15,  31, 
41,  46,  etc. 

2  "De  parte  fise  nostri,"  Lauer  and  Samaran,  op.  cit.,  p.  25. 

3  Urkundenbuch  der  Abtei  Sanct  Gallen,  p.  6,  and  frequently  in  Lex  romana 
raetia. 

*  N.  Jokl,  Studien  zur  albanesischen  Etymologie  und  Wortbildung,  in  Sitzb. 
d.  k.  Akad.  d.  Wiss.  in  Wien  1911,  p.  6. 

B  "Caminis  excocta  fabrilibus  verba,"  F.  Vogel,  Magni  Felicis  Ennodii 
Opera,  in  MGH.,  Auct.  antiq.,  vol.  vn,  p.  47;  "homines  omni  artis  lima  con- 
positoset  caminibus  fabrilibus excoctos,"  ibid.,  p.  50;  "excocta fornacibus urbani- 
tas,"  ibid.,  p.  152;  "mundior  excocti  fulgescat  luce  metalli,"  ibid.,  p.  157. 


190     COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

corded  later  in  the  same  sense.1  That  this  Germanic  skatt 
originally  meant  excoctum  is  proved  conclusively  by  the 
scazwurf,  or  the  freeing  of  the  widow  by  a  coin,  because  the 
formula  of  the  Germanic  law  "solidi  aeque  pensantes  et 
scat"  2  can  only  mean  " solidi  of  full  weight  and  purity." 
So,  too,  Lat.  peculium "property " precedes pecunia " money " 
and  pecu  "cattle,"  for  the  stem  pek,  pak  means  "to  tie"  in 
all  the  Eurasiatic  languages,  and  the  cattle  were  called 
pecu,  not,  as  somebody  has  foolishly  stated,  because  the  cattle 
were  tied  in  the  stalls,  but  because,  like  German  pack,  the 
root  means  "to  tie  up  a  bundle,"  and  the  original  meaning 
was  "bundle,  fahrendes  Gut."  Hence  a  derivation  of  Gothic 
faihu  from  Lat.  pecu  is  an  absurdity,  especially  since  Gothic 
faihu  does  not  mean  "cattle."  So,  too,  in  Anglo-Saxon  feo, 
feoh  means  "money,  property"  and  only  incidentally 
"cattle,"  for  which  generally  nieta  is  used.  Only  in  Ger- 
many, where  money  was  scarce,  did  cattle  take  the  place  of 
money,  but  the  Germanic  laws  invariably  reduced  the  value 
of  such  cattle  to  solidi,  because  the  fine  was  originally  com- 
puted in  solidi  and  not  in  cattle.3 

The  forms  feo,  feoh,  faihu  are  identical  with  the  French 
feu,  and  it  is  obvious  from  my  investigation  that  French  feu 
goes  back  uninterruptedly  to  fiscus,  through  a  contamina- 
tion with  fixum.  fictum,  feoticarius,  from  emphyteucarius,  and 
that  to  the  same  contaminations  are  due  the  LLat.  feudum, 
fedum,  fevum,  etc. 

1  "  Aurum  coctum"  (749),  Regesto  di  Farfa,  vol.  n,  p.  36;  "solidos  auri  ad 
purum  excocti"  (887),  Gallia  Christiana,  vol.  n,  p.  5;  " sexcentorum  solidorum 
auri  ad  purum  excocti"  (816),  MGH.,  Formulae,  p.  308. 

2  "  Ille  qui  viduam  accipere  debet,  tres  solidos  aeque  pensantes  et  scat  habere 
debet,"  Zeitschrift  fur  Savigny  Stiftung,  vol.  xxix,  p.  59. 

3  Lex  ribuaria  xxxvi,  11,  and  Lex  saxonum  lxvi. 


ALLEGATUM 

The  word  diode  occurs  for  the  first  time  in  a  Frankish 
document  of  the  year  629-639, 1  and  in  a  confirmation  of  the 
year  709  we  find  alote  distinguished  from  "  comparatum"  and 
"adtractum,"  from  what  is  bought  and  otherwise  acquired.2 
In  the  Formulae  and  elsewhere  this  alote  occurs  generally  in 
the  combination  "  de  alote  parentum,  paterna,  materna"  3 
or,  especially  in  the  Salic  formulae,  as  in  the  document  of  the 
year  709. 4  The  first  expression  is,  no  doubt,  the  original  one, 
even  as  it  is  the  older,  for  the  clause  "heredis  meos  in  alote 
derelinquere,"  "to  leave  the  heirs  in  the  paternal  estate,"  5 
like  "de  alote  parentum"  precisely  corresponds  with  "ex 
successione,  ex  jure  parentum"  of  the  Italian  and  German 
documents,6  while  the  Germanic  laws  which  bear  the  title 

1  "  De  alode  ma  [terna  .  .  .  ],"  Ph.  Lauer  and  Ch.  Samaran,  Les  diplomes 
originaux  des  merovingiens,  p.  6. 

2  "Quicquid  in  suprascriptis  mansis,  tam  de  alote  quam  et  de  conparatho, 
seo  de  qualibet  adtractho  ibidem  tua  fuit  possessio  vel  domenacio,"  ibid.,  p.  21. 

3  "  Illas  porciones  meas,  quem  ex  alote  parentum  meorum  aei  legibus  obvenit 
vel  obvenire  debit,"  MGH.,  Formulae,  p.  4,  et  passim;  "  tam  de  alote  parentum 
quam  de  conparato  vel  de  qualibet  adtractum"  (691),  Lauer  and  Samaran, 
op.  cit.,  p.  14;  "  tam  de  alode  parentum  quam  etiam  de  quolibet  adtracto"  (798), 
Wirtembergisches  Urkundenbuch,  Stuttgart  1849,  vol.  I,  p.  54. 

4  "  Quem  de  parte  parentum  tam  de  alote  quam  et  de  conparato,  vel  qualibet 
atracto  ad  me  legibus  obvenit,"  MGH.,  Formulae,  p.  229;  "  quicquid  in  praedic- 
tis  locis  nostra  est  possessio,  tam  de  alote  quam  de  conparato,  vel  qualibet  ad- 
tracto ad  nos  noscitur  pervenisse,"  ibid.,  p.  245,  and  pp.  143,  160,  164,  204, 
207,  208,  267,  268,  283,  475. 

*  "Dum  advivo,  per  vestro  beneficio  tenere  et  usufructuare  faciam;  in  ea 
vero  ratione,  ut  aliubi  ipsa  res  nee  vindere  nee  donare  nee  alienare  nee  ad  alias 
casas  Dei  delagare  nee  in  naufragium  ponere  nee  ad  proprium  sacire  nee  here- 
dis  meos  in  alote  derelinquere  pontifitium  non  habeam  ad  faciendum,"  ibid., 
p.  236. 

6  "  Obvenire  ex  successionem "  (539),  Marini,  I  pap.  dipl,  p.  172;  "ex  jure  et 
successionem  matris  suae"  (540),  ibid.,  p.  175;  "  aut  de  jure  parentum  aut  de 
concessione  regum,"  Troya,  op.  cit.,  vol.  u,  p.  537;  "  que  ex  successione  parenti 


192     COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

"De  alodibus"  speak  in  the  text,  not  of  alod,  but  of  "here- 
ditas."  x  Not  a  trace  is  to  be  found  of  alod  before  the  seventh 
century  anywhere,  because  it  is  a  corruption  of  allegatum 
only  in  Merovingian  France,  as  I  shall  soon  show. 

To  avoid  the  possibility  of  deception  in  donations,  these 
had  to  be  written  in  a  conventional  and  solemn  manner  and 
had  to  be  deposited  with  a  judge  or  in  the  Curia.  Constan- 
tine  expressed  this  with  the  words  "actis  etiam  adnectendis, 
quae  apud  judicem  vel  magistratus  conficienda  sunt,"  2  to 
which  the  Interpretatio  says  "gesta  vero  donationum  aut 
apud  judicem,  aut  apud  curiam  alleganda  sunt."  In  that 
same  year  it  was  determined  that  this  allegatio  could  not  take 
place  outside  the  province  of  the  donor,3  and  a  hundred  years 
later  a  donation  without  a  proper  allegatio  was  declared 
void,4  while  still  later  the  Lex  Burgundionum  romana  be- 
gins with  the  irrevocability  of  a  gift  to  children  by  the  father, 
if  it  has  been  "gestis  allegata."  5  When  Odoacer  offered  cer- 
tain possessions  in  Sicily  to  Pierius,  the  latter  had  them 
recorded  in  Ravenna,6  and  two  years  later  the  flaw  in  an  un- 

advinet"  (740),  Brunetti,  Cod.  dip.  toscano,  vol.  n,  p.  499;  "de  hereditate  de 
pater"  (773),  PMH.,  Dipt,  et  chartae,  vol.  i,  p.  1;  "ereditate  que  auemus  de 
parte  de  pater"  (908),  ibid.,  p.  11;  "  quantum  parentes  mei  in  hereditate  dimi- 
serunt"  (735),  Wirtemb.  Urkb.,  vol.  i,  p.  3;  "omnes  res  proprietatis  meae, 
quicquid  de  successione  parentum  meorum  mihi  obvenit,  vel  de  dotationibus 
regum,  seu  de  comparatum,  vel  commutationes"  (731),  ibid.,  p.  20;  "cedente 
paternica  hereditate"  (799),  ibid.,  p.  55. 

1  "De  alodibus.  Si  quis  absque  liberi  defunctus  fuerit,  si  pater  materqui 
subrectis  fuerint,  in  hereditate  succidant,  etc.,"  Lex  rib.  lvi,  and  similarly  Lex 
sal.  lix. 

2  Cod.  Theod.  vm.  12.  1. 

3  "  Ut  nulli  liceat  extra  prouinciam  laremque  suum  donationum  instrumenta 
apud  acta  adlegare,  sed  in  quo  domicilium  habuerint,  adquae  possessiones  con- 
stitutae  sunt  aput  suum  ordinarium  judicem"  (316),  viii.  12.  3. 

4  "Sed  iam  allegatas  apud  curatores  donationes,  et  gesta  confecta  valere 
necesse  est"  (415),  vin.  12.  7. 

6  "  Donationem,  quam  pater  de  rebus  propriis  in  filium  filiamve  conscrip- 
serit  et  gestis  fuerit  allegata  .  .  .  firmissimam  permanere,"  i.  1  (MGH.,  Leg. 
sec.  i,  vol.  ii,  p.  1). 

6  "Si  jussum  sit  gestis  adlegari  his  actis  aedicere  non  gravetur"  (489), 
Marini,  /  pap.  dipl.,  p.  128. 


ALLEGATUM  193 

recorded  piece  of  property,  caused  by  the  premature  death 
of  the  conveyor,  is  remedied  by  the  allegatio  of  the  surviving 
wife.1  The  clause  of  allegation  occurs  in  all  the  Ravenna 
donations  of  the  sixth  century,2  and  the  French  formulae  of 
allegation  of  the  sixth  and  seventh  centuries  which  are  based 
on  the  Roman  law  also  use  "gestis  alligare,  adlegare,  ligare, 
obligare."  3  while  it  is  specifically  mentioned  in  an  immunity 
that  it  took  the  place  of  the  allegatio.4 

The  Codex  Theodosianus  speaks  of  a  "hereditas  approbata 
allegationibus"  5  and  it  becomes  clear  from  a  Visigothic 
formula  that  a  will,  being  in  its  nature  a  donation,  was  re- 
corded as  an  allegation  even  as  this  had  been  specifically 

1  "  Quoniam  antea  vivo  marito  meo  de  ac  ipsa  casa  scribturam  feceramus 
sed  quia  morte  praeventus  ut  earn  minime  potuimus  allegare  nunc  necesse 
mihi  fuit  ut  epistolam  nomini  meo  facerem  ubi  ei  dono  casam  juris  mei"  (491), 
ibid.,  p.  131. 

2  "Rogatorum  a  me  nobilissimorum  testium  vel  propriae  manus  meae  sub- 
scribtione  firmavi  quam  cum  cum  gestis  nos  Actoresque  vestros  quibuslibet 
duxeritis  allegandam"  (523),  ibid.,  p.  132;  "simul  et  testes  pariter  ut  subscri- 
berent  conrogavimus  alligandi  quoque  archivalibus  gestis"  (551),  ibid.,  p.  182; 
"  gestis  etiam  quibus  volueritis  allegandi  liberum  ex  nostra  permissionae  nos- 
trum ulterius  minime  requirentes  consensu  sumatis  arbitrium"  (553),  ibid., 
p.  133;  "  quam  et  si  gestis  municipalibus  allegare  maluerint  .  .  .  liberam  tribuo 
et  concedo  ex  more  licentiam  allegandi"  (6.or7.cent.),  ibid.,  p.  139;  "  subscripsi 
testibus  a  me  rogitis  optuli  subscribendam  allegandi  etiam  gestibus  quibus 
vobis  placuerit  et  tempore  quo  volueritis"  (6.  or  7.  cent.),  ibid.,  p.  142;  "testi- 
bus a  me  rogitis  optuli  subscribendam  quam  si  gestis  municipalibus  allegare 
voluerint  Actores  Ecclesiae  liberam  tribui  ex  more  licentiam  allegandi"  (6. 
cent.),  ibid.,  p.  145;  "gestis  etiam  municipalibus  allegandi"  (619),  ibid., 
p.  190. 

3  "Et  ut  hec  donatio  a  nobis  pro  divina  retributione  plenius  fac  .  .  .  robur 
manus  nostre  subterfirmavimus,  et  fratrum  nostrorum  venerabilium  vel  mag- 
nificorum  civium  Pictavensium  supscriptionibus  firmare  curavimus,  atque 
gestis  municipalibus  inserendum  juxta  consuetudinem  Romane  legis  .  .  . 
ligare  decrevimus"  (657),  Bibliolheque  de  VEcole  des  chartes,  vol.  lix,  p.  243; 
"apud  laudabilitatem  vestram  gestis  municipalibus  inligarem"  (657),  ibid., 
p.  244;  see  also  MGH.,  Formulae,  in  the  Vocabulary. 

*  "  Decrevi  etiam  per  hanc  cartulam  immunitatis  et  cessionis  meam,  basili- 
cam  superius  nuncupatam,  sine  gestorum  obligatione  manere"  (566),  R.  de 
Lasteyrie,  Cartulaire  general  de  Paris,  p.  6. 

«  n.  9.  3. 

6  "  Post  transitum  meum  die  legitimo  hanc  voluntatis  meae  epistolam  apud 
curiae  ordinem  gestis  publicis  facias  adcorporare,"  MGH.,  Formulae,  p.  585. 


194     COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

provided  for  by  Theodoric  for  the  Ostrogoths.1  There  cannot 
be  the  slightest  doubt  about  the  derivation  of  alod  from  this 
allegatum,  but  it  is  also  possible  to  ascertain  how  the  pho- 
netic change  has  taken  place.  In  a  donation  of  the  year  615 
which,  in  spite  of  some  interpolations,  is  based  on  a  genuine 
document,  occurs  the  clause  "saepius  laudatus  tarn  de  fisco 
quam  de  comparato,"  2  which  is  identical  with  the  previously 
mentioned  "tarn  de  alote  quam  de  comparato"  and  means, 
"the  property,  consisting  of  fiscal  and  purchased  land,  has 
been  frequently  recorded."  Here  laudare,  a  much  used  word 
for  "to  confirm,"  has  taken  the  place  of  allegare  "to  record," 
which  is  quite  natural,  since  the  officers  of  the  curia  who  con- 
firmed the  record  bore  the  title  of  laudabilitas,3  laudabilis  vir,4 
and  the  legal  record  was  known  as  "  laudabiliter  adlegatum."5 

1  "  Testamenta,  sicut  leges  praecipiunt,  allegentur:  hoc  modo  fides  voluntatis 
alienae  titubare  non  poterit,"  Edictum  Theoderici  72  (MGH.,  Leg.,  vol.  v). 

2  "Mihi  placuit  delegare  ut  villa  Minione,  sita  in  territorio  Parisiaco,  cum 
vineis  quae  fundi  ratione  aptae  ad  plastarias  et  vinitores  esse  noscuntur,  quas 
mihi  domnus  Clotarius  rex  dedit,  dum  laicus  fui,  fundumque  quern  dedit  sae- 
pius  laudatus  tarn  de  fisco  quam  de  comparato  possidendum,  sanctae  ecclesiae 
Parisiacae,  sub  cujus  gratia  nutritus  sum,  ad  integrum  volo  esse  donatum," 
Cartulaire  general  de  Paris,  p.  8. 

3  "Laudabilitas  vestra  .  .  .  ut  publica  momenta  suscipiat  et,  patefactis  codi- 
cibus,  gesta,  cum  a  vobis  fuerit  subscripta,  mihi  nobilitas  vestra,  ut  mos  est, 
tradi  precipiat,"  MGH.,  Formulae,  p.  137;  "ut  ipsam  donationem  apud  lauda- 
bilitatem  gestis  monecepalibus  debiam  adlegari,"  ibid.,  p.  170;  "epistolam  illam, 
quern  in  dilecta  sponsam  tuam  de  rebus  propriis  tui  conscribere  vel  adfirmare 
rogasti,  sicut  mos  et  lex  est,  gestis  municipalibus  apud  laudabilitatem  honorati 
ipsius  civitatis  alegarae  adque  adfirmare  decrevi,"  ibid.,  p.  176;  "ad  lauda- 
bilitatem vestra  adcrescere  deberem  et  haec  epistola  .  .  .  ut  ipsos  secundum 
lege  Romana  in  ipsa  civitate  ante  curia  publica  debeat  in  legitima  totius  here- 
ditatis  sue  instituere  hereditate  .  .  .  ut  predicta  epistola  iuxta  morem  et  con- 
suetudinem  gestis  monicipalibus  alegare  atque  firmare  debeant,"  ibid.,  p.  209. 

4  "Unde  ego  te  vir  laudabilis  ilium  defensore  necnon  et  vos  honerati,  que 
curas  puplicas  agite  adsidue  .  .  .  ut,  quando  volueritis  et  malueritis,  vel  mihi 
necessarium  fuerit,  ut  mos  est,  gestis  municipalibus  earn  faciatis  ablegare  cum 
petitiones  nostras,"  ibid.,  p.  28;  "  Arvernis  aput  vir  laudabile  ipso  defensore  .  .  . 
abeo,  que  gestarum  alegatio  cupio  roborare,"  ibid.,  p.  29;  "  peto  obtime  defensor, 
vosque,  laudabiles  curialis  atque  municepis,  ut  mihi  codices  publicus  patere 
iubeatis,  quia  habeo  aliquid,  que  gestis  prosequere  debeam,"  ibid.,  p.  97,  and 
pp.  98,  170,  176,  202,  209. 

'  "Hoc  consul  turn  est,  ut,  quicumque  liberta  persona  de  rebus  propriis 


ALLEGATUM  195 

From  a  confusion  of  allegatum  and  laudatum  have  arisen,  alau- 
dum,  alod,  alot,  etc. 

The  Anglo-Saxons  who  frequently  made  their  borrowings 
unnoticeable  by  translations  into  their  language,  have  quite 
correctly  rendered  "hereditas  allegata11  by  bocland,  i.  e.,  prop- 
erty recorded  in  a  book.  Where  Alfred  wrote  bocland,  the 
Quadripartitus  used  "terra  testamentalis,"  x  while  others 
employed  "  libera  terra,  terra  hereditatis"  2  for  it,  and  later 
Cnut  wrote  quite  correctly  "alodium,  id  est  bocland,"  where 
the  Quadripartitus  has  "in  hereditate  sua  terram"  and  the 
Consiliatio  Cnuti  circumscribes  by  "libera  terra."  3  As  in 
England  the  folcland  is  opposed  to  the  bocland,  so,  on  the 
continent  the  fiscal  land  with  personal  liberties  and  stated 
obligations  is  opposed  to  free  land,  with  personal  burdens, 
and  the  feudal  system  evolved  from  the  former  because  cir- 
cumstances were  more  favorable  for  its  development. 

It  now  remains  to  be  shown  why  the  Franks,  who  were  not 
strict  in  the  matter  of  recording,  adopted  the  word  allegatum 
as  an  expression  for  land  enjoying  immunities.  In  the  law  of 
316  we  find  the  clause  "actis  adnectendis,"  which  seems  to 
imply  that,  although  another  law  of  the  same  year  uses  the 
expression  "apud  acta  adlegare,"  the  original  form  was 
"apud  acta  alligare."  The  change  to  allegare  is,  no  doubt, 
due  to  the  fact  that  the  free  land  of  the  veterans  was  held  by 
them  lawfully,  "a  lege  habeant,"  as  it  says  in  the  law  of  364,4 

facultatis  suae  aliquid  conferrae  voluerit,  hoc  per  seriem  scripturarum  lauda- 
biliter  debeat  esse  adlegatum  adque  subter  firmatum,  qui  hac  condicione  et  iurae 
postulat  praeturium  et  gestis  requirit  municipalibus,"  ibid.,  p.  175. 

1  "Se  mon  se  3e  bocland  haebbe,  &  him  his  maegas  laefden,  de  eo  qui  terram 
testamentalem  habet,  quam  ei  parentes  sui  demiserunt,"  F.  Liebermann,  Die 
Gesetze  der  Angelsachsen,  p.  74/. 

*  Ibid.,  vol.  ii,  p.  26. 

3  Ibid.,  vol.  i,  pp.  294,  317,  365. 

4  "Habeant  ex  vagantibus,  sive  ex  diversis,  ubi  elegerint  agros,  et  a  lege 
habeant,  ut  sibi  soli  eorundem  f ructos  cessuros  esse  cognoscant :  nullum  ex  his 
agris  stipendium,  nullam  annuam  praestationem  postulavimus,"  Cod.  Theod., 
vn.  20.  8. 


196     COMMENTARY  TO  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

or  "ut  legibus  convenit,"  as  we  have  found  in  the  formulae. 
The  immunity  of  the  German  soldiers  took  the  place  of  the 
allegatio,  which  was  obligatory  on  the  Roman  citizens,  hence 
the  immunity  of  566  correctly  states  "cartulam  immunitatis 
sine  gestorum  obligatione  manere."  It  is  this  a  lege  which 
gave  way  to  a  laude,  because  the  donation  of  an  immunity 
was  in  itself  a  confirmation  of  the  right  to  the  free  land. 
Nothing  but  the  Roman  immunity  could  have  created  the 
Frankish  alod. 


INDEXES 


WORD  INDEX 


Abbreviations.  —  Alb.  -  Albanian.  —  AS.  =  Anglo-Saxon.  —  Arab.  =  Arabic.  — 
Aram.  =  Aramaic.  —  Ass.  =  Assyrian.  —  Basq.  =  Basque.  —  Boh.  =  Bohemian.  — 
Bret.  -  Breton.  —  Bulg.  =  Bulgarian.  —  Cat.  =  Catalan.  —  Celt.  =  Celtic.  —  Chin.  = 
Chinese.  —  Cop.  =  Coptic.  —  Corn.  =  Cornish.  —  CGoth.  =  Crim-Gothic.  —  Croat.  = 
Croatian.  —  Dan.  =  Danish.  —  Drav.  =  Dravidian.  —  Dut.  =  Dutch.  —  Eg.  =  Egyp- 
tian. —  Eng.  =  English.  —  Finn.  =  Finnish.  —  Fr.  =  French.  —  Fr.  (d)  =  French  dia- 
lect, —  QeTm  =  German.  —  Ger.  (d)  =  German  dialect.  —  Goth.  =  Gothic.  —  Grk.  = 
Greek.  —  Heb.  =  Hebrew.  —  Icel.  =  Icelandic.  —  Ir.  =  Irish.  —  Ital.  =  Italian.  — 
Ital.  (d)  =  Italian  dialect.  —  J  Span.  =  Judeo-Spanish.  —  Lat.  =  Latin.  —  Lett.  =  Let- 
tish —  Lith.  =  Lithuanian.  —  LGer.  =  Low  German.  —  LLat.  =  Low  Latin.  —  Magy. 
=  Magyar.  —  M Dut.  =  Middle  Dutch.  —  MGrk.  =  Middle  Greek.  —  MHG.  =  Middle 
High  German.  —  MLG.  =  Middle  Low  German.  —  Norw.  -  Norwegian.  —  OBoh.  = 
Old  Bohemian.  —  OBret.  =01d  Breton.  —  OBulg.  =  Old  Bulgarian.  —  OFr.  =  Old 
French.  —  OFris.  =  Old  Frisian.  —  OHG.  =  Old  High  German.  —  Olr.  =  Old  Irish. 

—  Olran.  =  Old  Iranian.  —  OLG.  =  Old  Low  German.  —  ON.  =  Old  Norse.  — OProv. 
=  Old  Provencal.  —  OPrus.  =  Old  Prussian.  —  ORus.  =  Old  Russian.  —  OS.  =  Old 
Saxon.  —  Osc.  =  Oscan.  —  OSlav.  =  Old  Slavic.  —  OWel.  =  Old  Welsh.  —  Pers.  = 
Persian.  —  Pol.  =  Polish.  —  Port.  =  Portuguese.  — Prov.  =  Provencal.  —  RRom.  = 
Raeto-Roman.  —  Roum.  =  Roumanian.  —  Russ.  =  Russian.  —  Sab.  =  Sabinian. 

—  Sem.  =  Semitic.  —  Sem.  Eg.  =  Semito-Egyptian.  —  Serb.  =  Serbian.  —  Skrt.  = 
Sanskrit.  —  Slav.  =  Slavic.  —  Slov.  =  Slovenian.  —  Span.  =  Spanish.  —  Span,  (d)  = 
Spanish  dialect.  —  Sum.  =  Sumerian.  —  Swed.  =  Swedish.  —  Syr.  =  Syriac.  —  Turk. 
=  Turkish.  —  Umbr.  =  Umbrian.  —  Wei.  =  Welsh. 


Prov. 

Abrausi,  124. 

LLat. 

Prov. 

abrounca,  124. 

ON. 

LLat. 

absacire,  17. 

LLat. 

LLat. 

adlegare,  193,  195. 

Lat. 

LLat. 

admallare,  71,  72,  73. 

Lat. 

LLat. 

admanitus,  73. 

LLat. 

LLat. 

admonere,  73. 

LLat. 

LLat. 

aduniare,  167,  168,  169. 

LLat. 

LLat. 

aiaudum,  195. 

LLat. 

LLat. 

allegancia,  76. 

LLat. 

LLat. 

allegatio,  192,  193,  196. 

LLat. 

LLat. 

allegatum,  192,  194,  195. 

LLat. 

LLat. 

alligare,  193,  195. 

LLat. 

LLat. 

alod,    etc.,    191,     192.    194, 

MD. 

195,  196. 

LLat. 

LLat. 

alodium,  195. 

OHG. 

LLat. 

alsaccia,  27,  42,  43. 

Span. 

Ger.  (d 

)  amad,  131. 

Prov. 

LLat. 

amallare,  72,  75. 

Ital. 

LLat. 

amallus,  69. 

LLat. 

MHG. 

amat,  uemet,  130. 

OFr. 

AS. 

ameldian,  75,  (cf.  hamedius). 

Goth. 

amologare,  76. 

anna,  181. 

antrustio,  14,  27,  28,  29. 

apparatus,  143,  151,  152. 

appretiare,  186,  187,  188. 

aprisio,  77. 

arbus,  66. 

arbusta,  115,  116. 

arbustaria,  113,  116. 

arbustata,  111,  112. 

arbustericia,  113,  116. 

arbustum,  110,  111,  112, 113. 

arezamentum,  153. 

amen,  etc.,  181. 

arnes,  153. 

arnon,  181. 

arrear,  153. 

arredar,  etc.,  153. 

arredare,  153. 

arredum,  153. 

arreer,  153. 

asans,  181. 


200 


WORD   INDEX 


OHG. 

asna,  181. 

Basq. 

bosta,  120. 

OHG. 

asnari,  181. 

LLat. 

bostar,  114,  115,  118,  119. 

Goth. 

asneis,  181. 

OFr. 

bouchoyer,  etc.,  122. 

MLG. 

asnen,  etc.,  181. 

Prov. 

bourieu,  134. 

OHG. 

asni,  181. 

Prov. 

bourjouna,  123. 

OPrus. 

assanis,  181. 

Prov. 

bourla,  etc.,  124. 

Eng. 

atone,  168. 

Prov. 

bousa,  123. 

LLat. 

avere,  189. 

Prov. 

bousca,  123. 

Fr. 

avoir,  189. 

Prov. 

bouscaio,  etc.,  123. 

Prov. 

bouscaren,  etc.,  123. 

LLat. 

Baccalaria,  119. 

Prov. 

bouscas,  123. 

LLat. 

baccalarius,  119. 

Prov. 

bousco,  123. 

LLat. 

bannum,  163. 

Prov. 

bousquet,  123. 

Pers. 

band,  142. 

Grk. 

Povcrrdcriov,  115. 

Pers. 

barldan,  142. 

Prov. 

boustiga,  123. 

Drav. 

bel-,  177. 

Lat. 

branca  (paw),  122. 

Slav. 

Ml-,  177. 

LLat. 

branca,  etc.,  (branch),    121, 

Grk. 

PdpeSos,  152. 

122. 

LLat. 

berolais,  94,  95,  96. 

Prov. 

breca,  etc.,  124. 

Grk. 

fUeppevu,  152. 

LLat. 

breialum,  91,  92,  97. 

Grk. 

&PPVS,  152. 

LLat. 

briolium,  93,  94,  95. 

Fr. 

besoin,  172. 

Prov. 

bristoula,  124. 

Goth. 

bifaihon,  164. 

Prov. 

6ro,  eZc.,  123. 

Ger. 

b2/anc,  80,  83. 

LLat. 

broa,  ete.,  121. 

OHG. 

Mgard,  97. 

LLat. 

broca,  etc.,  121,  124. 

Sum. 

bi£-,  for-,  177. 

LLat. 

brocchus,  etc.,  121,  123. 

AS. 

bisignisse,  172. 

OFr. 

broce,  etc.,  122. 

OHG. 

biwaron,  63. 

OFr. 

broceron,  etc.,  122. 

Boh. 

Wagro,  189. 

Ital. 

broco,  124. 

LLat. 

bloretum,  94. 

Prov. 

broco,  123. 

LLat. 

boaZare,  118,  119. 

OFr. 

brocon,  122. 

LLat. 

boaZe,  118,  119. 

OFr. 

brogonner,  123. 

Prov. 

6oc,  eic.,  123. 

AS. 

broeZ,  97. 

LLat. 

boccus,  120. 

LLat. 

brogilus,  93,  96,  97. 

LLat. 

bochetus,  120. 

OFr. 

broiZ,  ete.,  97. 

AS. 

bocland,  195. 

OHG. 

broi7,  efc.,  97. 

OFr. 

boissier,  etc.,  122. 

OFr. 

broisson,  122. 

OFr. 

6oi'2e,  122. 

Prov. 

brojouna,  123. 

Goth. 

fcdfca,  57. 

Basq. 

bro/ca,  120. 

Prov. 

60s,  e£c.,  123. 

RRom. 

br67,  97. 

LLat. 

boscadeirus,  120. 

LLat. 

brolettum,  93. 

LLat. 

boscairare,  120. 

LLat. 

brolium,  93,  94,  95,  96. 

LLat. 

boscalia,  112. 

LLat. 

bronda,  etc.,  121. 

LLat. 

boscare,  120,  122. 

LLat. 

bropa,  121,  122. 

OFr. 

boschaille,  122. 

Prov. 

broquer,  etc.,  123. 

OFr. 

boscheer,  122. 

LLat. 

brossa,  etc.,  121. 

OFr. 

boschel,  etc.,  122. 

Basq. 

brost-,  brosk-,  120. 

Ital. 

bosco,  112. 

OFr. 

brosZ,  122. 

Grk. 

/Soo-ktj,  112. 

Basq. 

brosfo,  120. 

WORD   INDEX 


201 


OFr. 

broster,  123. 

Prov. 

burca,  etc.,  123. 

OFr. 

brotage,  123. 

OFr. 

bur j  on,  123. 

Span. 

brotar,  124. 

Prov. 

busc,  123. 

Span. 

brote,  124. 

Ital.  (d)  ftwsca,  124. 

OFr. 

brotel,  etc.,  123. 

LLat. 

busca,  etc.,  121,  124. 

Prov. 

brouda,  124. 

Prov. 

busca,  123. 

Prov. 

brounca,  etc.,  124. 

Prov. 

buscaia,  etc.,  123. 

Prov. 

broundas,  124. 

LLat. 

buscalhare,  120. 

Prov. 

brounditoun,  etc.,  124. 

LLat. 

buscalia,  112,  113, 

116,  120. 

Prov. 

brous,  etc.,  123. 

Span. 

buscar,  124. 

OFr. 

brousse,  etc.,  123. 

LLat. 

buscaria,  113,  116, 

121. 

Prov. 

broust,  etc.,  123. 

OFr. 

busche,  122. 

Prov. 

brout,  etc.,  123. 

LLat. 

buschetus,  120. 

LLat. 

brucaria,  etc.,  121. 

OFr. 

buschier,  etc.,  122. 

Prov. 

bruelh,  etc.,  97. 

LLat. 

buschiva,  112,  113. 

LLat. 

bruera,  etc.,  121. 

Ital. 

buscio,  124. 

Prov. 

bruga,  123. 

LLat. 

buscoliva,  112. 

Ger. 

briihl,  96. 

LLat. 

buscus,  boscus,  113 

114,  116, 

Prov. 

brui,  etc.,  124. 

119,  120,  121. 

Fr. 

bruit,  124. 

Eng. 

business,  172. 

Prov. 

brula,  etc.,  124. 

Prov. 

busqueja,  123 

Fr. 

brtiler,  122. 

Prov. 

bussa,  123. 

Prov. 

brulha,  etc.,  124. 

Ital. 

busso,  124. 

OFr. 

bruliau,  123. 

LLat. 

bustal,  119. 

OFr. 

brulis,  123. 

LLat. 

bustalizia,  116,  117 

119. 

Prov. 

brusa,  etc.,  124. 

LLat. 

bustare,  116. 

Prov. 

brusc,  123. 

LLat. 

bustarega,  116. 

LLat. 

bruscale,  121. 

LLat. 

bustaria,  116. 

LLat. 

bruscare,  etc.,  122,  124. 

LLat. 

bustum,  115,  116, 

117,  118, 

Ital.  (d)  brusgha,  etc.,  124. 

119. 

LLat. 

bruscia,  etc.,  121. 

OFr. 

busuigne,  171. 

Prov. 

bruscla,  etc.,  124. 

OFr. 

busun,  171. 

Ital. 

bruscolo,  124. 

LLat. 

brusculum,  123,  124. 

OHG. 

Cadum,  97. 

LLat. 

bruscus,    brusca,    121,     122, 

Ital. 

cafadiario,  91. 

* 

124. 

LLat. 

cqfadiarius,  88. 

OFr. 

brusler,  123. 

Ital. 

cafagiario,  91. 

Prov. 

brusquiero,  etc.,  123. 

LLat. 

cafagium,  87,  89. 

LLat. 

brustum,  122. 

LLat. 

cagium,  87. 

Span. 

bruza,  124. 

LLat. 

cahagium,  87. 

Wei. 

fcraa,  121. 

LLat. 

caiagium,  102. 

LLat. 

fcwca,  ete.,  121. 

LLat. 

omwi,  91,  97,  100, 

101. 

Lat. 

buccella,  53. 

Heb. 

fara/,  185. 

LLat. 

buccellarius,  52,  53,  54,  55, 

Aram 

garafa,  185. 

57,  59,  60,  67. 

Ass. 

garapu,  185. 

Ger. 

ftucft,  57. 

Arab. 

far/,  185. 

OFr. 

bucquier,  etc.,  122. 

Skrt. 

carma,  49. 

Prov. 

fewi<,  ete.,  134. 

LLat. 

carmulum,  55. 

Russ. 

bukva,  57. 

Ass. 

garpu,  185 

202 


WORD   INDEX 


LLat.  catallum,  189. 

Eng.  cattle,  189. 

OHG.  cawin,  180. 

Span.  cayo,  100. 

LLat.  cayum,  caya,  97. 

Pol.  chrost,  104. 

Pol.  chwrastac,  104. 

Arab.  cirf,  185. 

LLat.  cohortalinus,  65. 

LLat.  cohortalis,  65. 

Ital.  colcare,  43. 

Ital.  (d)  colegar,  43. 

LLat.  collocare,  40,  41,  43,  45. 

Corn.  colyas,  40. 

LLat.  concelibas,  etc.,  137. 

LLat.  conciliabulum,  138. 

LLat.  concilium,  137,  138. 

OFr.  conroi,  corroi,  154. 

Lat.  consimilis,  6. 

LLat.  convenire,  71,  73. 

LLat.  conventus,  72. 

Ital.  coricare,  43. 

LLat.  corredum,  153,  154. 

Span.  correo,  154. 

LLat.  cortalis,  65. 

LLat.  corlis,  65. 

Fr.  coucher,  etc.,  43. 

Syr.  ira/«)  185. 

OHG.  crapworfin,  67. 

Syr.  cn/d,  185. 

Copt.  crop,  185. 

OSlav.  cwcftt,  38. 

LLat.  culcare,  40,  43. 

LLat.  cumpreciatus,  188. 

Lat.  cumulus,  74. 

OFr.  curpir,  66. 

Aram,  gurpu,  etc.,  185. 

Ass.  currupu,  185. 

LLat.  curtis,  87. 

OSlav.  cuzdl,  38. 

Span.  Dar  saco  mano,  14. 

Lith.  dan<7,  36. 

Goth.  daugan,  50. 

Lat.  decanus,  23,  38,  39. 

Fr.  defay,  defois,  141. 

LLat.  defesa,  defensa,  139,  141. 

OHG.  decern,  38. 

Span.  dehcsa,  140. 


Grk.  MKvvfu,  172. 

Bret.  den,  39. 

Corn.  den,  39. 

Fr.  deschaller,  83. 

OSlav  dM,  38. 

OSlav.  deVa,  37. 

Slav.  dtvaya,  37. 

Prov.  dews,  efc.,  140. 

Lat.  devotus,  11,  30,  31,  34,  35,  37, 

38,  39. 

LLat.  dibruscare,  124. 

Lat.  dico,  172. 

Finn.  dievddo,  divdo,  38. 

OHG.  dt/ian,  36. 

OHG.  dino--,  37. 

OHG.  dionon,  38. 

OHG.  diorna,  37. 

OHG.  dz'oi,  eic.,  38. 

LLat.  dissagire,  17. 

LLat.  dissaisire,  16. 

LLat.  dissaisiscere,  16. 

Eng.  distrain,  27. 

Russ.  d#ya,  38. 

OHG.  din,  37. 

LLat.  dmsa,    136,   137,   139,   140, 

141. 

OHG.  diira,  37. 

Bret.  die,  45. 

Olr.  dliged,  45. 

Olr.  dligim,  45. 

OSlav.  dlugu,  45. 

Boh.  dobytek,  189. 

AS.  do^,  doZ/i,  47. 

OFris.  dofc,  47. 

Slav.  dong-,  36. 

LLat.  drudus,  29.   • 

OSlav.  drag,  drnA,  37. 

OPrus.  druwis,  37. 

Lat.  ducena,  22,  23,  38. 

Lat.  ducenarius,  22,  23,  36,  38. 

AS.  dugan,  36. 

Goth.  dugan,  36. 

AS.  dnoni/i,  36. 

OHG.  dn/yan,  37. 

Ir.  duine,  39. 

dnZa-,  47,  51. 

LLat.  dulgcre,  45,  47. 

Goth.  dulgs,  45,  47. 

OHG.  dwfc,  47. 


WORD   INDEX 


203 


Goth. 

dulthjan,  47. 

LLat. 

Goth. 

dulths,  47. 

OHG. 

Pol. 

duzy,  36. 

LLat. 

Corn. 

dylly,  45. 

LLat. 

Wei. 

dyn,  39. 

LLat. 
Goth. 

Eng. 

Earn,  181. 

Goth. 

AS. 

earnian,  181. 

Celt. 

OHG. 

edili,  170. 

Olr. 

Ger. 

emde,  131. 

Goth. 

LLat. 

emphitecarius,  183. 

LLat. 

LLat. 

emphyteucarius,  190. 

OHG. 

LLat. 

emphyteusis,  189. 

ON. 

LLat. 

enfeteulicarius,  183. 

OHG. 

OFr. 

engaing,  179. 

ON. 

OFr. 

engan,  etc.,  179. 

Ir. 

LLat. 

enganno,  etc.,  173. 

OS. 

OFr. 

engigne,  etc.,  179. 

AS. 

OFr. 

enguenner,  179. 

LLat. 

Grk. 

ipidia,    ipwMa,    152. 

LLat. 

MHG. 

erne,  etc.,  181. 

LLat. 

Span. 

'd)  escachar,  83. 

AS. 

Span. 

escaliar,  83. 

ON. 

AS. 

esne,  181. 

LLat. 

Fr. 

essoin,  170. 

OFr. 

OFr. 

essoyne,  1G8. 

LLat. 

LLat. 

etuniare,  168. 

LLat. 

LLat. 

elunis,  168. 

LLat. 

LLat. 

exadoniare,  168,  169. 

LLat. 

excoctum,  189,  190. 

LLat. 

LLat. 

exculcator,  excultator,  40. 

Olr. 

LLat. 

exculealor,  40. 

LLat 

LLat. 

exonium,  168. 

LLat. 

LLat. 

exsoniare,  168,  169. 

LLat. 

LLat. 

exsqualidare,  83. 

LLat. 

LLat. 

extasire,  20. 

Lat. 

extrudere,  28. 

LLat. 

LLat. 

exuniare,  168,  169. 

LLat. 
Ir. 

AS. 

Fdcen,  164. 

OFr. 

Lat. 

/ac^'o,  157,  158,  164. 

OFr. 

LLat. 

factiosus,  157,  158,  160. 

ON. 

LLat. 

/actem,  158,  163,  164. 

Goth. 

AS. 

faege,  164. 

LLat. 

AS. 

/ae/tfe,  158,  164. 

Goth. 

LLat. 

/a^a,  89,  100. 

ON. 

AS. 

/aA,  158. 

AS. 

AS. 

/d/i,  158,  164. 

LLat. 

LLat. 

/aio,  89,  100. 

LLat. 

faida,  158,  159,  160,  164. 

faida,  160. 

faidia,  158. 

faidosus,  158,  160. 

faidum,  156,  160,  163. 

faih,  164. 

faihu,  189,  190. 

farst,  frast,  99. 

fas,  104. 

fauragaredan,  153. 

fedum,  190. 

feigi,  164. 

feigr,  164. 

feihhan,  164. 

feikn,  164. 

/etf,  40. 

/e/cn,  164. 

/eo,  feoh,  190. 

feoticarius,  190. 

/er  in,  e£c,  9. 

ferquidus,  4,  5,  6,  7. 

/ersc,  107. 

fersk,  frisk,  107. 

/escws,  188,  189. 

feu,  189,  190. 

feudum,  184,  189,  190. 

/eus,  /eras,  184,  188,  190. 

fictum,   182,    183,   184,    189, 

190. 
fidecarius,  183. 
find,  177. 
fiodus,  184. 
fiotecarius,  183,  190. 
fiscalia,  182. 
yiscws,    182,    183,    184,    189, 

190. 
^se,  189. 
^xwto,  183,  190. 
flaith,  99. 
^oc,  105. 
flot,  etc.,  105. 
/dcfa,  155. 
fodeins,  155. 
foderum,  154,  155. 
fodjan,  155. 
foUra,  155. 
folcland,  195. 
,  etc.  /or-,  162. 
forbannitus,  163. 


204 


WORD   INDEX 


LLat. 

forbannum,  163. 

Ger. 

frisch,  107. 

LLat. 

forbattutus,  162. 

LLat. 

friscum,  107. 

LLat. 

forbatudum,  163. 

OHG. 

frisking,  etc.,  107,  108. 

LLat. 

forestarius,  104. 

LLat. 

friskinga,  107. 

LLat. 

forestis,  104,  107,  108. 

OHG. 

friten,  156. 

LLat. 

forfactum,  162. 

OS. 

frithu,  156. 

Fr. 

forfait,  163. 

OFr. 

fro,  etc.,  105. 

LLat. 

forts-,  162. 

LLat. 

frodannum,  163. 

LLat. 

forisfacere,  17,  163. 

LLat. 

frodrum,  155. 

LLat. 

forisf actum,  160. 

LLat. 

frodum,  155. 

LLat. 

forsconsiliare,  163. 

Lat. 

frons,  122. 

Celt. 

forst,  frost,  104. 

Bret. 

frost,  104,  105. 

OHG. 

forst,  104. 

Celt. 

frost,  104,  105. 

LLat. 

forum,  155,  156. 

LLat. 

frostum,  105. 

AS. 

fonvyrcan,  163. 

LLat. 

fronrerius,  155. 

OHG. 

fotar,  155. 

LLat. 

froyre,  etc.,  155. 

OHG. 

fotarjan,  155. 

LLat. 

frusca,  124. 

OHG. 

fotida,  155. 

LLat. 

fruscella,  124. 

OHG. 

fotjan,  155. 

Ital. 

fruscio,  124. 

Fr. 

fracas,  106. 

LLat. 

frussatum,  105. 

Fr.  (d) 

frachous,  106. 

OHG. 

fuora,  155. 

LLat. 

fraidia,  160. 

Ital. 

fuscello,  124. 

Fr. 

/rat's  (fresh),  108. 

Fr. 

/rais  (expense),  156. 

OFr. 

Gaaign-,  gaain-,  179. 

Bret. 

fraost,  104,  105. 

Fr. 

gaain,  180. 

Fr. 

frapper,  106. 

Prov. 

gaanhador,  etc.,  179. 

LLat. 

/rasra,  105,  107,  124. 

OHG. 

gaarndn,  181. 

Ital. 

frascare,  106. 

LLat. 

gadaignare,  175. 

LLat. 

frascata,  105. 

LGer. 

gadem,  etc.,  97. 

LLat. 

frasccrium,  105. 

LLat. 

gades,  etc.,  90,  91. 

Bulg. 

fraste,  104. 

LLat. 

gradi,  grai,  90. 

Ital. 

fratta,  106. 

Prov. 

<7adi,  ete.,  91. 

LLat. 

frecum,  etc.,  105. 

OHG. 

gadingi,  etc.,  37. 

LLat. 

freda,  etc.,  145,  146. 

OHG. 

gadum,  97. 

LLat. 

/redum,   146,  147,    148,   149, 

AS. 

gafolland,  140. 

154,  156,  158,  160,  163. 

Goth. 

gafrithon,  156. 

Goth. 

freidjan,  156. 

LLat. 

gagiolum,  87. 

AS. 

freoZo,  fredft,  156. 

Fr.  (d) 

gagnable,  180. 

LLat. 

/resca,  efc.,  105,  107. 

Fr. 

gagner,  133. 

OFr. 

frestiz,  fraitiz,  105. 

LLat. 

gahagium,  etc.,  87, 97, 99, 100 

LLat. 

/retora,  145,  146,   147,   148, 

Fr.  (d) 

gahaigne,  179,  180. 

160. 

LLat. 

gahamalus,  74. 

Fr.  (d) 

freucher,  106. 

Pol. 

gmc,  90. 

ON. 

/n'Sr,  156. 

Prov. 

gmra,  129,  130. 

AS. 

/WSu,  156. 

OFr. 

gain,  128,  129,  130,  132,  133 

OHG. 

fridu,  156. 

Pol. 

gaiowe,  90. 

OHG. 

frinskinga,  etc.,  108. 

Russ. 

^eraV,  90. 

OHG. 

/rise,  107. 

LLat. 

gmwm,   87,  89,   90,  98,  99 

LLat. 

frisca,frusca,  108. 

100,  102,  104. 

WORD   INDEX 


205 


Serb.  gajim,  90. 

Lith.  galeti,  98. 

LLat.  galum,  84,  86,  100. 

OHG.  gamahaljan,  75. 

OHG.  gamahalo,  75. 

LLat.  gamahalus,  74. 

Roum.  gamalie,  74. 

LLat.  gamallus,  69. 

Alb.  gamule,  74. 

gan-,  177. 

Sem.  oan,  178. 
Span.  Port.  Cat.  Ital.  gana,  177. 

LLat.  ganabilis,  179. 

Grk.  yavdu,  178. 

Span.  ganar,  177,  181. 

LLat.  ganare,  174. 

LLat.  ganatum,  174,  175. 

Bret.  ganaz,  180. 

Ir.  gangaid,  180. 

LLat.  ganire,  etc.,  178,  180. 

Basq.  <7ano,  178. 

LLat.  <7ano,  178. 

Basq.  ganoraz,  178. 

Grk.  7"'"°*,  178,  180. 

Basq.  ganu,  178. 

Grk.  ydvvfMcu,  178. 
gar-,  64. 

LLat.  gara,  63. 

Goth.  garaideins,  152. 

Goth.  garaidjan,  152. 

Goth.  garaiths,  152. 

Prov.  garana,  garena,  63. 

Prov.  garanda,  63. 

Prov.  garandar,  63. 

LLat.  garandiare,  62. 

OFr.  garant,  63. 

LLat.  garantia,  etc.,  62. 

Prov.  garar,  63. 

LLat.  garbus,  etc.,  66. 

Fr.  garcon,  59. 
gard-,  64. 

LLat.  gardia,  65. 

LLat.  gardingus,  64,  65. 

OFr.  gare,  63. 

Goth.  garedan,  153. 

OHG.  gareifo',  152. 

Prov.  garen,  63. 

LLat.  garenna,  62. 

LLat.  garens,  61,  62,  65. 


Prov.  garensa,  etc.,  63. 

LLat.  garentare,  etc.,  62. 

OFr.  garer,  63. 

Prov.  garida,  63. 

Arab.  oar?r,  pZ.  gurrdn,  62. 

OFr.  panV,  63. 

Prov.  garir,  63. 

LLat.  garire,  62,  63. 

LLat.  gariscere,  62. 

OFr.  garison,  63. 

LLat.  garneria,  179,  181. 

OFr.  garnir,  63. 

Prov.  garnir,  63. 

LLat.  gasalianus,  59,  60. 

LLat.  gascaria,  gascheria,  106. 

OHG.  gasculdan,  50. 

OHG.  gasculdon,  50. 

LLat.  gasindus,  59,  60. 

Goth.  gasintha,  etc.,  60. 

OFr.  gasquerer,  106. 

OProv.  gassan,  178. 

Goth.  gawairthi,  151. 

OHG.  gawinnon,  181. 

Russ.  gay,  90. 

LLat.  gazain,  175. 

OProv.  aazanft,  178,  181. 

Prov.  gazanhar,  etc.,  179. 

Ir.  aean,  180. 

AS.  geddlland,  140,  141. 

AS.  geearnian,  181. 

AS.  ge/a/i,  158. 

Ger.  (d)  gre/iai,  99. 

Ir.  0eift,  99. 

Ir.  aen,  ISO. 

Wei.        gen,  180. 

LLat.      geniatus,  177. 

LLat.      genium,  173,  174,  175,  176, 

177,  178,  180,  181. 
OFr.        oepi'r,  66. 
AS.  geraed,  153. 

Ger.        oerdf,  153. 
LLat.      gerbus,  66. 
Lat.         gerere,  61,  67. 
MGrk.     yepirevuv,  62. 
OFr.        gerpir,  66. 
MGrk.     yevrloves,  62. 
AS.  gethungen,  14,  36. 

AS.  gethungenness,  36. 

AS.         gemn,  180. 


206 


WORD   INDEX 


MLG. 

Sum. 

LLat. 

Prov. 

Bret. 

Ir. 

Lith. 

Corn. 

Corn. 

Ital. 

Croat. 

Russ. 

Slav. 

Corn. 

Corn. 

Slav. 

Wei. 

Prov. 

MBret. 

LLat. 

Lat. 

AS. 

ON. 

Croat. 

Ital. 

Ger. 

LLat. 

Prov. 

LLat. 

LLat. 

LLat. 

LLat. 

LLat. 


LLat. 

LLat. 

LLat. 

LLat. 

LLat. 

LLat. 

LLat. 

Prov. 

Prov. 

LLat. 

LLat. 

Corn. 

OBret. 

Corn. 


gewin,  180. 

gibil,  gibir,  177. 

giregar,  61. 

giregare,  64. 

gloat,  99. 

gno,  180. 

gojus,  90. 

gologhas,  40. 

golyas,  etc.,  40. 

gomereccio,  130. 

gomila,  74. 

gomola,  74. 

gomolya,  74. 

gones,  etc.,  180. 

goon,  etc.,  180. 

gor-,  177. 

gorest,  etc.,  104. 

gouibre,  129. 

gounit,  180. 

grafio,  21,  22,  24. 

gravitas,  21. 

pre/e,  greve,  21. 

greifta,  152. 

gromila,  74. 

griimereccio,  131. 

grummet,  131,  133. 

grumulus,  74. 

grupir,  66. 

guadaignare,  etc.,  175. 

guagneria,  179. 

gualdator,  etc.,  88,  104. 

gualdeman,  88. 

gualdus,     28,     84,     85,    86, 

87,  89,   98,  99,   100,   102, 

104. 
guallarus,  etc.,  88. 
guardator,  88. 
guardatorius,  88. 
guardia,  64,  65,  88. 
guardianus,  88. 
guarens,  etc.,  61. 
gvartho,  59. 
guasanh,  181. 
guasanhar,  etc.,  179. 
guastum,  106. 
guataniagare,  175. 
#ueZ,  99. 
guelenes,  99. 
guelfds,  99. 


OFr. 

Prov. 

LLat. 

OFr. 

Prov. 

LLat. 

Prov. 

Prov. 

Corn. 

OBret. 

Corn. 

Fr. 

LLat. 

Corn. 

Corn. 

LLat. 

Corn. 

Bret. 

Bret. 

Bret. 

Wei. 

Wei. 

Corn. 

Wei. 

Wei. 

Corn. 

Wei. 

Celt. 

Wei. 

AS. 

OHG. 

OBoh. 

AS. 

Ger. 

ON. 

OHG. 

OHG. 

AS. 

Fr. 

Goth. 

Boh. 

Arab. 

LLat. 

LLat. 

Copt. 

OHG. 

LLat. 

Arab. 


guepir,  66. 
guepir,  66. 
guerire,  61. 
guerpir,  66. 
guerpir,  66. 
guerra,  63. 
guerregare,  64. 
guerrigiare,  64. 
guiliat,  51. 
guiliat,  51. 
guillua,  40. 
guimeau,  130,  131. 
guirens,  61. 
j«Zai,  99. 
gunithiat,  180. 
gurpire,  65,  66. 
0U2/n,  177. 
gwenaat,  180. 
gwended,  etc.,  180. 
gwenn,  177. 
gwerth,  151. 
gwlad,  99. 
<7wwi,  e£c,  180. 
gwyliad,  etc.,  40,  50. 
gwyliadur,  40. 
gwylls,  99. 
gwyllt,  99. 
gwyn,  etc.,  180. 
gwyn,  179,  180. 
02/^,  50. 

ffac,  99. 

/?a£.,  ete.,  90. 

Ziaga,  100. 

hagestolz,  119. 

Ziagri,  99. 

hagjan,  99. 

hagustalt,  119. 

hagusteald,  119. 

Aaie,  100. 

haitja,  45. 

fotfifc*,  90. 

hamal,  74. 

hamallatus,  69,  75. 

hamallus,  69,  70,  74,  75. 

hamalogi,  56. 

hamalon,  74. 

hamedius,  69,  70,  71,  75. 

hflrab,  etc.,  66. 


WORD    INDEX 


207 


Magy. 

haraszt,  104. 

LLat. 

isibrum,  idibrum,  185 

Eng. 

harbinger,  18. 

Arab. 

iskdla,  etc.,  101. 

Eng. 

harbour,  18. 

ON. 

haukslalda,  119. 

Fr. 

Jacherer,  106. 

Dan. 

have,  100. 

Fr. 

jachiere,  106. 

LLat. 

heriberga,  18. 

Skrt. 

jatarupa,  185. 

Norse. 

heriberga,  18. 

Heb. 

-12V,  186. 

OFr. 

homage,  76. 

LLat. 

homagium,  76. 

LLat. 

.Ka&ei,  97. 

LLat. 

homallare,  71,  72. 

LLat. 

kahei,  97. 

Boh. 

homola,  74. 

Ger.  (d)  Am,  99. 

LLat. 

homolegius,  76. 

Arab. 

Md',  101. 

LLat. 

homologare,  61,  76. 

Lith. 

kaltas,  51. 

Copt. 

homologei,  56. 

Lith. 

ftaZte,  51. 

Copt. 

homologia,  56. 

Sum. 

fcifo'r,  177. 

LLat. 

homologies,  54,  57,  67,  68,  69, 

MGrk. 

KoCA/ca,  40. 

74. 

Slav. 

kramola,  55. 

LLat. 

hospes,  18,  19,  20. 

Ger. 

ftn'egr,  64. 

LLat. 

hospitalitas,  18. 

Ger. 

kriegen,  64. 

LLat. 

hospitaticum,  18,  20. 

MHG. 

&n'<7,  64. 

LLat. 

hospitium,  18. 

Sum. 

&wn,  177. 

LLat. 

hostaticum,  19,  20. 

Chin. 

kwang,  177. 

LLat. 

hostis,  19,  20. 

Fr. 

hole,  20. 

LLat. 

Laudabilis,  194. 

Fr. 

/toteZ,  20. 

LLat. 

laudabiliter,  194. 

AS. 

hraed,  153. 

LLat. 

laudare,  194. 

Bulg. 

hrast,  etc.,  104. 

LLat. 

laudatus,  194,  195. 

Bulg. 

hrastalek,  104. 

LLat. 

libellarius,  57,  59. 

Roum. 

/iresJ,  104. 

LLat. 

libellus,  57. 

OSlav. 

/wrasZ,  104,  106. 

OFr. 

fo"e<7e,  %e,  76. 

LLat. 

%are,  193. 

LLat. 

Idoneare,  167,  168,  169. 

Span. 

Weco,  llueco,  105. 

Lat. 

idoneus,  165,  166,  167,  168. 

LLat. 

ienium,  173. 

OHG. 

Madal,  75. 

Bret. 

ijinaat,  180. 

AS. 

maeZlan,  75. 

LLat. 

imminens,  25. 

AS. 

raaeZ,  maZ,  eZc,  75. 

LLat. 

inconcilibus,  etc.,  137. 

Icel. 

maeli,  mdl,  75. 

LLat. 

indivisa,  137. 

LLat. 

maesta,  mesta,  133. 

Lat. 

indulgere,  45,  56. 

AS. 

maeste,  133. 

LLat. 

infera,  9. 

Roum. 

magalie,  74. 

LLat. 

inferre,  4,  7,  8,  145. 

Alb. 

maguVe,  74. 

LLat. 

ingannatio,  173. 

Slav. 

mahal,  74. 

Lat. 

ingenium,  173, 174,  176,  177, 

OHG. 

mahalo,  75. 

179,  180. 

OHG. 

mahalon,  74,  75. 

LLat. 

inter  conciliaris,  137. 

AS. 

raaZ,  75. 

LLat. 

interconcilium,  138,  140. 

Icel. 

mdZ,  75. 

LLat. 

inter  confinium,  138. 

OHG. 

ma£,  75. 

LLat. 

intesire,  intensire,  20. 

Lith. 

malda,  75. 

LLat. 

invasio,  15. 

LLat. 

maliare,  71. 

208 


WORD   INDEX 


Eng. 

malinger,  179. 

OFr. 

malingien,  179. 

Fr. 

malingre,  179. 

LLat. 

mallare,  71,  72,  73. 

LLat. 

mallus,  71,  72,  73,  75. 

OHG. 

malon  (contend),  75. 

OHG. 

malon  (paint),  75. 

CGoth 

malthan,  75. 

LLat. 

manire,  72,  73. 

OHG. 

marahworfin,  67. 

Sem.-E 

g.marka  buthah,  152. 

OHG. 

mast,  133. 

MHG. 

mat,  131. 

Goth. 

mathl,  75. 

Goth. 

mathljan,  75. 

AS. 

metSel,  75. 

LLat. 

medicus,  70. 

LLat. 

medius,  70. 

Fr. 

mefaire,  162. 

MLG. 

meinasme,  181. 

Goth. 

me£,  75. 

AS. 

meld,  75. 

OHG. 

melda,  75. 

JSpan. 

meldar,  76. 

AS. 

meldian,  75. 

OHG. 

meldon,  75. 

Goth. 

meljan,  75. 

MLG. 

menasle,  181. 

Fr. 

meprendre,  162. 

Span. 

mesta,  133. 

OHG. 

mesti,  133. 

LLat., 

etc.  mis-,  161,  162. 

LLat. 

misfactor,  162. 

LLat. 

misfactum,    160,    161 

163. 

LLat. 

missa,  161. 

Goth. 

missadeths,  162, 163. 

Goth. 

missataujands,  162. 

LLat. 

missus,  160. 

Lat. 

mixta,  133. 

Slav. 

modi-,  mold-,  mol-,  75. 

OSlav. 

mogyla,  74. 

Copt. 

mologites,  57. 

Russ. 

molvit',  76. 

LLat. 

mudiscapis,  126. 

Heb. 

FpSOi  185- 

ON. 

NavZsyn,  170. 

AS. 

ra'eta,  190. 

162, 


OHG. 
LLat. 
LLat. 
LLat. 
Arab. 
LLat. 
Lat. 

Ger. 

LLat. 

Grk. 

Grk. 

Grk. 

Grk. 

ON. 

Prov. 

LLat. 

LLat. 

OHG. 

Fr. 

Sum. 

Ass. 

LLat. 

LLat. 

LLat. 

LLat. 

LLat. 

LLat. 

Aram. 

LLat. 

OPrus. 

Lat. 

Lat. 

Lat. 

MGrk. 
MGrk. 
MGrk. 
Grk. 

LLat. 
LLat. 
LLat. 
LLat. 
LLat. 
OHG. 
OHG. 


Obizgadem,  97. 

obligare,  193. 

obligatio,  196. 

obmallare,  71,  73. 

ofcn'z,  185. 

obriziatum,  187. 

obrussa,  obryza,  185, 186, 187, 

189. 
ohmd,  omd,  etc.,  131. 
omallare,  71. 
8fu\os,  74. 
6/j.oXoyeT,  55. 
d/xoXoyla,  55. 
6/j.o\oyr]T-QS,  75. 
prma,  181. 
orboulhou,  124. 
ostagium,  20. 
ostaticum,  20. 
ostertuldi,  47. 
dtagre,  20. 

Par,  177. 
paradu,  142. 
par  angaria,  152. 
parata,  143,  152. 
paraveredus,    142,    143,    144, 

152. 
parlacium,  etc.,  96. 
parlamentum,  96. 
parlare,  96. 
parvila,  95. 
pasnagium,  133. 
pausto,  103. 
peat,  189,  190. 
peculium,  190. 
pecunia,  190. 
pefc-,  pafc-,  190. 
Trepiav\iov,  92. 
irepipokris,  93. 
irepij36\iop,  etc.,  92,  93. 
7T6/>#oXos,  92,  93,  95,  96,  97, 

98. 
peribulus,  92. 
perilasium,  94,  95,  96. 
perivolium,  93. 
perlagium,  etc.,  95. 
perlascium,  etc.,  95. 
phlekan,  etc.,  48. 
phlicht,  48. 


WORD   INDEX 


209 


ON. 

plaga,  48. 

Prov. 

rebouibre,  etc.,  129. 

LLat. 

plagiare,  47,  48. 

Bulg. 

red,  153. 

LLat. 

plagiator,  47. 

Lat. 

reda,  151,  152,  156. 

LLat. 

plebium,  plevium,  48. 

Lith. 

redas,  153. 

ON. 

plega,  48. 

Grk. 

'ptdij,  etc.,  151. 

AS. 

plegan,  etc.,  48. 

Lett. 

redit,  153. 

OHG. 

plegan,  48. 

OBulg. 

redu,  153. 

LLat. 

plegium,  47,  48. 

LLat. 

redus,  151. 

Fr. 

pleige,  48. 

Fr. 

regain,  128,  129. 

OSlav. 

plensati,  48. 

Fr.  (d) 

regamer,  129. 

AS. 

pleo,  etc.,  48. 

Fr.  (d) 

regouiver,  129. 

Boh. 

plesali,  48. 

Fr.  (d) 

reguin,  etc.,  129. 

OFr.  Prov.  plevir,  48. 

Olr. 

md,  153. 

AS. 

pliht,  48. 

OHG. 

reita,  etc.,  152. 

AS. 

plihtan,  48. 

Fr.  (d) 

rekwa,  etc.,  130. 

Goth. 

plinsjan,  48. 

Prov. 

relubre,  129. 

LLat. 

portgrevius,  21. 

Slav. 

rend-,  153. 

Balt.-Slav.  post-,  pust-,  103. 

Prov. 

reprin,  130. 

Lith. 

posts,  103. 

LLat. 

resagire,  17. 

LLat. 

pratolaseum,  95. 

Prov. 

reto7Ze,  130. 

LLat. 

prendere,  3. 

Span. 

retallo,  130. 

LLat. 

presa,  82,  83. 

Span. 

retono,  130. 

Lith. 

preskas,  107. 

Prov. 

revieure,  129. 

Slav. 

pres'n,  107. 

Fr.  (d) 

revouivre,  129. 

LLat. 

presura,  78,  79,  80,  82. 

Fr.  (d) 

rewain,  etc.,  130. 

Lat. 

proculcator,  40. 

Olr. 

riadaim,  153. 

LLat. 

proprisum,  80,  82. 

ON. 

rt5o,  153. 

p-ugr-,  7rvK-,  57. 

AS. 

ridan,  153. 

Lat. 

pugillar,  57. 

AS. 

ridda,  153. 

Grk. 

TTVKTIOV,     1t6kIOV,     57. 

Lett. 

ridw,  153. 

Ass. 

purldu,  142. 

Lett. 

rinda,  153. 

OSlav. 

pusta,  103. 

Lith. 

rinda,  153. 

OSlav. 

pustiti,  103. 

Lett. 

nsf,  153. 

OSlav. 

pustyna,  pushjnja,  103. 

OHG. 
OBret. 

ritari,  etc.,  152. 
roed,  153. 

LLat. 

Quadriscapis,  127. 

Eng. 

roughings,  129. 

Fr. 

quais,  100. 

Prov. 

rouibra,  etc.,  129. 

Q7A-,  177. 

Eng. 

rowen,  129. 

QF/2-,  177. 

Prov. 
OWel. 

ruca,  124. 
rmd,  153. 

AS. 

flad,  152. 

Pol. 

-rzad,  153. 

AS. 

rdd,  152. 

Slav. 

rad-,  153. 

Span.  Port.  Saca,  13. 

ON. 

rd'Sa,  153. 

Span. 

sacar,  12. 

Pol. 

rada,  153. 

LLat. 

sacare,  12,  13. 

AS. 

raed,  153. 

Fr. 

saccager,  14. 

AS. 

rdedan,  153. 

Ital. 

saccardo,  14. 

Goth. 

raid jan,  152. 

Ital. 

sacchegiare,  14. 

OHG. 

rdtan,  153. 

LLat. 

saccomannus,  etc.,  13, 

14,  15 

210 


WORD   INDEX 


LLat. 

saccum,  14. 

OHG. 

sculdan,  50. 

LLat. 

sacibaro,  etc.,  12,  14,  15 

LLat. 

sculdasius,  44. 

LLat. 

sacire,  4,  17. 

OHG. 

sculdhaizo,  etc.,  50. 

sag-,  15. 

LLat. 

sculdhoris,  44. 

LLat. 

sagemannus,  14. 

OHG. 

sculdon,  50. 

LLat. 

sagio,  10,  13. 

OHG. 

sculinge,  43. 

LLat. 

sagire,  17,  20. 

LLat. 

scutarius,  44,  45,  49. 

Olr. 

saig-,  15. 

Lat. 

scutum,  43,  49. 

LLat. 

saio,  10,  13,  24,  25,  45. 

AS. 

sq/Zd  (shield),  49. 

LLat. 

saisire,  etc.,  15,  16. 

AS. 

sq/M  (sin),  50. 

MGrk. 

<tAkcl,  13. 

LLat. 

sebrum,  185. 

Lith. 

sakiti,  15. 

Eng. 

seisin,  16. 

Finn. 

sakka,  15. 

LLat. 

seisiscere,  15,  16. 

Goth. 

salithwos,  60. 

LLat. 

senior,  31,  32,  34. 

Goth. 

saljan,  60. 

LLat. 

senium,  173. 

Arab. 

sdqah,  13. 

Lith. 

sidabras,  185. 

LLat. 

sasire,  saxire,  17. 

Goth. 

silubr,  185. 

LLat. 

satiare,  3. 

LLat. 

siniscalcus,  etc.,  33,  34 

LLat. 

saziare,  3. 

OSlav. 

strebro,  185. 

LLat. 

sazina,  4. 

LLat. 

sm'Z,  3. 

Ital. 

sbrocco,  etc.,  124. 

MGrk. 

<rKa\a,  100. 

Ital.  (d 

)  scd,  101. 

MGrk. 

CTKO.XldTl/COJ',    101. 

Lat. 

scala,  100,  101. 

OHG. 

sfcatt,  189,  190. 

LLat. 

scalalicum,  etc.,  100,  102. 

Goth. 

skatts,  189. 

LLat. 

scalcus,  32,  34,  35. 

Lith. 

skeliu,  51. 

Span. 

scaliar,  100. 

Lith. 

skilau,  51. 

LLat. 

scaliare,  84. 

Goth. 

skildus,  49. 

LLat. 

scalidare,  83. 

ON. 

skjoldr,  49. 

Span. 

scalio,  100. 

Norw. 

skjula,  43. 

LLat. 

scancia,  32,  33. 

Dan. 

skjule,  43. 

LLat. 

scare,  101. 

Lith. 

skola,  51. 

LLat. 

scaria,  etc.,  101. 

OSlav. 

skotu,  189. 

LLat. 

scavagium,  102. 

MGrk. 

cr/coOX/ca,   (t/coCXto,  40. 

OHG. 

scazwurf,  190. 

MGrk. 

a'KoyXKe^ij',  40. 

AS. 

sceavian,  102. 

MGrk. 

<xkout(£/nos,  49. 

LLat. 

scharum,  101. 

MGrk. 

(TK0VTOP,    49. 

Lat. 

schola,  33,  38. 

sfcu-,  49. 

Lat. 

scholaris,  34,  44. 

Goth. 

s&w7,  skidd,  47. 

MLG. 

schtilen,  43. 

Goth. 

skula,  50. 

LLat. 

schultarius,  etc.,  44,  45. 

Swed. 

skula,  43. 

Olr. 

sciath,  49. 

Goth. 

skulan,  50. 

OHG. 

scz7i,  49. 

Goth. 

skuldo,  50. 

OBret. 

scoii,  49. 

Goth. 

skulds,  50. 

Lat. 

sco-pa,  122. 

Eng. 

sfcwZ/c,  43. 

Eng. 

scowl,  43. 

Norw. 

skulka,  43. 

OWel. 

sna7,  49. 

Dan. 

skulke,  43. 

LLat. 

sculca,  sculta,  40,  43,  45,  50. 

Norw. 

skulma,  etc.,  43. 

OHG. 

sculd,  49. 

Alb. 

sft'w£,  eic,  49. 

LLat. 

sculdais,  etc.,  44. 

Lith. 

skyla,  51. 

WORD   INDEX 


211 


ON. 

skyla,  43. 

Goth. 

teihan,  171,  172. 

Swed. 

skyla,  43. 

OFr. 

tenis,  168. 

LLat. 

sociare,  2,  3. 

LLat. 

tenuis,  167. 

Russ. 

socit',  15. 

AS. 

teon,  171. 

MDut. 

soene,  170. 

LLat. 

tesire,  etc.,  20. 

Dut. 

soenen,  170. 

LLat. 

testibusonis,  etc.,  171. 

Fr. 

soin,  170. 

Finn. 

teudnar,  38. 

Slav. 

sok-,  15. 

AS. 

tfie^n,  efc.,  38. 

LLat. 

solatium,  28,  29,  42. 

ON. 

^e^n,  38. 

LLat. 

solisacire,  41. 

Goth. 

theihan,  36. 

LLat. 

solsadium,  42. 

AS. 

thenian,  38. 

LLat. 

solsatire,  41. 

AS. 

<feort,  36. 

OFr. 

sona,  170. 

AS. 

theowe,  etc.,  37. 

OHG. 

sdna,  170. 

Goth. 

thewisa,  37. 

Norw. 

sone,  170. 

AS. 

</m?(7,  t/n'nc,  e£c,  37. 

LLat. 

sonia,  165,  169,  170,  171. 

AS 

thioda,  thiod,  38. 

LLat. 

soniare,  169,  170. 

Goth. 

thiuda,  38. 

LLat. 

squalidum,  28,  82,  83,  84,  86, 

Goth. 

thiudans,  38. 

98,  100. 

LLat. 

thiufadus,  29,  30,  35,  64 

LLat. 

squalor,  83,  100. 

Goth. 

thius,  37. 

Ital. 

squero,  101. 

Goth. 

thiwadw,  37. 

LLat. 

staggire,  17. 

Goth. 

thiwi,  37. 

LLat. 

stasina,  20. 

ON. 

thjdnari,  38. 

Boh. 

statek,  169. 

thung-,  tung-,  37. 

Slov. 

statek,  189. 

LLat. 

ihunginus,  see  tunginus. 

LLat. 

stazire,  20. 

ON. 

thungr,  36. 

OSlav. 

si^w,  49. 

AS. 

tf/i<,  172. 

LLat. 

strudis,  trudis,  28. 

AS. 

tihtbysig,  171,  172. 

LLat. 

strutis,  28. 

ORuss. 

<win,  fo'ran,  38. 

LLat. 

sulsadina,  41,  43. 

Pol. 

&&«,  47. 

OHG. 

sumen,  171. 

OHG. 

fofa,  36. 

LLat. 

sumnis,  171. 

OHG. 

<<%,  foZe,  47. 

LLat. 

sunia,  165. 

Slav. 

foZ/c-,  47. 

Goth. 

sunja,  170,  171. 

Slav. 

ton<7-,  36. 

Goth. 

sunjon,  170. 

Umb. 

iota-,  tfufa-,  38. 

Goth. 

sunjons,  170. 

Lat. 

iotos,  38. 

LLat. 

sunnis,  etc.,  165,   166,    169, 

Sab. 

icmto,  38. 

170. 

Osc. 

fowfo,  38. 

OHG. 

suona,  170. 

Goth. 

trauan,  37. 

MDut. 

swoene,  170. 

LLat. 

tregua,  37. 

ON. 

sr/n,  170. 

AS. 

freow,  37. 

Goth. 

triggwa,  37. 

Goth. 

Taiknjan,  171. 

OFr. 

triues,  37. 

Eng. 

taZfc,  47. 

OHG. 

triuwa,  37. 

Lett. 

toZfco,  toifcs,  talkus,  47. 

OHG. 

<r<5s<,  37. 

LLat. 

tangano,  etc.,  26,  27. 

LLat. 

frwstas,  27,  28,  29,  37. 

Fr. 

tangonner,  26. 

Ir. 

<i(a^,  39. 

Eg. 

t'aroba,  185. 

Wei. 

<wd,  39. 

Lett, 

touto,  38. 

Slav. 

tu0a,  36. 

212 


WORD   INDEX 


OHG. 

tilgan,  etc.,  36. 

146,   147,   148,   150,   151, 

OHG. 

tuldjan,  47. 

152,  156. 

OHG. 

tult,  47. 

Lith. 

vertas,  151. 

AS. 

tunesgerefa,  21. 

Ger. 

verwirken,  163. 

LLat. 

tunginus,  14,  15,  22,  23,  26, 

LLat. 

vetatum,  135,  136. 

27,  30,  35,  37,  45. 

LLat. 

vidata,  127. 

Corn. 

tils,  39. 

Lat. 

vigilia,  40. 

Osc. 

ttivtlks,  38. 

Celt. 

vind-,  111. 

OSlav. 

tuzdl,  38. 

RRom. 

vit,  etc.,  134. 

Slav. 

tyagati,  36. 

LLat. 

vitatum,  etc.,  134,  135. 

Slav. 

tyagati  sya,  36. 

LLat. 

vitis,  110,  125,  126,  132. 

Slav. 

tyala,  36. 

Slav. 

vlad,  99. 

OFr. 

voide,  vuide,  127,  128. 

Copt. 

TJain,  uein,  111. 

ON. 

vollr,  98. 

Eg. 

uban,  111. 

OHG. 

vorst,  104. 

Goth. 

urredan,  153. 

Prov. 

voure,  etc.,  129. 

OBulg. 

vr&d,  151. 

LLat. 

Vacartum,  126. 

Copt. 

vrehi,  etc.,  152. 

LLat. 

vacivus,  132. 

OFr. 

vuid,  vuit,  132,  134. 

LLat. 

vacuus,  etc.,  131,  132. 

Ital. 

vuoto,  134. 

AS. 

vae'S,  134. 

OHG. 

vure,  155. 

OFr. 

vague,  131. 

Fr.  (d) 

vut,  etc.,  134. 

OFr. 

vaine,  etc.,  128,  131,  135. 

Celt. 

void-,  vlad-,  99. 

LLat. 

Wadiscabium,  127. 

Slav. 

raW-,  99. 

LLat. 

wadriscapis,  126. 

Lith. 

valdyti,  98,  99. 

AS. 

waer,  63. 

Lat. 

raZeo,  98. 

Fr. 

wain,  130. 

Olran. 

van-,  111. 

Goth. 

wairpan,  66. 

ON. 

van,  178. 

Goth. 

wairth-,  156. 

Skrt. 

van-,  177. 

Goth. 

wairths,  151. 

Skrt. 

vana,  etc.,  111. 

OHG. 

traZd,  98. 

Slav. 

var-,  65. 

Goth. 

waldan,  98,  99. 

LLat. 

varcinaticum,  58. 

LLat. 

waldator,  etc.,  88. 

Slav. 

mrd-,  rart-,  65. 

OPrus. 

waldnika,  99. 

LLat. 

varenna,  62. 

LLat. 

waldum,  88. 

LLat. 

vassallus,  57,  60,  61. 

OHG. 

tmZi-,  wald-,  99. 

LLat. 

tfassus,  60. 

Ger. 

walten,  99. 

LLat. 

msta,   102,    103,    104,    124, 

Eg. 

loan,  177. 

126. 

OHG. 

wan,  178. 

LLat. 

vastina,  103. 

war-,  64. 

LLat. 

vastum,  102,  106. 

OHG. 

wara,  63. 

Span. 

vedado,  116,  117,  135. 

LLat. 

warciniscum,  58,  59. 

Drav. 

ven-,  177. 

LLat. 

warcinium,  58. 

Lat. 

venor,  178. 

LLat. 

warcinus,  58, 59. 

Lat. 

venus,  etc.,  178. 

ward-,  64." 

Ger. 

ver-,  163. 

LLat. 

wardia,  64,  65. 

ON. 

rerftr,  151. 

Goth. 

wardja,  65. 

LLat. 

veredarius,  144. 

AS. 

warenian,  warnian,  63. 

Lat. 

veredus,  142,  143,  144,  145, 

LLat. 

tcarews,  68. 

WORD   INDEX 


213 


Fr.  (d) 

warechais,  etc.,  127. 

Fr.  (d) 

wt'rf,  134. 

OFr. 

warescais,  etc.,  127. 

OFr. 

un'de,  127,  128. 

OFr. 

warescape,  127. 

LLat. 

widis,  126,  127,  132. 

Goth. 

warjan,  63. 

LLat. 

widriscapis,  126. 

OHG. 

warjan,  werjan,  63. 

OHG. 

loifcfc",  99. 

LLat. 

warnire,  62. 

Goth. 

wiltheis,  99. 

OHG. 

warnon,  63. 

win-,  180. 

LLat. 

warpi  te,  67. 

OFr. 

win,  128. 

LLat. 

warrantis,  61. 

AS. 

winnan,  180. 

Goth. 

wars,  63. 

OHG. 

winne,  133. 

OHG. 

warta,  65. 

LLat. 

wittiscalcus,  31,  34,  35 

OHG. 

warten,  65. 

Eng. 

looW,  98. 

AS. 

warn,  63. 

OHG. 

wosto,  efc.,  103. 

LLat. 

waskium,  127. 

OFris. 

wostene,  etc.,  103. 

LLat. 

wastina,  103. 

OS. 

«>ds<i,  103. 

OFr. 

waym,  etc.,  128,  130,  131. 

OHG. 

wostinna,  etc.,  103. 

AS.  Eng.  weald,  98. 

OS. 

wostunnia,  103. 

AS. 

weard,  65. 

Fr.  (d) 

wo?/e,  efc.,  129. 

AS. 

weardgerefa,  21. 

OHG. 

wuosti,  103. 

AS. 

wearinan,  63. 

OHG. 

wuostwaldi,  98. 

Fr.  (d) 

weid,  134. 

OHG. 

wunnia,  178. 

Ger. 

wade,  132,  134. 

AS. 

wen, 178. 

LLat. 

Xasire,  17. 

Goth. 

toens,  178. 

AS. 

weorlS,  151. 

Fr.  (d) 

wercha,  127. 

OBuIg. 

Fesen',  181. 

OHG. 

weren,  63. 

Corn. 

ysguydh,  49. 

AS. 

werian,  63. 

OFr. 

werpir,  66. 

OHG. 

Zeihanen,  171. 

LLat. 

werpire,  66. 

OBuIg. 

Sen-,  181. 

LLat. 

werra,  64. 

LLat. 

zenttis,  173,  175,  178. 

OHG. 

werra,  63. 

OHG. 

zic/ii,  172. 

LLat. 

werrire,  64. 

OHG. 

zihen,  171. 

OFris. 

werth,  151. 

OHG. 

ziuhan,  37. 

OPrus. 

werths,  151. 

Copt. 

g»/,  185. 

AS. 

ice'ste,  103. 

Dut. 

zoen,  170. 

AS. 

wisten,  103. 

Dut. 

zuitnen,  171. 

SUBJECT  INDEX 


Adoptionist  heresy  of  Spanish  Goths 
combatted  by  Agobard,  Alcuin, 
Hincmar  and  Skeireins,  xlix-lix. 

Agens,  —  "surety,  legal  representa- 
tive," among  the  Teutons  homolo- 
gus,  67,  68,  71,  —  later  replaced 
by  gerens,  gar  ens,  67. 

Agentes  in  rebus,  in  Roman  law,  exec- 
utive officers,  10,  —  titled  devoti, 
30,  —  in  Germanic  states  important 
officers  of  courts,  due  to  former  em- 
ployment of  Germans  in  this  func- 
tion, 35. 

Ager  occupatorius,  state  land,  under 
Roman  law  subject  to  seizure  by 
veterans  for  cultivation,  81,  82.  See 
rudis  ager,  caduca  mortuorum  bona, 
squalidus. 

Agobard,  —  see  Adoptionist  heresy, 
Skeireins. 

Alcuin,  called  by  Charlemagne  to 
fight  Adoptionist  heresy,  1,  —  com- 
mentary on  St.  John  basis  of  many 
medieval  commentaries,  liv.  See 
Skeireins. 

Alfonso  I  colonises  Galicia  devastated 
by  Arabs,  78,  79. 

Allegare,  etc.,  Roman  formula  in  dona- 
tion, 192,  193,  195,  —  original  form 
probably  alligare,  195,  —  inter- 
preted correctly  by  Anglo-Saxons, 
195,  —  adopted  by  Franks  to  de- 
note land  enjoying  immunity,  195. 
See  etymology. 

Alode,  first  used  in  document  of  629- 
39,  191,—  of  inherited  land,  191-2, 
corrupted  from  allegatum  only  in 
Merovingian  France,  192,  194,  ex- 
planation of  the  corruption,  194—6. 

Alsaccia,  Ribuarian  formula  of  dis- 
tress, 42,  etymology,  43. 


Anglo-Saxon  laws,  14,  140,  158-60, 
195. 

Antrustio,  see  trustis. 

Appretiatum,  see  Matt.,  xxvii,  9. 

Aprision,  see  presura. 

Arabic  influence  in  Germanic,  62,  65- 
7,  in  Slavic,  74. 

Arbustaria,  (Italian  document  of  904- 
5)  tax  for  pasturing  in  the  forest, 
113,  116. 

Arbustata  (terra,  etc.)  about  Naples, 
(1)  arbustum  vitatum  (X  cent.) 
Ill, —  (2)  woodland,  (XI  cent.) 
112. 

Arbustum  (often  with  vitis)  a  grove 
for  supporting  vines,  used  as  a  pas- 
ture, 110,  —  arbustum  vitatum  (S. 
Italian  documents  to  XII  cent.) 
the  same,  111,  —  in  Spain  (arbusta 
in  VIII  cent.,  but  generally  bustum, 
115,  119)  any  enclosed  pasture,  115, 
119,  141, — whence  institution 
spreads  via  France  through  Eu- 
rope, 119,  141,  —  bringing  a  large 
linguistic  family,  119.  See  buscus, 
etymology,  vitata. 

Avian,  see  Skeireins. 

Arius,  see  Skeireins. 

Atone,  etymology,  168. 

Baccalarius,  a  peasant  (poor  or  un- 
married) in  charge  of  a  corral  (bus- 
turn,  boalaria,  baccalaria),  119,  — 
in  sense  of  "bachelor,"  spreads 
from  S.  France,  119,  —  relation  to 
Hagestolz,  etc.,  119. 

Bavarian  laws,  72,  149,  160,  188. 

Biological  evolution  not  physically 
operative  in  field  of  human  actions, 
xxiii. 

Blends,  —  allegatum:  laudatum,  (alod) 


SUBJECT   INDEX 


215 


195,  —  brosca:  branca,  (branca)  122, 

—  brosca:  brocchus  (broca)  121,  — 
brosca:  frons  (bronda)  122,  — 
brosca:  scopa  (bropa)  122,  —  de- 
canus:  ducena,  38,  — fiscus:  emphy- 
teucarius  (feodus)  183,  190,  —  gar-: 
gard-,  64-5,  —  genius:  ydvos  (gano) 
178,  —  inferenda:  vereda  (freda) 
146,  —  ostagium:  sagire  (staggire) 
20,  —  sculca:  scutum  (scultarius) 
43-5,  49-50. 

Blood-feud  in  Germanic  law  due  to 
Roman  influence,  157,  164,  —  pro- 
hibited in  Anglo-Saxon  and  Lango- 
bard  laws,  158-9. 

Bobbio,  Spanish  MSS.  from  Septi- 
mania,  xlvi. 

Boscairare,  etc.,  (forest  privilege)  the 
right  to  cut  green  timber  for  build- 
ing, dead  wood  for  fuel,  120. 

Brehon  laws,  42. 

Brogilus  (ireptpoXos)  =  "grove"  in 
Charlemagne's  Capitulare  De  Vil- 
lis,  93,  96,  —  semantic  change  to 
Ger.  Briihl,  97. 

Brolium,  (irepl(3o\os)  ducal  or  muni- 
cipal palace  and  garden  (Italy,  X 
cent.)  93,  96,  —  chiefly  in  Venice 
and  Lombardy,  94,  —  in  Milan  on 
site  of  Roman  theater,  95.  See  peri- 
lasium. 

Buccellarius,  in  Notitia  Dignitatum, 

53,  —  a  private  retainer,  Roman  or 
Goth,  53,  —  in  Visigothic  law,  52, 

54,  —  a  free  man  bound  by  con- 
tract to  defend  a  patron,  52,  54-5, 

—  legislation  against  institution, 
52,  —  etymology,  57.  See  hom- 
ologus. 

Buscus,  (boscus)  in  France  replaces 
bustum  (arbustum)  of  Spanish  doc- 
uments, 120,  —  passes  into  Italy  in 
post-Carolingian  time,  113,  —  bos- 
cus idridis,  building  timber,  dis- 
tinguished from  boscus  siccus,  dead 
wood,  faggot,  120-1,  —  dead  wood  to 
be  sought  with  wooden  hooks,  121- 
2,  —  whence  LLat.  buscare,  Span. 
buscar  =  "seek, "    121,    124,  —  use 


of  faggots  develops  idea  of  Fr. 
bruler,  122,  —  relation  of  ideas  of 
"bush"  and  "noise,"  104,  106,  124, 

—  study  of  derivatives,  121-4,  — 
spread  of  derivatives  from  France  to 
Italy  (XII  cent.)  124. 

Bust-,   brust-,    (arbustum)   in  Basque 

and  Romance,  120-4. 
Bustalizia,  in  Navarre  the  enclosure 

of  the  common  pasture  in  the  forest, 

117,  —  laid  out  by  hammerthrow  — 

117-8. 
Bustum,  see  arbustum. 

Caduca  mortuorum  bona,  estates  of 
condemned  criminals  or  persons 
dying  without  heirs,  82,  —  in  Span- 
ish law  (VIII  cent.)  de  succo  mor- 
tuorum, 79,  82. 

Cassiodorus,  10,  11,  21,  25,  142,  148, 
150,  167,  176. 

Celtic  etymologies  refuted,  142  (vere- 
dus)  152,  (reda). 

Centenarius,  inferior  to  tunginus,  23, 

—  thiufadus,  30,  —  sculdais,  44,  — 
identical  with  trustis,  27. 

Charlemagne  calls  Alcuin  to  France 
to    combat  Adopt ionist   heresy,  1, 

—  decrees  homilies  be  written  in 
native  tongue,  lxi,  —  grants  lands 
by  aprision  to  Spanish  refugees,  77, 

—  uses  brogilus  =  lucus,  in  Capitu- 
lare De  Villis,  93. 

Charles  the  Bald  permits  Spanish  col- 
onists in  S.  France  to  preserve  local 
customs,  77. 

Cherokee  laws  compared  with  Bur- 
gundian,  xxvii-ix,  —  Salic  laws, 
xxviii. 

Chrysographic  art  in  Carolingian 
times,  xxxix-xli. 

Codex  Argenteus,  see  palaeography. 

Codex  Brixianus,  xxxviii-xl. 

Codex  Carolinus,  see  palaeography. 

Codex  Vaticanus  5750,  see  palaeog- 
raphy. 

Confiscation,  3-17,  28-30,  131,  — 
Roman  formulas,    (1)  sociare,  1,  2, 

—  corruption  of  same  in  Germanic 


216 


SUJBECT   INDEX 


laws  and  medieval  documents,  (so- 
cio fisco)  2-4,  10,  12,  —  (2)  inferre, 
4-10,  —  estates  of  condemned 
criminals,  82,  157,  —  abandoned 
land  (vacuus  et  inanis)  131,  —  in 
medieval  times  executed  by  im- 
minens,  25,  —  sacibaro,  14—15,  — 
sagio,  11,  12,  27,  45,  —  sculdais,  44- 
5,  —  thiufadus,  29,  30,  —  trustis, 
27-8,  —  tunginus,  22,  26,  45,— 
wittiscalcus,  33-4. 

Corve~e  (warcinium)  due  from  free  serfs, 
58. 

Criminal  procedure  in  Germanic  law 
derived  from  edicts  of  Theodosian 
Code,  49. 

Cyril,  see  Skeireins. 

Debt  (legal  sense),  in  Celtic,  Germanic 
and  Slavic,  due  to  contact  with 
Roman  law,  47-9,  —  all  words  in 
European  languages  "debt,  guilt, 
pledge,"  derived  from  Latin,  49. 
See  dulg-,  pleg-,  skuld-. 

Decanus,  synonym  of  tunginus  in 
Pithoean  glosses,  23,  —  confused 
with  ducena,  38.    See  etymology. 

Devotus,  in  Theodosian  Code,  of  a  sol- 
dier who  paid  his  taxes  promptly, 
11,  —  in  Roman  law,  honorific  title 
of  executive  officers,  11,  30-1,  34-5. 
See  etymology,  thiufadus. 

Distrain,  from  legal  formula,  dis- 
tringente  fisco,  27. 

Distress,  in  Roman  law,  42-3,  —  in 
Frankish  law,  23-4,  26,  41-3,— 
Frankish  formulas,  27,  40-2,  — 
these  corrupted  from  Roman,  23, 
—  in  Irish  law  borrowed  from 
Frankish,  42.  See  alsaccia,  solem 
collocare. 

Divisa  (divisa  inmonte)  =  "pasture," 
in  common  land  between  villages, 
138,  140,  —  older  than  vetatum  in 
Spain,  136,  139,  —  passes  from 
Spain  to  N.  Italy,  137-8,  —  first  in 
Italy  in  a  Carolingian  document  of 
783,  137,  —  word  corrupted  from 
(pezia)  de  vitis,  139,  —  subsequent 


corruptions,  (devesa,  defensa,  de- 
hesa,  defay),  139-41. 

Donations,  record  prescribed  by 
Roman  law,  192,  —  Roman  for- 
mula, 192-3,  195,  —  wills  recorded 
as  such  in  Gothic  law,  193-4.  See 
alode. 

Ducena,  office  of  ducenarius,  22. 

Ducenarius  (Roman)  judge  in  minor 
cases,  introduced  by  Augustus,  22, 

—  could  not  summon  debtor  with- 
out warrant,  23.   See  tunginus. 

Dulg-(LLa,t.  dulgere)  (1)  =  "debt," 
in  Celtic  ,  45,  —  in  Slavic,  45,  51, 

—  in  Gothic,  45,  47,  —  not  else- 
where in  Germanic,  47,  —  ( 2 )  = 
"  festival,"  in  Germanic,  Baltic, 
Slavic,  47, —  (3)  =  "assault,  wound, 
strike,"  in  Germanic,  and  Slavic 
from  OHG.,  47.  See  skuld-. 

Dulgere,  synonym  of  indulgere  in 
eighth  century,  45.  See  etymology, 
indulgere. 

Edictum  Theoderici,  47,  68  -9,  71,  194. 

Emphyteutic   contract,    in    Italy    (IX 

cent.)  emphitecarius,fiotecarius,  183, 

—  contains  germs  of  feudal  system, 
184,  —  requires  holders  of  vine- 
yards to  keep  up  and  improve  es- 
tate, 111,  —  mention  of  swine 
tithe,  107. 

Etymology  of  derivatives  of  allegatum, 
192,—  arbustum,  118-124,  —  ga- 
rapu,    185-6,    189,  —  cohortis,    65, 

—  decanus,  38-9,  —  devotus,  31, 
35,  37-9,  —  dulgere,  45,  47,  51,  — 
excoctum,  189,  —  extrudere,  28-9, 
37,  — f actio,  158,  164,  — fiscus,  — 
188-90,  —  foris,  160,  162-3,  — 
gaium,  90-1,  97,  99,  100,— 
genius,     128-33,     174-5,     177-81, 

—  gerere,  61-4,  —  gravitas,  21,  — 
hariba,  65-7,  —  homologus,  69-72, 
74-5,  —  hostis,  20,  —  idoneus,  165, 
168-72,  —  ingenium,  179-80,  — 
missus,  160-62,  —  mixta,  133,  — 
6fjLo\oyriT^s,  75,  — vepl^oXos,  92,  93— 
7,  —  plagiare,     48,  —  pug-,     itvk-, 


SUBJECT   INDEX 


217 


57,  —  QVR-,  QVN-,  177-8,  —  reda, 
151-4,  —scala,  100-1,  —  schola,  33- 
5,  —  sculca,  43,  45,  47,  50-1,— 
scutum,  43-5,  49-50,  —  squalidus 
(gualdus)  88, 98-9,  —socio,  3, 12-15, 
20,  27,  —  tunginus,  26-7,  36-7,  — 
vasaria,  57-60,  —  vasta,  103-8, 
126,  —  veredus,  145,  151-3,  155-6, 

—  vigilia,  40,  50-1,  —  vitatum,  116, 

—  vitis,  125-8,  131-1,  136,  139-41. 
Excideator  (exculcator,  excultator)  Brit- 
ish scouts  in  Notitia  Dignitatum, 
40,  —  shorter  form  culeator  shown 
by  Wei.  gwyliadur,  derived  from 
Lat.  vigilia,  40. 

F actio,  in  Roman  law  "treason"  157, 

—  in  AS.  law,  158,  —  identity  of 
factio  and  faida  (AS.  faehSe)  158- 
60.  See  etymology. 

Fagia,  etc.,  derivation  from  gafagium, 
89. 

Faida  (1)  OHG.  faida,  from  Lat.  fac- 
tum, 160,  (cf.  Salic  faido,  156,  160) 
(2)  LLat.  faida,  from  factio,  159. 

Faihu  (Goth.)  from  OFr.  feu  =  fiscus, 
property,  189-90,  —  not  from  Lat. 
pecu  "cattle,"  since  "property"  is 
an  older  significance  than  "cattle," 
189-90. 

Ferquidum,  irregular  spelling,  7,  —  no 
definite  meaning  and  misunder- 
stood, 5,  6,  —  first  used  in  docu- 
ment of  739  (in  ferquide  loco),  5,  — 
probable  origin,  10,  —  reference  to 
a  special  fine  in  Langobard  laws,  4, 

—  in  Langobard  documents  always 
in  connection  with  stipulatio  dup- 
lae,  7,  —  originally  meant  a  double 
fine,  5,  7. 

Fiscus,  in  sixth  century,  "tribute," 
anything  from  which  revenue  is  de- 
rived, 182,  —  a  fixed  yearly  rent 
paid  by  the  emphyteute,  183,  — 
word  corrupted  successively  in 
Italy  to  fixum,  fictum,  fiotum  (under 
influence  of  enfeteuticarius)  183,  — 
in  France  to  fescus,  fis,feus,feo,  etc., 
184, 188-90,  —  by  misinterpretation 


of  legal  formula  fiscum  pretiatum, 
188.  See  etymology. 

Folk-etymology,  —  appretiatum,  187,  — 
atone,  168,  —  buccellarius,  53,  — 
defensa,  139,  —  divisa,  139, — fic- 
tum, 183,  — fixum,  183,  —  grum- 
met, 131,  —  homolegius,  76,  — ■ 
roughings,  129,  vetatum,  139. 

Forest,  idea  develops  comparatively 
late,  98,  —  not  in  Gothic,  98,  — 
swine-pasture,  107-8,  133,  —  pas- 
ture-tax, 107-8,  113,  116, —  right 
of  cutting  timber  and  firewood,  120. 
See  gaium,  gualdus,  wald. 

Forestis,  (Frankish)  first  recorded  in 
556,  of  fisheries,  104,  —  derivation 
from  vasta,  104,  126,  —  sense  of 
"forest"  acquired,  104, — word 
passes  from  OHG.  to  Slavic,  Mag- 
yar and  Roumanian,  104,  —  de- 
velopments in  Romance,  105-6,  — 
replaced  after  776  by  gualdus  in 
German  documents,  104. 

Foris-,  in  Merovingian  documents  re- 
places ex-,  16,  162,  —  shortened  to 
for-,  163,  —  ultimately  Ger.  ver-, 
163.  See  etymology. 

Frast-  >  frasc-,  discussed,  105-6. 

Friskinga,  in  St.  Gall  documents  cor- 
responds to  swine  tithe  of  Lucca, 
107-8,  —  in  OHG.  =  victima,  hos- 
tia,  108,  —  yearling  pig,  paid  as 
tithe,  108,  —  name  derived  from 
frisca  =  "waste  land,"  108, — 
sense  of  "fresh"  secondary  in  Ro- 
mance and  German,  108. 

Ga-  initial,  understood  as  prefix  ga-, 
60,  89,  99,  181. 

Gain  (rowen,  128)  in  sixteenth  cen- 
tury altered  to  regain,  129,  —  study 
of  dialectic  forms,  129-31,  —  (1) 
gaim,  waim,  in  Provence,  129,  — 
passes  to  Italian  (gomereccio)  130, 
—  German  (Emde,  etc.)  131,  —  (2) 
regain,  in  dialects  north  of  Bor- 
deaux-Chalons' line,  130,  —  (3)  re- 
wain,  in  dialects  south  of  Belgium, 
130,  —  passing      into      Provencal 


218 


SUBJECT   INDEX 


forms,  129-30,  —  English  rowen 
from  Norman  revouin,  129.  See 
genius,  rowen. 

Gar-,  war-,  confused  with  gard-, 
ward-,  in  Germanic  and  Slavic, 
64-5. 

Gardingus,  see  guardia. 

Garens  (gerens)  first  at  Toulouse  in 
tenth  century,  61-2,  —  due  to 
Arabic  influence,  62,  65,  —  passes 
into  Romance,  63-4,  —  and  Ger- 
manic, 63-4.  See  etymology  —  gerere. 

Gaium,  replaces  gualdus  =  "forest" 
in  Italy,  87,  —  word  corrupted  in 
Langobard  laws,  {gaium,  gaaium, 
gahaium,  gahagium,  gafagium)  87, 
97,  100,  —  not  ownerless  wilderness, 
but  enclosed  common,  87,  —  word 
unknown  in  Spain,  102,  —  passes 
into  Slavic,  90.   See  etymology. 

Gaulish  gloss,  "caio  breialo  siue  bi- 
gardio"  investigated,  91,  92,  97,  — 
not  older  than  seventh  century,  97. 

Genius,  =  "good  intention,  honor," 
etc.,  (Cassiodorus,  Gregory,)  176- 
7,  —  in  fifth  and  sixth  centuries 
generally  =  ydvos,  178,  —  influ- 
ence of  Greek  on  form  of  word,  giv- 
ing gano,  gain,  etc.,  178-80,  — 
passes  in  Germanic  into  gwin-,  win-, 
181.   See  etymology. 

Germanic  laws  derived  from  literal 
interpretation  of  legal  formulas,  5. 

Gothic  Bible  not  translated  by  TJlfilas, 
xxxiii-vi,  —  not  known  to  Gothic 
writers  of  sixth  and  seventh  cen- 
turies, xxxiv-v,  —  mentioned  by 
Walafrid  Strabo  in  ninth  century  as 
work  of  learned  Goths,  xxxv,  — 
done  in  France  about  800,  lxi,  162. 
See  palaeography,  Skeireins. 

Gothic  language  influenced  by  French, 
67, 156, 189,  —  mentioned  by  Wala- 
frid Strabo,  xxxv,  —  spoken  in 
Spain  till  1091,  xxxvii,  — sentences 
in  Salzburg-Vienna  Alcuin  MS., 
xxxvi. 

Goths  in  eighth  century  settled  in 
S.  W.  France,  xlii,  67. 


Grafio  (Frankish)  21-2,  24,  —  chief 
judge,  21,  24,  —  later  identified 
with  comes,  21-2,  —  name  from 
Lat.  gravitas,  21. 

Gravitas,  honorific  title  of  various 
state  officials  (Theodosian  Code, 
Cassiodorus,  early  Ostrogothic  docu- 
ments), 21.   See  etymology. 

Gualdus,  (Italian)  synonyms,  terra, 
publica,  curtis,  pascua  publica, 
gaium,  87,  —  abandoned  land  re- 
verted to  state,  84,  86,  —  under 
same  conditions  as  Spanish  ex 
squalido,  86,  —  original  sense,  •  = 
"  dominium,"  85,  98,  —  whence 
derivatives  in  Balto-Slavic,  Celtic, 
Germanic,  98-9,  —  in  Balto-Slavic 
before  seventh  century,  99,  —  in 
sense  of  "wilderness,"  in  Celtic  and 
Germanic,  99,  —  word  unknown  in 
Spain,  98,  102,  —  in  Frankish  docu- 
ments only  after  Charlemagne's 
Italian  campaign,  98,  104,  —  sense 
of  "forest"  through  Langobard  in- 
fluence, 98.  See  etymology,  wald. 

Guardia,  etymologically  and  seman- 
tically  =  "militia  cortalis,  home 
guard,"  65,  —  whence  gardingus 
(Visigothic)  officer  of  home  guard, 
etc.,  64. 

Gurpire,  first  in  Carolingian  document 
of  794,  65,  —  borrowed  from  Arabic, 
65-6,  —  meaning  (1)  "abandon," 
the  original  sense,  65-6,  —  whence 
OFr.  gurpir,  etc.,  (2)  "throw" 
(Salic,  warpi  te,  Goth,  wairpan)  ac- 
quired by  association  with  Salic 
ceremony  of  cession  by  cast  of  fes- 
tuca,  66-7.  See  etymology  (hariba), 
warpi  te,  werpicio. 

Hammerthrow,  alleged  to  be  Germanic, 
117,  —  shown  by  identical  Navar- 
rese  custom  to  be  derived  from 
Roman  measurement  by  decem- 
peda  pertica,  118. 

Highway  tax,  (Roman)  of  two  kinds, 
(1)  veredi,  fast  horses,  (2)  paraveredi, 
draught  horses,  142,  152. 


SUBJECT   INDEX 


219 


Hincmar,  see  Skeireins. 
Homologare,  of  Christian  profession, 
transferred  from  legal  formula,  61, 

—  produces  feudal  terms  homo- 
legius,  etc.,  76. 

Homologia,  see  6fio\oyia. 

Homologies,  a  free  man  under  contract 
(homologia,  o/xoXoyia)  to  serve  a 
patron  in  return  for  certain  ad- 
vantages, 55-6,  —  originally  a  ten- 
ant farmer,  54,  —  in  the  West  called 
libellarius,  56-7,  vassus,  vassallus, 
57,  59-61,  warcinus  (Langobard) 
58-9,  —  gasindus  (Gothic,  Mero- 
vingian, Langobard)  59,  60  (of 
Goth,  gasintha),  —  gasalianus  (Visi- 
gothic)  59,  60,  —  also  a  private  re- 
tainer (buccellarius)  52-3,  —  duty 
of  homologies  as  legal  representative 
of  his  patron,  61,  67,  69,  70,  — 
equivalent  to  agens,  61,  67,  71.  See 
agens,  buccellarius,  etymology,  mal- 
lus,  ofidXoyla. 

Hospes,  of  billeted  soldiers,  etc.,  18, 

—  hence  "  surety,  warrantee,  hos- 
tage," 19,  —  replaced  by  hostis,  19, 
20,  —  through  influence  of  hosta- 
ticum,  misinterpreted  as  =  hospita- 
ticum,  in  document  of  904,  19.  See 
etymology  (hostis). 

Hospitale  ius,  Roman  law  governing 
billeting  of  soldiers  and  civil  officers 
in  private  houses,  18,  —  whence 
medieval  hospitium,  hospitaticum, 
18. 

Idoneus,  in  Roman  and  Visigothic  law, 
a  reliable  witness,  165-7,  —  a  docu- 
ment accepted  as  legal  proof,  166, 

—  legal  excuse  for  defaulting  a 
summons  to  court,  168-9.  See 
etymology,  sonia. 

Imminens,  confiscator,  from  warrant 
"te  imminente,"  25. 

Indian  parallels,  —  comparison  of  In- 
dians with  Germans  of  Caesar  and 
Tacitus,  xxiv-v,  treaty  of  1828, 
United  States  furnished  plain  laws  to 
the  Cherokees,  xxvi,  cf.  xxx,  xxxii, 


—  assimilation  of  White  men's  laws 
to  conditions  of  Indian  society, 
xxviii,  — institutions  unrelated  to 
the  past,  xxviii-xxx,  xli,  —  compari- 
son of  light-horse  to  Burgundian  wit- 
tiscalci  and  Salic  trustis,  xxviii,  simi- 
larity of  Cherokee  and  Burgundian 
laws  against  sale  of  property  to  out- 
siders, xxvii,  —  of  Indian  and  Ger- 
manic laws  against  destruction  of 
fruit-bearing  trees,  xxxi,  —  Indians 
became  American  as  Carolingian 
Franks  became  Roman,  xxxii. 

Indulgentia,  (Roman)  remission  of 
penalty  for  debts  and  minor  crimes, 
46-7,  —  often  issued  at  Easter  (for 
crimes)  46. 

Indulgere,  formula  of  cession  and  in- 
dulgence, 45-6.   See  dulgere. 

Injerendum,  in  Italy  and  France  a 
special  tax,  not  included  in  an  im- 
munity, 146,  —  influence  of  word 
on  vereda  (Jreda),  146. 

Inferre,  Roman  and  Visigothic  for- 
mula in  payment  of  fines,  1, 7, 8, 145, 

—  misunderstood  in  medieval  doc- 
uments, 8-9,  —  especially  in  Span- 
ish-Portuguese period,  8-9.  See 
ferquidum. 

Ingenium  (genium,  etc.)  after  second 
century  (Theodosian  Code,  Gre- 
gory, early  documents)  =  "  decep- 
tion, malus  dolus,"  173-6,  —  rep- 
resented by  forms  in  Romance, 
173-9,  and  Celtic,  180.  See  ety- 
mology. 

Iudex  publicus  (iudex  fiscalis  in  Ribua- 
rian  laws),  superior  judge  in  Frank- 
ish  courts,  148,  —  replaced  office  of 
rector  provinciae,  147,  —  sat  in  fiscal 
and  criminal  cases  (Raetian  law), 
147,  —  collected  fredum,  147-8,  — 
forbidden  to  exact  horses,  but  dis- 
regarded the  law,  148. 

Justinian  Code,  8,  154,  157. 

Land  measurement  in  Middle  Ages  by 
Byzantine  gromatic  method,  88. 


220 


SUBJECT   INDEX 


Langobard  laws,  xxxii,  4,  44,  67,  68, 

135-6, 154,  158-60,  167,  —  relation 

to  Visigothic  laws,  135-6. 
Leges  Alamannorum,  60,  70,  72,  157, 

169. 
Lex  Cornelia  de  sicariis,  157,  —  copied 

in  Lex  Alamannorum  de  factiosis, 

158,  —  closely  followed  in  Lango- 
bard law  de  ruslicanorum  seditionem, 

159,  —  extended  in  Ribuarian  law, 
162,  —  influence  on  Germans  in 
France,  164. 

Lex  Romana  Raetica  Curiensis,  33,  55, 
72,  146-8,  166. 

Libellarius,  see  homologus. 

Libellus,  see  6fw\oyia. 

Loca  absentium  squalida,  in  Theodo- 
sian  code,  abandoned  land,  reverted 
to  state,  in  Spanish  law,  terra  de 
escalido,  79,  82.   See  squalidus. 

Mallus,  (conventus),  a  fictitious  term, 
75,  —  not  in  Lex  Romana  Raetica 
Curiensis,  72,  —  not  in  Frisian, 
Thuringian  or  Saxon  laws,  72,  — 
not  a  Germanic  court,  72,  —  a  gen- 
eral term  to  express  all  actions  with 
which  summoning  is  connected,  73, 
—  legal  court  of  any  judge,  73,  — 
period  of  legal  summons,  73,  75. 

Marcellus,  see  Skeireins. 

Matthew  xxvii,  9,  phrase  pretium  ap- 
pretiati  discussed,  186-7,  —  deriva- 
tion of  appretiare,  appretiatum, 
from  obryziatum  by  folk-etymology, 
187. 

Medieval  documents  show  Roman 
notarial  attitude  toward  legal  and 
social  institutions,  xxiv. 

Metathesis,  farst-  >  frost-,  104,  — 
g-m-l  >  m-g-l,  74,  —  h-m-l  >  m-h-l, 
74,  —  void-  >  vlad-,  99,  —  veredum 
>  foderum,  155-6. 

Milan  documents  influenced  by  Spanish 
legal  terms,  137-9. 

Mis-,  replaces  ex-  in  Carolingian 
times,  161,  —  adopted  by  Goths, 
162,  —  derived  from  Latin  missus, 
160-1.  See  etymology  (missus). 


Missa  ("mass")  from  giving  Euchar- 
ist at  close  of  service,  161,  —  in 
Frankish  law,  a  discharge  from  duty, 
cf.  Latin  missus,  "discharged  sol- 
dier," 160-1. 

Missadeths,  (Goth.)  a  literal  transla- 
tion of  Frankish  legal  term,  mis- 
factor,  162. 

Nexti  canthichias,  etc.,  (Salic)  for- 
mula in  summons  of  debtor  before 
tunginus,  23-4,  —  wide  variance  of 
MS.  readings,  24,  —  one  intelligible 
word  (instigante)  24,  —  evident  cor- 
ruption of  Latin  formula,  25,  — 
comparison  with  warrants  in  Ostro- 
gothic  and  Visigothic  procedure, 
25-6. 

Obrussa,  of  assayed  gold,  185,  —  ab- 
breviated OB,  OBR  on  coins,  185, 
—  from  Aram,  qurrupu,  read  back- 
wards, 185.  See  etymology,  (carapu) 
folk-etymology,   Matthew  xxvii,  9. 

'0/j.oioriiJ.la,  see  Skeireins. 

'OfxoLovcrla,  see  Skeireins. 

'0/xo\oyLa,  homologia,  contract  of  the 
homologus,  55,  —  in  West  called 
libellus,  56-7,  —  penalties  for  breach 
of  contract,  55-6,  59-60,  —  speci- 
men contracts,  55-6. 

Ostrogothic  institutions  of  Roman  ori- 
gin (Mommsen),  10. 

Palaeography,  xxxvi-xliii,  xlvi-viii,  — 
Salzburg-Vienna  MS.  of  Alcuin, 
xxxvi-xxxvii,  —  Codex  Argenteus, 
xxxviii-xlii,  —  shown  by  decorations 
and  calligraphy  to  be  Carolingian, 
xxxix-xlii,  —  Codex  Carolinus,  writ- 
ten cTixodbv,  xlii,  superscribed  text 
(eighth  cent.)  in  same  handwriting 
as  Gothic,  xliii,  — Ambrosian  Frag- 
ments, xliii,  —  Codex  Vaticanus 
5750  (Skeireins)  xlvi-xlix,  —  super- 
scription in  a  Visigothic  hand  of 
eighth  or  ninth  century,  xlviii-ix. 

Patrocinium,  relationship  between 
patron   and  retainer  (homologus), 


SUBJECT   INDEX 


221 


of  Roman  origin,  53,  —  legislation 
against  it,  54-5,  —  factor  in  per- 
version of  justice,  55. 

IlepipoXos,  peribulus,  etc.,  any  enclos- 
ure, 92,  —  garden,  93,  —  corrup- 
tions of  the  word,  93-6,  —  replaced 
in  Italy  by  gualdus,  gaium,  98.  See 
brogilus,  brolium,  etymology. 

Perilasium  (weplfiokos)  in  Liguria  and 
W.  Italy  from  Lucca  to  Salerno, 
94,  —  not  amphitheater,  94-5,  — 
identical  with  brolium,  96.  See 
brolium. 

Plagiare,  in  Edict  of  Theoderic,  of  en- 
ticing boys  or  slaves  by  solicitous 
actions,  48,  —  whence  plegium 
(Edict  of  Theoderic,  Visigothic 
laws,  etc.)  48.  See  etymology,  pleg-. 

Pleg-,  (plegium,  plagiare)  in  sense  of 
(1)  "solicitation"  (Germanic),  (2) 
"play"  (Germanic,  Slavic),  (3) 
"pledge"  (Romance)  48. 

Posts  instituted  by  Persians  (Herodo- 
tus) 142,  151,  —  Persian  terms  for 
various  parts  reach  Rome  via  Egyp- 
to-Greek,  151-2. 

Presura,  (Spanish)  seizure  of  aban- 
doned land  for  cultivation,  77-83, 

—  of  three  kinds,  79,  82-3,  —  iden- 
tical with  Roman  process,  78,  81-2, 

—  Roman  formula  slavishly  re- 
tained though  corrupted,  82,  — 
adopted  by  Carolingians  under 
name  of  aprision,  77-8,  —  synonyms 
in  Germanic  laws,  80,  82. 

Preteropresent  verbs  in  Germanic  from 
Latin  roots,  daugan,  skulan,  50. 

Public  land,  see  ager  occupatorius, 
caduca  mortuorum  bona,  gualdus, 
gaium,  rudis  ager,  squalidus,  vacuus 
et  inanis,  vasta. 

Puer  noster,  see  wittiscalcus. 

Quovis  genio,  legal  formula,  =  (1) 
"malus  dolus,"  173,  —  (2)  "acqui- 
sition by  war,  increase,  interest, 
etc.,"  174,  —  in  Provence  produces 
guazanh,  etc.,  (=  "gain,  autumn," 
etc.)  178,  —  spreads  over  Europe, 


178,— inRomance,  179-80,— Celtic, 

180, — Germanic,  181,  (Goth,  asans). 

See  etymology  (genius),  gain,  rowen. 

QVR-,    QVN-,    (Eurasiatic)    "fire," 

—  illustrated  in  comparative  lin- 
guistic, 177-8. 

R,  introduced  after  a,  104,  126. 

Reda,  the  light  car  used  by  couriers, 
151,  —  whence  Celtic,  Germanic, 
Slavic  derivatives  referring  to  post- 
roads,  152-3,  —  but  in  Gothic  only 
in  sense  of  "apparatus,"  152,  —  also 
in  Romance,  153-4  (Span,  however, 
has  correo  ="  post,"  154).  See 
etymology. 

Refugees  from  Spain  after  778  hold 
land  in  S.  France  by  aprision,  77. 

Ribuarian  law,  22,  26,  29,  42,  69-70, 
74,  148,  162  (extension  of  Lex  Cor- 
nelia de  sicariis). 

Rowen,  intensive  use  proceeds  from 
N.  France,  130.  See  gain. 

Rudis  ager  (Roman)  land  uncultivated 
for  ten  years,  82,  —  in  Spanish  law, 
ruda  silva,  77,  82. 

Sabellius,  see  Skeireins. 

Saccomannus,  in  Italy  =  "plunderer," 
13,  14,  —  in  Anglo-Saxon  laws  = 
"  confiscator,"  15,  —  word  of  Lango- 
bard  origin,  14. 

Sacibaro  (sagebaro),  in  Salic  law, 
"puer  regius,"  servant  of  king,  14, 
with  rank  of  tunginus  (cf.  AS.  sage- 
baro: gethungen)  14,  —  confiscator 
and  accuser,  15. 

Sag-,    originally  =  "  confiscate,"    15, 

—  in  this  sense  only  in  Romance, 
15,  —  in  Germanic,  Celtic,  Slavic, 
=  "accuse,"  etc.,  hence  "speak," 
15,  —  not  in  Gothic,  15. 

Sagio,  saio,  (Gothic)  servant  of  king 
or  judge,  confiscator,  11,  12,  —  in 
one  law  =  buccellarius,  52,  —  al- 
ways a  Goth  (Cassiodorus),  10-11, 

—  equivalent  to  Roman  agens  in 
rebus,  10,  —  has  title  devotio,  11,  — 
warrant  of  saio,  24-5,  —  name  from 


222 


SUBJECT   INDEX 


misinterpretation  of  socio  (fisco) 
10,  12,  25. 

Salic  Law,  xxviii,  14,  22-8,  30,  35,  40, 
41,  43,  66,  68,  70,  72-4,  160,  165-6, 
170. 

Sdqah  (Arabic  <  Greek  cr&Ka),  body- 
guard (saiones)  of  Spanish  Mowah- 
hids,  13,  —  in  Arabic  =  "  rear 
guard"  (X  cent.)  13. 

Scala,  "quay,"  whence  Span,  cayo, 
Fr.  quaie,  100.   See  etymology. 

Schola,  bodyguard  of  Roman  em- 
perors, orginally  recruited  from  the 
Germans,  33.  See  etymology. 

Scholaris,  member  of  the  imperial 
bodyguard,  34,  —  equivalent  to 
scutarius,  44,  of  two  ranks,  junior 
and  senior,  (cf.  seniores  Gothorum, 
31-4,  38),  34,  whence  scalcus, 
skalks,  etc.,  34,  and  seniscalcus, 
(senior  scholaris)  34. 

Sculca,  mentioned  by  Gregory,  40,  43, 
—  guarded  prisoners  under  Roman 
law  of  distress,  43,  50,  —  whence 
Germanic  derivatives, —  (1)  =  "lie 
in  wait,"  43,  —  (2)  =  "protection" 
(confused  with  scutum),  43,  —  (3) 
=  "guilt,  debt,"  49,  50.  See  ety- 
mology. 

Sctdarius,  member  of  the  imperial 
bodyguard,  44,  equivalent  to  scho- 
laris, 44,  —  history  of  the  word 
(scutarius  >  scultarius  >  sculdarius 
>  sculdharis  >  sculdhais  >  scul- 
dais,  44—5,  49. 

Seniscalcus,  see  scholaris. 

Silver,  Germanic  and  Slavic  words  of 
Semitic  origin,  185-6,  —  may  have 
entered  at  a  late  date,  186. 

Skeircins,  Gothic  commentary  on  St. 
John,  xliv,  not  an  Arian  polemic, 
xlv-vi,  xlix,  lv,  —  a  Catholic 
tract  against  Adoptionist  heresy  of 
Spanish  Goths,  xlix-liv,  Ivii,  — 
written  after  801,  Ixi,  —  6/j.oioTL/j.ta, 
not  6/j.oLovata  discussed,  lv,  —  argu- 
ment drawn  from  Alcuin's  com- 
mentary on  St.  John,  li,  lii,  lvi- 
lx,  —  ibns    and    galeiks     (aequalis 


and  similis)  in  Skeireins  and  Al- 
cuin,  xlix-lv,  (compare  Kad&s,  ac- 
cording to  Cyril,  liii,  liv,  —  who  is 
quoted  in  Skeireins,  xlv,  and  as  a 
good  Catholic  by  Alcuin,  Agobard, 
Hincmar,  xlv,  liii,)  —  Christ  as  jus- 
tice in  Skeireins  and  Alcuin,  lvi-lvii, 
—  doctrine  of  baptism  in  Skeireins 
and  Alcuin,  lviii-lx,  —  Sabellius 
(with  Marcellus)  condemned  in 
Skeireins,  and  (with  Arius)  in  Alcuin 
and  Hincmar,  xlv,  xlvi,  —  text  in 
MS.  erased  by  a  Visigoth,  xlvi. 

Skul-,  skuld-,  =  "  debt,"  in  Gothic, 
47,  —  Germanic,  50,  —  Lithuanian, 
51,  —  not  in  Slavic,  51. 

Sociare,  in  formula  of  confiscation, 
(Theodosian  Code,  Visigothic  and 
other  Germanic  laws,  Merovingian 
edicts)  2-3,  —  after  seventh  cen- 
tury in  form  satiare,  etc.,  3.  See 
etymology  (socio). 

Socio  fisco,  medieval  formula  of  con- 
fiscation, 2-3,  25,  —  derivation  from 
Roman  formula  (sociare)  2-3. 

Solem  collocare,  in  Salic  law,  ceremony 
of  sitting  from  morning  to  sunset 
for  a  period  of  days  before  taking 
a  case  to  court,  40—43,  —  origin  due 
to  misunderstanding  of  Roman  law 
of  distress,  43,  —  influence  on  sense 
of  LLat.  collocare,  Fr.  coucher,  etc.,  43. 

Solskipt  (Scandinavian)  derived  from 
Roman  solis  divisio,  118. 

Sonia,  sunnis,  (Salic)  excusable  de- 
fault of  summons  to  court,  165-6, 
171,  word  morphologically  and 
semantically  derived  from  idoneus 
(idoniare,  adoniare,  exoniare,  soni- 
are)  165,  168-9.  —  existed  in 
seventh  (perhaps  sixth)  century, 
169-171,  — passes  into  French  and 
Germanic,  170-1.  See  idoneus, 
tihtbysig. 

Sortes  Sangallenses,  170. 

Squalidus  (loca  absentium  squalida) 
abandoned  land,  reverted  to  state 
by  Roman  law,  82,  —  in  Spanish 
law  (VIII  cent.)  terra  de  escalido, 


SUBJECT   INDEX 


223 


79,  82,  102,  —  in  Italian  law,  gual- 
dus,  galum,  28, 84-7, 89,  later  gaium, 
cagium,  etc.,  87-9.  See  etymology, 
gaium,  gualdus. 

Squalor,  synonym  of  squalidus,  83, 
100. 

2tixv86v,  see  palaeography. 

Summons,  by  Roman  and  Visigothic 
law  valid  only  in  writing,  75. 

Sunja  gateihan,  (Gothic  Bible)  renders 
sonia  nuntiare  of  Merovingian  and 
Carolingian  documents,  171. 

Swine  tithe,  for  use  of  public  domain 
and  private  forests  as  pastures,  106, 
108,  —  levied  on  increase  of  herds, 
107.  See  friskinga. 

Theodosian  Code,  xxxii,  1-2, 11, 21, 27- 
8,  30,  36,  46,  54,  82,  102,  131,  142, 
146-7,  183,  — bases  of  Salic,  Ribu- 
arian,  Burgundian  and  Visigothic 
laws,  xxxii. 

Thiufadus  (servus  dominicus,  com- 
pulsor  exercitus)  in  Visigothic  law  as 
subordinate  judge,  equivalent  to 
ducenarius,  tunginus,  30,  —  con- 
fiscator,  29, —  not  =  thusundifaths, 
30,  —  but  from  Lat.  devotus,  31,  35. 

Tihtbysig,  (AS  =  "infamatus,"  first 
recorded  959,  171,  —  from  testibus 
soniis  {idoneis),  formula  for  a  seri- 
ous charge,  demanding  reliable 
witnesses,  171, — whence  Engl. 
business,  Ft.  besoin,  171-2.  See 
idoneus,  sonia. 

Tong-,  in  Slavic  preserves  direct  deri- 
vatives of  "tunginus,  exactor,"  36. 

Trost  (trustis)  retains  sense  "help, 
consolation,"  of  solatium,  synonym 
of  trustis,  37. 

Trustis  (Salic)  corresponds  to  Roman 
centenarius,  27,  —  received  half  the 
fine  for  catching  a  thief,  27,  —  con- 
fiscator,  28,  compared  to  Indian 
light-horse,  xxviii,  —  word  derived 
from  Lat.  extrudere,  "confiscate," 
28.  See  etymology  (extrudere). 

Tunginus,  (Salic)  subordinate  judge, 
22-3,    identical    with    ducenarius, 


23,  36,  —  proceeds  against  debtors 
by  distress,  23-4,  45,  —  can  arrest 
only  by  warrant,  26,  —  later  only 
confiscator,  22,  26,  —  in  England 
called  gethungen,  35,  —  not  in  Ribu- 
arian  law,  26.  See  etymology. 

Vacuus  et  inanis,  (Theodosian  Code) 
abandoned  property,  subject  to  con- 
fiscation, 131. 

Vasta,  in  Roman  law,  the  expression 
for  monastic  solitudes,  102,  — 
passes  into  Celtic  and  Germanic, 
103-4, —  from  OHG.  to  Balto- 
Slavic,  103.   See  etymology,  forestis. 

Vedado,  in  Navarre  since  Visigothic 
times  a  pasture  enclosed  from  mea- 
dow land,  116,  —  laid  out  by  perch 
of  the  royal  see,  i.e.,  regio,  118. 

Veredus,  (Roman)  highway  tax,  orig- 
inally of  horses  (veredi,  fast  horses 
for  posts)  142,  —  afterwards  (1) 
money  (in  provinces),  142,  156,  — 
this  tax  understood  by  Visigoths 
as  for  maintenance  of  peace  and 
dignity,  whence  derivatives  = 
"peace,"  "dignity,"  in  Gothic 
(ON.,  AS.,  OFris.,  Wei.,  Lith., 
OPrus.,  OBulg.)  150-1, — word  cor- 
rupted in  France  to  fredum,  fretum, 
etc.,  145,  —  collected  byiudex  pub- 
licus,  147,  148,  —  for  maintenance 
of  peace  (Ribuarian  law)  149,  — 
whence  derivatives  in  OHG.  (Jridu 
=  "peace"  )156,  —  (2)  fodder,  (in 
Italy)  142,  148,  156, —  whence 
derivatives  "food,  fodder"  154-6, 
—  foderum,  corruption  of  veredum 
in  post — Carolingian  documents, 
154.   See  etymology. 

Vine,  method  of  cultivation  by  Ro- 
mans, according  to  Pliny  and  Co- 
lumella, 109-10,  —  still  followed  in 
Italy,  110. 

Visigothic  Laws,  xxxii,  2,  8,  12,  25,  29, 
31,  33,  35,  52-4,  64,  71,  75,  82,  106, 
134-6,  150,  165-6,  —  relation  to 
Langobard  laws,  135-6. 

Vitata    (terra)   in   Langobard   docu- 


224 


SUBJECT   INDEX 


ments  opposed  to  field,  garden, 
olive  grove  and  forest,  125,  — 
shortened  in  eighth  century  to  vitis, 
found  also  in  Frankish  documents, 
125,  —  whence  icidis,  vuidis,  126-7, 

—  giving  Fr.  wide,  voide,  (terre) 
"wasteland,"  127-8,  131,  Ger. 
Weide,  132-4,  —  Ital.  vuoto,  etc., 
134.  See  etymology,  warescais. 

Wald,  in  OHG.  =  "forest,"  but  also 
"wilderness,"  showing  that  funda- 
mental idea  was  ex  squalido,  98. 

Warescais  (OFr.)  public  pasture,  127, 

—  from  legal  formula  "vridis,  camp- 
is,"  misunderstood  as  compound 
word,  126. 

Warpi  te,  (gurpire)  Salic  formula  of 
cession,  forced  on  all  Germanic  na- 
tions, 67,  —  no  trace  of  the  word 
before  end  of  eighth  century,  67. 
See  gurpire. 


Werpicio  (Frankish)  institution  and 
formula  from  late  Roman  traditio, 
16. 

Win-,  —  in  two  groups,  (1)  Indo-Euro- 
pean, (2)  Germanic  (except  Gothic) 
from  Lat.  genius  (=  "gain,  profit," 
etc.)  180-81. 

Wittiscalcus  (puer  noster)  in  Burgun- 
dian  law,  confiscator,  31,  34,  — 
executor  of  debts,  44,  —  compared 
with  Indian  light-horse,  xxviii,  —  a 
rare  word,  35,  —  corrupted  from 
devotus  scalcus,  35.  See  devotus, 
scholaris. 

Worfin  (Langobard)  in  titles,  crap- 
worfin,  marahworfin,  a  late  addi- 
tion, not  in  older  MSS.  of  laws,  67. 

Zechariah,  xi,  12-13,  reading  of 
Septuagint  correct,  indicates  He- 
brew ppSJE  for  corrupt  "121\  186,  — 
reference  to  assay  of  silver,  186. 


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